运动与政治的逻辑
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摘要
社会运动是社会转型的动因之一,它是民族国家出现后的一种社会政治现象,是那些处于服从地位的人们,使用集体性手段,经由非制度性的管道来改变他们命运的工具。作为社会运动中的一个分支,新社会运动主要是对自20世纪60年代末以来西方社会中随着学生运动而出现的一系列规模大小不等、利益诉求各异的群众抗议运动的总称。目前,新社会运动已经成为西方社会中一支重要的社会政治力量,它与政党、利益集团一样,对欧美政治制度的运行、政策的制定与实施有着不可忽视的影响。这些运动对当代西方国家政治带来了各种各样的冲击,其与传统社会运动显著不同之处在于它不是以推翻现存政权为目标,而是以改革现存政治制度为目标,从而在一定程度上影响了当代西方国家政治,这引发了众多学者的关注和兴趣。本文以新社会运动为背景,将当代西方政治变化置于其中,以当代西方政治几大组成为分析框架,通过大量的文献资料和数据,探究当代西方政治在新社会运动的推动下发生了哪些变化。
第一章探讨基本概念问题,对相关理论进行阐述。第一节首先对社会运动进行了界定,认为社会运动是指处于社会特定地位、拥有共同目标和集体身份的人们,为了实现／阻碍社会变革或维护一定的利益,采取各种各样的抗议战略和策略,在与政治精英权威斗争的过程中所形成的网络活动。指出社会运动的特点在于：第一拥有一个非正式的社会网络；第二,拥有一个共同的信仰；第三,拥有一个共同反对的目标；第四,拥有各种各样的战略和战术。探讨了社会运动、集体行动与革命这三个概念之间的共同点及不同之处,同时也指出社会运动作为一种政治力量,与政党和利益集团之间也有着显著的不同之处。第二节则对西方新社会运动的概念和特征进行了探讨。本文认为,新社会运动并不是一个统一的运动和组织,而是对20世纪60年代中期起在西方社会中出现的各种各样、范围广泛、类型庞杂的抗议活动的笼统称谓。其之所以称为“新”社会运动主要是由于其在以下几个方面为“新”：理念；阶级基础；参与动机；组织结构；运动风格。在对新社会运动的内涵和特征讨论之后,本章接着对新社会运动的形成、产生背景以及未来走向进行了探讨。最后,本章对新社会运动主要的四个研究范式——资源动员理论、政治过程理论、新社会运动理论、政治机会结构理论——进行了分析,这也为下文从新社会运动角度分析当代西方政治变化提供了理论支持。
第二章分析了新社会运动对当代西方民主政治理念的影响——即参与式民主的复兴。首先,本章对两大西方民主政治理念进行了梳理。接着探讨了新社会运动与参与式民主复兴之间的关系。指出,新社会运动除了实现社会运动特定要求之外,还有助于实现新社会运动的主要目标之一：发展民主的新概念。事实上,人们认为新社会运动并不仅仅将其限于为自身参与发展特定的渠道,或多或少地,它们对传统政治提出了批评,努力将政治转移到亚政治。总的说来,新社会运动认为实施参与式民主有以下三个好处：第一,组织团结；第二,有利于策略创新；第三,有利于成员发展。新社会运动可以说是参与式民主复兴的现实渊源。为了使本章的论证更具有说服力,本章接下来对新社会运动中的参与式民主实践进行了案例分析,列举了新左派组织中的参与式民主(以学生争取民主同盟SDS的经济和研究行动项目为例来进行说明)与女权运动中的参与式民主。
第三章分析了新社会运动对当代西方政治影响的第二个方面——对当代西方政党政治的影响。政党的产生直接追溯到工业革命。因此政党最初产生时主要关注的就是当时主要的社会矛盾——主要是经济方面。但20世纪兴起的新社会运动以及它们在动员大众上的持续成功挑战了政党作为公民和政治体制调解人的传统角色,对传统的政党政治提出了挑战。本文提出关于新社会运动对政党影响的研究应着重在三个方面：议程挑战,选举挑战和组织挑战。本章第一节首先对政党的内涵、功能、作用以及政党政府在理论上进行了阐述。第二到四节则依照挑战的三方面逐次进行分析。
第四章分析了新社会运动对当代西方利益集团政治的影响。在当代西方政治这个大背景中,社会运动组织、政党以及利益集团之间的联系是千丝万缕的,彼此之间既可作为同盟者,也可作为反对者。那么,在探讨新社会运动对当代西方政治的影响时,它对利益集团政治产生了什么影响呢?在进行分析之前,本章首先对利益集团的内涵及参与方式进行了阐述,为后面的分析打下了理论基础。第二节则探讨了新社会运动与利益集团的区别与联系。最后,本章提出新社会运动对当代西方利益集团政治的影响有以下三方面：第一是利益集团范围的扩大。即新社会运动的体制化,转变为利益集团,成为体制内成员之一。第二是打破强势利益集团的统治,即从多元精英主义到后多元主义。第三是利益集团抗争手法的多样化,即指利益集团采取社会运动的抗议手法,转变为社会运动。
第五章分析了新社会运动对当代西方公共政策的影响。本章第一节对公共政策制定的主体及周期进行了理论阐述,为后面的分析打下了理论铺垫。第二节对新社会运动影响力的决定因素及影响模型进行了分析。本文认为新社会运动的影响力是由以下四个因素所决定的：(一)公众舆论；(二)议题类型；(三)政治联盟；(四)社会运动组织。至于新社会运动影响公共政策的模型也有三种：(一)行动——回应模型：干扰或说服；(二)接近——影响模型；(三)运动基础结构模型。最后,本文探讨了在新社会运动冲击下当代西方公共政策的变化。变化主要集中在三方面：政策议程、政策过程、政策价值。
结束语首先对新社会运动作出了评价,肯定了运动作为一种非体制化的改良性的社会运动在当代西方发达社会政治转变中的中介作用,也指出我们并不能夸大运动的作用。而且作为一种体制外的草根运动,运动将来如果想保持发展,它在组织、纲领、经费、目标等方面都存在问题。接着,本文对新社会运动对当代西方政治影响的作用进行了评价。在看到其重大影响的同时,也要看到政府对新社会运动作用的影响,以及反运动的抵制作用。最后,本文探讨了新社会运动与政府互动对中国的启示和借鉴意义。
As a kind of social and political phenomena that emerge with the establishment of nation-states, social movements are one of the dynamics that promote the transformation of society and are used by the people without power as a tool to change their fate through non-institutional channels by collective action. As a branch of social movements, new social movements refer to a series of mass protest movements, with different scales and benefit appeals, which come to existence with the student movements in western society since 1960s. Currently, new social movements have become one of important social and political powers in western society. Just like political parties and interest groups, they could exert un-ignorable influence on the operation of western political system, the decision-making and operating. These movements, with the most distinct characteristic different from the traditional social movements is that they don't take overthrow the existing ruling power as their object while pursuit the reform of the existing political system, have brought various impact on contemporary western politics. So, the object of this dissertation is analyzing the change of contemporary western politics under the influence of new social movements.
Chapter one discusses the basic concepts and illustrates relative theories. Firstly, part one defines the concept of social movements:social movements refer to the network activities that are formed during the conflict process between the political elites and people who are in a given status in society and have the same goals and collective identities. In order to realize or hinder the social change or to sustain certain interest, people take various protest strategies and tactics. Social movements have four characteristics:firstly, an informal social network; secondly, a common belief; thirdly, the same opposed object; fourthly, various strategies and tactics. Then, this part discusses the common ground and differences among social movements, collective action and revolution. At the