灾后规划与产权重建
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摘要
城市规划在灾后重建中对于工程技术的关注,很容易掩盖城市灾后重建中看不见的制度因素——产权。城市最基本的制度"原型",就是公共产品交易的存在。城市"发达"与否,取决于公共产品提供的范围和水平。现代城市和传统城市的最大差别,就是可以以信用的方式,抵押未来的收益,获得公共产品建设所需要的原始资本。市场经济与计划经济最大的差别,就在于高度复杂的产权制度。因此,未来灾区规划中,产权的恢复和重建,应当作为一个核心的目标:(1)政府兑现所有震前的公共产品及服务的基础设施,恢复所有人的产权;(2)私人依靠自己的力量和社会帮助,恢复损失的个人财产;(3)在明晰产权的基础上重建政府与私人,私人与私人之间的交易关系。如果此次恢复重建是利用市场的途径,特别是社会信用体系实现的,现代城市制度就会在灾区城市生根,而这将是留给灾区社会经济的最大财富。
While focusing on engineering technology, it is easy for urban planning to ignore the invisible factor-property right-in the post-disaster plan. The original basic institution of a city is the existence of public product exchange. So, whether a city is developed or not depends on its scale and level of providing public product. Modern cities can mortgage future income by credit to make its primitive capital for providing public product provision which makes them different from the traditional one. Moreover, the basic difference between market and planned economy lies in their complex property institutions. So, property recovery and reconstruction should be made a key goal in the future post-disaster plan: (1) governments should rebuild all pre-disaster public product and service to recover all people's property; (2) privates should recover their lost both by themselves and social help; (3) exchange relations between government and privates and those among privates should be rebuilt on the base of clear property. Last, modern urban institutions will take root and spread if we use market economy methods and social credit system in the post-disaster plan, which will also become the biggest fortune for the post-disaster areas in the future.
While focusing on engineering technology, it is easy for urban planning to ignore the invisible factor-property right-in the post-disaster plan. The original basic institution of a city is the existence of public product exchange. So, whether a city is developed or not depends on its scale and level of providing public product. Modern cities can mortgage future income by credit to make its primitive capital for providing public product provision which makes them different from the traditional one. Moreover, the basic difference between market and planned economy lies in their complex property institutions. So, property recovery and reconstruction should be made a key goal in the future post-disaster plan: (1) governments should rebuild all pre-disaster public product and service to recover all people's property; (2) privates should recover their lost both by themselves and social help; (3) exchange relations between government and privates and those among privates should be rebuilt on the base of clear property. Last, modern urban institutions will take root and spread if we use market economy methods and social credit system in the post-disaster plan, which will also become the biggest fortune for the post-disaster areas in the future.
引文
①列宁也曾写道:“城市是经济、政治和人民的精神生活的中心,是前进的主要动力。”(《列宁全集》第19卷,第264页)。斯大林是这样论述城市的。他说:“它们是文化最发达的中心。它们不仅是大工业的中心,而且是农产品加工和一切食品工业部门强大发展的中心。这种情况将促进全国文化的繁荣,将使城市和乡村有同等的生活条件。”(《斯大林选集》下卷,第558页)。在《中共中央关于经济体制改革的决定》这一经典文献中提出的定义是:“城市是我国经济、政治、科学枝术、文化教育的中心,是现代工业及工人阶级集中的地方,在社会主义现代化建设中起主导作用”(中共中央,1984)。严格地讲,这些陈述性的描述,算不上有学术意义的城市定义。
③很多学者都试图定义城市的“质量”。我本人曾经试图沿着马克思和杨小凯的思路,从社会分工的角度定义城市化的“水平”(赵燕菁,2000)。现在看来,这只是接近了“公共产品交易”这一更本质的城市制度边缘。
[1]刘易斯.芒福德,倪文彦,宋俊岭译.城市发展史———起源、演变和前景.北京:中国建筑工业出版社,1989.
[2]山鹿诚次.城市地理学.武汉:湖北教育出版社,1996.
[3]阿瑟.奥沙利文,苏晓燕等译.城市经济学,第四版.北京:中信出版社,2003.
[4]凯瑟琳.希尔.台湾向四川介绍地震经验,英国《金融时报》6月10日,见《参考消息》2008年6月11日,第8版.
[5]中共中央、国务院.汶川地震灾后重建对口支援方案,2008年6月13日.
[6]赵燕菁.专业分工与城市化:一个新的分析框架.城市规划,2000,(6).
③很多学者都试图定义城市的“质量”。我本人曾经试图沿着马克思和杨小凯的思路,从社会分工的角度定义城市化的“水平”(赵燕菁,2000)。现在看来,这只是接近了“公共产品交易”这一更本质的城市制度边缘。
[1]刘易斯.芒福德,倪文彦,宋俊岭译.城市发展史———起源、演变和前景.北京:中国建筑工业出版社,1989.
[2]山鹿诚次.城市地理学.武汉:湖北教育出版社,1996.
[3]阿瑟.奥沙利文,苏晓燕等译.城市经济学,第四版.北京:中信出版社,2003.
[4]凯瑟琳.希尔.台湾向四川介绍地震经验,英国《金融时报》6月10日,见《参考消息》2008年6月11日,第8版.
[5]中共中央、国务院.汶川地震灾后重建对口支援方案,2008年6月13日.
[6]赵燕菁.专业分工与城市化:一个新的分析框架.城市规划,2000,(6).
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