same time, this part points that as a kind of political forces, social movements are different from the political parties and interest groups. Part two discusses the connotation and characteristics of the western new social movements. We think new social movements are not a united movement or organization, but the general title of the various and abroad protest activities that rise in the western countries since 1960s. The " new" of new social movements is embodied in the following aspects:ideology, the class basis, motivation, the organization structure. Then, this chapter introduces the formation, background and the future of new social movements. At last, this chapter analyzes the four research paradigms of new social movements:resource mobilization theory, political process theory, new social movement·theory and political opportunity structure theory.
Chapter two analyzes the influence of new social movements on democracy ideology of contemporary western politics, that is, the revival of participatory democracy. First, this chapter expounds the history of democracy theory. Then, it discusses the relation betweenthe new social movements and the revival of participatory democracy. Except realizing the given demand of social movements, new social movements are helpful for achieving one of the important goals of themselves:developing the new concept of democracy. In fact, people think that the new social movements are not only participating in the politics, but also, more or less, they criticize the traditional politics and try to develop sub-politics. All in all, from the angle of new social movements, there are three advantages to advocate participatory democracy:organization solidarity, strategy innovation and member development. In order to make the argumentation more convincing, this chapter uses case analysis:the participatory democracy in New-left organizations and women movement.
Chapter three analyzes the influence of new social movements on contemporary western party politics. The origin of party can be traced back to the industrial revolution, so the focus of parties originally is the main social contradiction in that time---the economy contradiction. But, the new social movements and their success in mobilizing the mass have brought great challenges to the traditional party politics. In this chapter, the challenges are embodied in three aspects:the agenda, election and organization. The first part of this chapter illustrates the connotation, function, role of the party and party government. Part two to part four are developed according to these three challenges.
Chapter four analyzes the influence of new social movements on contemporary western interest group politics. As we know, the relation among the social movement organizations, parties and interest groups is very complicated; they can be allies or opponents. Then, we discuss the influence of new social movements on contemporary western politics. What influence have they exerted on interest group politics? Before we analyze it, this chapter firstly illustrates the connotation of interest groups and ways of participation. Part two discusses the differences and relations between the new social movements and interest groups. Finally, this chapter puts forward that the influence of new social movements on contemporary western interest group politics are the following three aspects:firstly, the expansion of the scope of interest groups, that is the institutionalization of new social movements. Secondly, the breaking of the rule of strong interest groups, that is the transformation from plural-elitism to post-pluralism. Thirdly, the diversification of protest tools of interest groups, that is, the interest groups take the protest tools of social movements.
Chapter five analyzes the influence of new social movements on contemporary western public policy. Part one illustrates the main body and cycle of the public decision-making. Part two analyzes the determinants of the power of influence of new social movements and the influence models. In this dissertation, we hold the point that the power is determined by the following four factors:public opinion, the type of issues, political ally and social movement organization. As to the models, there are three kinds: action-reaction model, access-influence model, the movement infrastructure model. Finally, we discuss the policy changes under the influence of new social movements. The changes are embodied in three aspects:policy agenda, policy process and policy value.
The conclusion firstly evaluates the new social movements. We affirm the mediating effect of new social movements when we view them as a kind of non-institutional and modified social movements in the transformation of the contemporary western politics. At the same time, we also point that we couldn't exaggerate the function of them. As a sort of non-institutional grass-root movement, if they still want to keep development in the future, they are facing a lot of problems, such as organization, ideology, finance and goals. Then, we evaluate the influence of new social movements on contemporary western politics. Just like a coin has two sides, when we discuss the influence of new social movements, we also should observe the counteractive of the institutional systems on the new social movements. Lastly, we discuss the revelation of our research to China and we could use these for reference.
第一章探讨基本概念问题,对相关理论进行阐述。第一节首先对社会运动进行了界定,认为社会运动是指处于社会特定地位、拥有共同目标和集体身份的人们,为了实现／阻碍社会变革或维护一定的利益,采取各种各样的抗议战略和策略,在与政治精英权威斗争的过程中所形成的网络活动。指出社会运动的特点在于：第一拥有一个非正式的社会网络；第二,拥有一个共同的信仰；第三,拥有一个共同反对的目标；第四,拥有各种各样的战略和战术。探讨了社会运动、集体行动与革命这三个概念之间的共同点及不同之处,同时也指出社会运动作为一种政治力量,与政党和利益集团之间也有着显著的不同之处。第二节则对西方新社会运动的概念和特征进行了探讨。本文认为,新社会运动并不是一个统一的运动和组织,而是对20世纪60年代中期起在西方社会中出现的各种各样、范围广泛、类型庞杂的抗议活动的笼统称谓。其之所以称为“新”社会运动主要是由于其在以下几个方面为“新”：理念；阶级基础；参与动机；组织结构；运动风格。在对新社会运动的内涵和特征讨论之后,本章接着对新社会运动的形成、产生背景以及未来走向进行了探讨。最后,本章对新社会运动主要的四个研究范式——资源动员理论、政治过程理论、新社会运动理论、政治机会结构理论——进行了分析,这也为下文从新社会运动角度分析当代西方政治变化提供了理论支持。
第二章分析了新社会运动对当代西方民主政治理念的影响——即参与式民主的复兴。首先,本章对两大西方民主政治理念进行了梳理。接着探讨了新社会运动与参与式民主复兴之间的关系。指出,新社会运动除了实现社会运动特定要求之外,还有助于实现新社会运动的主要目标之一：发展民主的新概念。事实上,人们认为新社会运动并不仅仅将其限于为自身参与发展特定的渠道,或多或少地,它们对传统政治提出了批评,努力将政治转移到亚政治。总的说来,新社会运动认为实施参与式民主有以下三个好处：第一,组织团结；第二,有利于策略创新；第三,有利于成员发展。新社会运动可以说是参与式民主复兴的现实渊源。为了使本章的论证更具有说服力,本章接下来对新社会运动中的参与式民主实践进行了案例分析,列举了新左派组织中的参与式民主(以学生争取民主同盟SDS的经济和研究行动项目为例来进行说明)与女权运动中的参与式民主。
第三章分析了新社会运动对当代西方政治影响的第二个方面——对当代西方政党政治的影响。政党的产生直接追溯到工业革命。因此政党最初产生时主要关注的就是当时主要的社会矛盾——主要是经济方面。但20世纪兴起的新社会运动以及它们在动员大众上的持续成功挑战了政党作为公民和政治体制调解人的传统角色,对传统的政党政治提出了挑战。本文提出关于新社会运动对政党影响的研究应着重在三个方面：议程挑战,选举挑战和组织挑战。本章第一节首先对政党的内涵、功能、作用以及政党政府在理论上进行了阐述。第二到四节则依照挑战的三方面逐次进行分析。
第四章分析了新社会运动对当代西方利益集团政治的影响。在当代西方政治这个大背景中,社会运动组织、政党以及利益集团之间的联系是千丝万缕的,彼此之间既可作为同盟者,也可作为反对者。那么,在探讨新社会运动对当代西方政治的影响时,它对利益集团政治产生了什么影响呢?在进行分析之前,本章首先对利益集团的内涵及参与方式进行了阐述,为后面的分析打下了理论基础。第二节则探讨了新社会运动与利益集团的区别与联系。最后,本章提出新社会运动对当代西方利益集团政治的影响有以下三方面：第一是利益集团范围的扩大。即新社会运动的体制化,转变为利益集团,成为体制内成员之一。第二是打破强势利益集团的统治,即从多元精英主义到后多元主义。第三是利益集团抗争手法的多样化,即指利益集团采取社会运动的抗议手法,转变为社会运动。
第五章分析了新社会运动对当代西方公共政策的影响。本章第一节对公共政策制定的主体及周期进行了理论阐述,为后面的分析打下了理论铺垫。第二节对新社会运动影响力的决定因素及影响模型进行了分析。本文认为新社会运动的影响力是由以下四个因素所决定的：(一)公众舆论；(二)议题类型；(三)政治联盟；(四)社会运动组织。至于新社会运动影响公共政策的模型也有三种：(一)行动——回应模型：干扰或说服；(二)接近——影响模型；(三)运动基础结构模型。最后,本文探讨了在新社会运动冲击下当代西方公共政策的变化。变化主要集中在三方面：政策议程、政策过程、政策价值。
结束语首先对新社会运动作出了评价,肯定了运动作为一种非体制化的改良性的社会运动在当代西方发达社会政治转变中的中介作用,也指出我们并不能夸大运动的作用。而且作为一种体制外的草根运动,运动将来如果想保持发展,它在组织、纲领、经费、目标等方面都存在问题。接着,本文对新社会运动对当代西方政治影响的作用进行了评价。在看到其重大影响的同时,也要看到政府对新社会运动作用的影响,以及反运动的抵制作用。最后,本文探讨了新社会运动与政府互动对中国的启示和借鉴意义。
As a kind of social and political phenomena that emerge with the establishment of nation-states, social movements are one of the dynamics that promote the transformation of society and are used by the people without power as a tool to change their fate through non-institutional channels by collective action. As a branch of social movements, new social movements refer to a series of mass protest movements, with different scales and benefit appeals, which come to existence with the student movements in western society since 1960s. Currently, new social movements have become one of important social and political powers in western society. Just like political parties and interest groups, they could exert un-ignorable influence on the operation of western political system, the decision-making and operating. These movements, with the most distinct characteristic different from the traditional social movements is that they don't take overthrow the existing ruling power as their object while pursuit the reform of the existing political system, have brought various impact on contemporary western politics. So, the object of this dissertation is analyzing the change of contemporary western politics under the influence of new social movements.
Chapter one discusses the basic concepts and illustrates relative theories. Firstly, part one defines the concept of social movements:social movements refer to the network activities that are formed during the conflict process between the political elites and people who are in a given status in society and have the same goals and collective identities. In order to realize or hinder the social change or to sustain certain interest, people take various protest strategies and tactics. Social movements have four characteristics:firstly, an informal social network; secondly, a common belief; thirdly, the same opposed object; fourthly, various strategies and tactics. Then, this part discusses the common ground and differences among social movements, collective action and revolution. At the same time, this part points that as a kind of political forces, social movements are different from the political parties and interest groups. Part two discusses the connotation and characteristics of the western new social movements. We think new social movements are not a united movement or organization, but the general title of the various and abroad protest activities that rise in the western countries since 1960s. The " new" of new social movements is embodied in the following aspects:ideology, the class basis, motivation, the organization structure. Then, this chapter introduces the formation, background and the future of new social movements. At last, this chapter analyzes the four research paradigms of new social movements:resource mobilization theory, political process theory, new social movement·theory and political opportunity structure theory.
Chapter two analyzes the influence of new social movements on democracy ideology of contemporary western politics, that is, the revival of participatory democracy. First, this chapter expounds the history of democracy theory. Then, it discusses the relation betweenthe new social movements and the revival of participatory democracy. Except realizing the given demand of social movements, new social movements are helpful for achieving one of the important goals of themselves:developing the new concept of democracy. In fact, people think that the new social movements are not only participating in the politics, but also, more or less, they criticize the traditional politics and try to develop sub-politics. All in all, from the angle of new social movements, there are three advantages to advocate participatory democracy:organization solidarity, strategy innovation and member development. In order to make the argumentation more convincing, this chapter uses case analysis:the participatory democracy in New-left organizations and women movement.
Chapter three analyzes the influence of new social movements on contemporary western party politics. The origin of party can be traced back to the industrial revolution, so the focus of parties originally is the main social contradiction in that time---the economy contradiction. But, the new social movements and their success in mobilizing the mass have brought great challenges to the traditional party politics. In this chapter, the challenges are embodied in three aspects:the agenda, election and organization. The first part of this chapter illustrates the connotation, function, role of the party and party government. Part two to part four are developed according to these three challenges.
Chapter four analyzes the influence of new social movements on contemporary western interest group politics. As we know, the relation among the social movement organizations, parties and interest groups is very complicated; they can be allies or opponents. Then, we discuss the influence of new social movements on contemporary western politics. What influence have they exerted on interest group politics? Before we analyze it, this chapter firstly illustrates the connotation of interest groups and ways of participation. Part two discusses the differences and relations between the new social movements and interest groups. Finally, this chapter puts forward that the influence of new social movements on contemporary western interest group politics are the following three aspects:firstly, the expansion of the scope of interest groups, that is the institutionalization of new social movements. Secondly, the breaking of the rule of strong interest groups, that is the transformation from plural-elitism to post-pluralism. Thirdly, the diversification of protest tools of interest groups, that is, the interest groups take the protest tools of social movements.
Chapter five analyzes the influence of new social movements on contemporary western public policy. Part one illustrates the main body and cycle of the public decision-making. Part two analyzes the determinants of the power of influence of new social movements and the influence models. In this dissertation, we hold the point that the power is determined by the following four factors:public opinion, the type of issues, political ally and social movement organization. As to the models, there are three kinds: action-reaction model, access-influence model, the movement infrastructure model. Finally, we discuss the policy changes under the influence of new social movements. The changes are embodied in three aspects:policy agenda, policy process and policy value.
The conclusion firstly evaluates the new social movements. We affirm the mediating effect of new social movements when we view them as a kind of non-institutional and modified social movements in the transformation of the contemporary western politics. At the same time, we also point that we couldn't exaggerate the function of them. As a sort of non-institutional grass-root movement, if they still want to keep development in the future, they are facing a lot of problems, such as organization, ideology, finance and goals. Then, we evaluate the influence of new social movements on contemporary western politics. Just like a coin has two sides, when we discuss the influence of new social movements, we also should observe the counteractive of the institutional systems on the new social movements. Lastly, we discuss the revelation of our research to China and we could use these for reference.
引文
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① Sidney Tarrow, Power in Movement:Social Movements and Contentious Politics, New York:Cambridge University Press,1998, p.16.
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①有的学者认为,公元前600年左右,古斯巴达人就有条文规定公民大会的举行,而古雅典人直到公元前508年才有条文对定期的公民大会作了规定,因此,古斯巴达为民主作出的贡献可能比古雅典还早。参见：[英]西蒙·霍恩布洛尔：《古希腊民主制度的创立与发展》,[英]约翰·邓恩：《民主的历程》,林猛等译,长春：吉林人民出版社1999年版,第1-20页。
②[古希腊]修昔底德：《伯罗奔尼撒战争史》,谢德风译,北京：商务印书馆1960年版,第130页。
①[美]乔治·霍兰·萨拜因：《政治学说史》(上册),盛葵阳、崔妙因译,北京：商务印书馆1986年版,第34页。
②吉雅典民主内容主要参考了：[英]约翰·索利：《雅典民主》,王琼淑译,上海：上海译文出版社2001年版。林猛：《论古典民主与现代民主——历史视角的民主研究》,博士学位论文,北京大学政府管理学院2001年。
③竞争式民主在本文中指的就是西方的自由主义民主,因为其最大的特征就是强调“竞争”,因此,可以简称为竞争式民主。
④ Jennifer Tolbert Roberts, Athens on Trial:The Anti-democratic Tradition in Western Thought, Princeton:Princeton University Press,1994, p.8转引自：林猛：《论古典民主与现代民主——历史视角的民主研究》,博士学位论文,北京大学政府管理学院2001年,第42页。
⑤江宜桦：《自由民主的理路》,台北：联经出版社2001年版,第27页。
①实际上,熊彼特对古典民主的理解并不仅仅局限于古雅典的民主,他把18世纪流行的功利主义的民主观念称为古典民主。这种功利主义的民主观依然强调共善、人民意志等古雅典民主所强调的观念,因此,熊彼特某些对功利主义民主批判的观点可以引申到对古雅典民主的批判。另外,在行为主义、精英主义和实证研究结论的支持下,其他竞争式民主理论家通过对古雅典民主的批判,从而得出赞同竞争式民主的结论。就是说,从整个竞争式民主理论的角度看,它是在对古典民主即古雅典民主批判的基础上产生的。
②除了熊彼特以外,被称为竞争式民主理论代表人物的还有拉斯维尔、萨托利、达尔等学者。本文主要以熊彼特的理论为分析对象,主要是因为熊彼特提出竞争式民主理论的时间早,影响大,其后的竞争式民主理论家或多或少都受他的影晌。
③[美]约瑟夫·熊彼特：《资本主义、社会主义与民主》,吴良健译,北京：商务印书馆2000年版,第395-396页。
④[英]大卫·桑德斯：《行为主义》,[英]大卫·马什、格里·斯托克编：《政治科学的理论与研究方法》,景跃进等译,北京：中国人民大学出版社2006年版,第41页。
⑤彭怀恩：《精英民主理论评介》,台北：正中书局1983年版,第39-48页。
①[意]加塔诺·莫斯卡：《统治阶级》,贾鹤鹏译,南京：译林出版社2002年版,第97页。
②彭怀思：《精英民主理论评介》,台北：正中书局1983年版,第9页。
③[意]维尔弗雷多·帕累托：《精英的兴衰》,刘北成译,上海：上海人民出版社2003年版。
④[德]罗伯特·米歇尔斯：《寡头统治铁律——现代民主制度中的政党社会学》,任军峰等译,天津：天津人民出版社2003年版。
①[美]约瑟夫·熊彼特：《资本主义、社会主义与民主》,吴良健译,北京：商务印书馆2000年版,第395-396页。
②彭怀思：《精英民主理论评介》,台北：正中书局1983年版,第39-59页。
③ Benald Berelson et. al, Voting:A Study of Opinion Formation in a Presidential Campaign, Chicago:The University of Chicago Press,1954, pp.322-323转引自：彭怀恩：《精英民主理论评介》,台北：正中书局1983年版,第43页。
④[美]加布里埃尔·A·阿尔蒙德、西德尼·维巴：《公民文化——五国的政治态度和民主》,马殿君等译,杭州：浙江人民出版社1989年版。
⑤ Lester W. Milbrath & M. Lal Goel, Political Participation:How and Why Do People Get Involved in Politics?, Chicago:Rand McNally Collage Pub. Co.,1976. pp.147-148转引自：彭怀思：《精英民主理论评介》,台北：正中书局1983年版,第46-47页。
①[英]理查德·贝拉米：《重新思考自由主义》,王萍等译,南京：江苏人民出版社2005年版,第142页。
②[美]约瑟夫·熊彼特：《资本主义、社会主义与民主》,吴良健译,北京：商务印书馆2000年版,第370-378页。
③[美]约瑟夫·熊彼特：《资本主义、社会主义与民主》,吴良健译,北京：商务印书馆2000年版,第378页。
①[美]约瑟夫·熊彼特：《资本主义、社会主义与民主》,吴良健译,北京：商务印书馆2000年版,第380-389页。
②[英]戴维·赫尔德：《民主的模式》,燕继荣等译,北京：中央编译出版社1998年版,第237页。
③[美]乔万尼·萨托利：《民主新论》,冯克利、阎克文译,北京：东方出版社1998年版,第172页。
①[英]戴维·赫尔德：《民主的模式》,燕继荣等译,北京：中央编译出版社1998年版,第225页。
②[美]乔万尼·萨托利：《民主新论》,冯克利、阎克文译,北京：东方出版社1998年版,第171页。
③[美]乔万尼·萨托利：《民主新论》,冯克利、阎克文译,北京：东方出版社1998年版,第186页。
④[英]戴维·赫尔德：《民主的模式》,燕继荣等译,北京：中央编译出版社1998年版,第217页。
⑤[英]戴维·赫尔德：《民主的模式》,燕继荣等译,北京：中央编译出版社1998年版,第227页。
⑥勒庞认为,群众缺乏理性,崇尚权威,容易被煽动和偏执野蛮,因此,广泛动员群众参与就会产生极权主义运动。参见：[法]古斯塔夫·勒庞：《乌合之众——大众心理研究》,冯克利译,北京：中央编译出版社2000年版；[法]塞奇·莫斯科维奇：《群氓的时代》,许列民译,南京：江苏人民出版社2003年版。
①[美]约瑟夫·熊彼特：《资本主义、社会主义与民主》,吴良健译,北京：商务印书馆2000年版,第379页。
②[美]约瑟夫·熊彼特：《资本主义、社会主义与民主》,吴良健译,北京：商务印书馆2000年版,第386-418页。
① Herbert Kitschelt, Social Movements, Political Parties, and Democratic Theory, The ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Vol.528, No.1,1993, p.15.
① Donatella Della Porta & Mario Diani, Social Movements:An Introduction, Oxford, England:Blackwell Publishing, 2006, p.241.
① James Bohman, Deliberative Democracy and Effective Social Freedom:Capabilities, Resources, and Oportunities, in James Bohman & William Rehg, Deliberative Democracy:Essays on Reason and Politics, Cambridge:MIT Press, 1997,pp.523-524.
② Francesca Polletta, Freedom is an Endless Meeting, Chicago:Chicago Press,2002, Preface viii.
① Cohen, Deliberation and Democratic Legitimacy, in A. Hamlin & P. Pettit, The Good Polity, Oxford:Blackwell, 1989, pp.18-19协商民主尤其强调理性：人们为更有说服力的辩论所信服。尤其是,协商是建立平等的交往、多种观点的阐述、大量的互动机会、建立在理性辩论基础上的对抗以及相互倾听的基础上(哈贝马斯)。
② David Miller, Deliberative Democracy and Social Choice, in D. Held, Prospects for Democracy, Cambridge:Polity Press,1993, p.83.
John S. Dryzek, Deliberative Democracy and Beyond, New York:Oxford University Press,2000, p.64.
①Francesca Polletta, Freedom is an Endless Meeting, Chicago:Chicago Press,2002, p.2.
①在这方面,蒂利认为所有的运动都寻求证明它们的价值、团结、数量和信仰。然而一个运动必须或多或少地达到这四个标准,当然某一方面突出可以弥补另一方面的匮乏。见Marco Giugni, Dough McAdam & Charles Tilly, From Interactions to Outcomes in Social Movements, in How Social Movements Matter:Theoretical and Comparatice Studies on the Consequences of Social Movements, Minneapolis:University of Minnesota Press,1999.
①[法]卢梭：《社会契约论》,北京：商务印书馆1980年版,第30页。
①[美]卡罗尔·佩特曼：《参与和民主理论》,陈尧译,上海：上海人民出版社2006年版,第8-12页。
②江宜桦：《自由民主的理路》,台北：联经出版社2001年版,第220页。
③[美]本杰明·巴伯：《强势民主》,彭斌、吴润洲译,长春：吉林人民出版社2006年版,第311-344页。
④江宜桦：《自由民主的理路》,台北：联经出版社2001年版,第225页。
⑤[美]乔万尼·萨托利：《民主新论》,冯克利、阎克文译,北京：东方出版社1998年版,第127页。
①[美]卡罗尔·佩特曼：《参与和民主理论》,陈尧译,上海：上海人民出版社2006年版,第39页。
②[美]本杰明·巴伯：《强势民主》,彭斌、吴润洲译,长春：吉林人民出版社2006年版,第306-312页。
③[美]卡罗尔·佩特曼：《参与和民主理论》,陈尧译,上海：上海人民出版社2006年版,第29页。
④[美]乔万尼·萨托利：《民主新论》,冯克利、阎克文译,北京：东方出版社1998年版,第127页。
⑤[英]戴维·赫尔德：《民主的模式》,燕继荣等译,北京：中央编译出版社1998年版,第338-339页。
①[美]本杰明·巴伯：《强势民主》,彭斌、吴润洲译,长春：吉林人民出版社2006年版,第1-7页。
②胡伟：《推荐序言》,载于《参与和民主理论》,上海：上海世纪出版集团2006年版。
③张志安：《传媒与公共领域》,http://www.chuanmei.net/,2006年10月30日。
①陈尧：《从参与到协商：当代参与型民主理论之前景》,载《学术月刊》2006年第8期,第21页。
①赵林：《美国新左派运动述评》,载《美国研究》1996第2期,第45页。
② John P. Diggins, The American Left in the Twentieth Century, New York:Harcourt Brace Jovanovich,1973, p.157
③ Milorad I. Popov, The American Extreme Left:A Decade of Conflict, London:Institute for the Study of Conflict, 1972, p.4.
④ Tom Hayden, Port Huron Statement:Introduction,载 Loren Baritz, ed.,The American Left:Radical Political Thought in the Twentieth Century, New York:Basic book,1971, p.389.
① Tom Hayden, Port Huron Statement:Introduction, 载 Loren Baritz, ed., The American Left:Radical Political Thought in the Twentieth Century, New York:Basic book,1971, p,394.
② Lyman Tower Sargent, New Left Thought:An Introduction, Homewood:Dorsey Press,1972, p.151.
③ Lyman Tower Sargent, New Left Thought:An Introduction, Homewood:Dorsey Press,1972, p.132.
① Francesca Polletta, Freedom is an Endless Meeting, Chicago:Chicago Press,2002, p.126.
② Robert Ross, Primary Groups in Social Movements:A Memoir and Interpretation, Nonprofit and Voluntary Sector Quartely, Vol.6, No.3-4, July 1977, p.143.
① Studs Terkel, Race:How Blacks and Whites Think and Feel about the American Obsession, New York:New Press, 1992,p58.
①[英]尚塔尔·墨菲：《政治的回归》,王恒、臧佩洪译,南京：江苏人民出版社2000年版,第105页。
① James Miller, Democracy Is in the Streets:From Port Huron to the Siege of Chicago, Cambridge:Harvard University Press,1994, p.144.
② Francesca Polletta, Freedom Is an Endless Meeting, Chicago:Chicago Press,2002, p.160.
①Maren Lockwood Carden, The New Feminist Movement, N. Y.:Russell Sage Foundation Publications,1974, p 86.
① James Miller, Democracy Is in the Streets:From Port Huron to the Siege of Chicago, Cambridge:Harvard University Press,1994, p.146.
① International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, Vol.11, p.428.
② Merriam Webster, Webster Third New International Dictionary, Massachusetts:G & C Merriam Company, Publishers,1971.
③ Sydeny D. Bailey, Political and the Party System in Britain:A Symposium, N.Y.:Hypersion Press,1979, p.7.
① Dell Gillette Hitchner & William Hery Harbold, Modern Government, New York & Toronto:Dodd, Mead & Company,1962, pp.290-291.
② William N. Chambers, Party Development and the American Mainstrem, in William N. Chambers & Walter Dean Burnham, eds., The American Party Systems:Stages of Political Development, London:Oxford University Press, 1975, p.5.
③ Robert C. Brooks, Political Party and Electoral Problems, New York:Harper & Brothers,1933, p.14.
①[日]冈泽宪芙：《政党》,耿小曼译,北京：经济日报出版社1989年版,第6页。
②[美]伯恩斯等著：《美国式民主》,谭君久等译,北京：中国社会科学出版社1993年版,第352-355页。
③[英]詹姆斯·布赖斯：《现代民治政体》(上卷),张慰慈等译,长春：吉林人民出版社2001年版,第114-116页。
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①[英]戴维·米勒、[英]韦农·波格丹诺主编：《布莱克维尔政治学百科全书》,邓正来等译,北京：中国政法大学出版社2002年版,第520-522页。
②[意]萨托利：《最新政党与政党制度》,雷飞龙译,台北：韦伯文化国际出版有限公司2003年版,第65页。
③张小劲：《关于政党组织嬗变问题的研究：综述与评价》,载《欧洲》2002年第4期。
④Russell J. Dalton, Citizen Politics in Western Democracies, N. J.:Chatham House,1988, p.127.
①蒋劲松：《责任政府新论》,北京：社会科学文献出版社2005年版,第53页。
②阎照祥：《英国政治制度史》,北京：人民出版社1999年版,第51页。
③阎照祥：《英国政治制度史》,北京：人民出版社1999年版,第79页。
④阎照祥：《英国政治制度史》,北京：’人民出版社1999年版,第100页。
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⑥阎照祥：《英国政治制度史》,北京：人民出版社1999年版,第185-186页。
①阎照祥：《英国政治制度史》,北京：人民出版社1999年版,第235页。
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⑤ Richard Rose, The Variability of Party Government:A Theoretical and Empirical Critique, Political Studies, Vol.17, No.4, December 1969, pp.413-445.
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②[美]小阿瑟·施莱辛格主编：《美国共和党史》,复旦大学编译,上海：上海人民出版社1977年版,第27页。
③[美]古德诺：《政治与行政》,王元、杨百朋译,北京：华夏出版社1987年版,第51页。
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②[英]米勒等著：《布莱克维尔政治学百科全书》,邓正来等译,北京：中国政法大学出版社2002年版,第62页。
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④蒋劲松：《责任政府新论》,北京：社会科学文献出版社2005年版,第485页。
①[法]让·布隆代尔、[意]毛里齐奥·科塔主编：《政党政府的性质：一种比较性的欧洲视角》,曾淼、林德山译,北京：北京大学出版社2006年版,第10页。
②[美]乔治·华盛顿：《华盛顿选集》,聂崇信等译,北京：商务印书馆1983年版,第308-309页。
③[德]尤尔根·哈贝马斯：《包容他者》,曹卫东译,上海：上海人民出版社2002年版,第285页。
④中国社会科学院哲学研究所：《哈贝马斯在华讲演集》,北京：人民出版社2002年版,第84-85页。
①[美]约翰·罗尔斯：《正义论》,何怀宏等译,北京：中国社会科学出版社1998年版,第364页。
②Lecn D. Epstein, Political Parties in Western Democracies, New York:Praeger,1967, p.9.
① Lester W. Milbrath, Environmentalists:Vanguard for a New Society, New York:State University of New York Press, 1984.
②来源：EUROBAROMETERS 17(1982),21(1984),25(1986), and 31A(1989),转引自Robert Rohrschneider, Impact of Social Movements on European Party Systems, Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Vol.528, No.1, Citizens, Protest, and Democracy, Jul.1993, pp.160.
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⑥http://www.USbassy-China.org.cn/infousa/AmGovintro/GB/CH05_01/2005-4-20
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①资料来源：David Lowery, Holly Brasher, David Lowery & Holly Brasher, Organized Interests and American Government, New York:McGraw-Hill Humanities,2003, p.269.
① Barbara A. Bardes, Mack C. Shelley & Steffen W. Schmidt, American Government and Politics Today:The Essentials, Belmont, California:Wadsworth Publishing Company,1998, p241.
①资料来源：Barbara A. Bardes, Mack C. Shelley & Steffen W. Schmidt, American Government and Politics Today: The Essentials, Belmont, California:Wadsworth Publishing Company,1998, p.240.
① Mark J. Rozell, Clyde Wilcox & David Madland, Interest Groups in American Campaigns:The New Face of Electioneering, Washington DC:CQ Press,2005, pp.24-25.
②[美]托马斯·戴伊：《民主的嘲讽》,孙占平译,北京：世界知识出版社1991年版。
①Norman J.Ornstein, Thomas E. Mann & Michael J. Malbin, Vital Statistics on Congress 1995-1996, Washington DC: CQ Press,1995, p.46.
②[美]詹姆斯·M·伯恩斯等著：《民治政府》,陆震纶等译,北京：中国社会科学出版社2006年版,第335页。
①[美]威廉。基夫：《美国的民主》,转引自李道揆著：《美国政府和美国政治》,商务印书馆1999年版,第303页。
② Kay Lehman Schlozman & John T. Tierney, Organized Interests and American Democracy, N. Y.:Harpercollins College Div,1986, p.186.
③Hearings on oil and gas Lobby, before the special Senate Committee to investigate political activities, lobbying and campaign contributions,84th, Cong.,20, Sess,1956, p.545.
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① Mayer N. Zald & John D. McCarthy, Social Movements in an Organizational Society, N. J.:Transaction Books Inc., 1987, p.273.
② Herbert Kitschelt, Landscapes of Political Interest Intermediation:Social Movements, Interest Groups, and Parties in the Early Twenty-first Century, in Pedro Ibarra, Social Movements and Democracy, N. Y.:Palgrave Macmillan, 2002, pp.83-88.
①秦德占：《变动中的当代欧美社会》,北京：当代世界出版社2004年版,第67页。
① Russell J. Dalton & Manfred Kuechler, Challenging the Political Order:New Social and Political Movements in Western Democracies, N.Y.:Oxford University,1990, p12.
② Russell J. Dalton & Manfred Kuechler, Challenging the Political Order:New Social and Political Movements in Western Democracies, N.Y.:Oxford University,1990, p.12.
① Donatella Della Porta & Mario Diani, Social Movements:An Introduction, Oxford, England:Blackwell Publishing, 2006,p.25.
② McAdam D., McCarthy, J. D.,& Zald, M. N., Social Movements, in N. Smelser, Handbook of Sociology, Newbury Park:Sage,1988, p.695.
③ Pamela Oliver, Bringing the Crowd Back in:The Non-organizational Elements of Social Movements, Research i Social Movements, Confict and Change, Vol.11, No.5,1989, p.4.
④ Donatella Della Porta & Mario Diani, Social Movements:An Introduction, Oxford, England:Blackwell Publishing, 2006, p.25.
⑤ Enrique Larana, Hank Johnston & Joseph R.Gusfield, New Social Movements:From Ideology to Identi Philadelphia:Temple University Press,1994, p.62.
① Donatella Della Porta, The Political Discourse on Protest Policing, in M.Giugni, D. McAdam, and C. Tilly, How Movements Matter, Minneapolis:University of Minnesota Press,1998.
② Hanspeter Kriesi, The Political Opportunity Structure of the Dutch Peace Movement, West European Politics, No.12, 1989, pp.295-312.
① Mayer Zald & Bert Useem, Movement and Countermovement Interaction:Mobilization, Tactics, and State Involvement, in M. N. Zald & J. D. McCarthy, Social Movements in an Organizational Society, New Brunswick, N. J.:Transaction Books,1987, pp.247-272.
② J. Craig Jenkins & Bert Klandermans, The Politics of Social Protest, in J. C. Jenkins and B. Klandermans, The Politics of Social Protest:Comparative Perspectives on States and Social Movements, Minneapolis:University of Minnesota Press,1995, p.3.
③ Richard Gale, Social Movements and the State:The Environmental Movement, Counter-movement, and Governmental Agencies, Sociological Perspectives, Vol.29, No.2,1986, p.205.
④ Hanspeter Kriesi, et al, The Politics of New Social Movements in Western Europe:A Comparative Analysis, Minneapolis:University of Minnesota Press,1995, p.31.
① Christian Joppke, Mobilizing Against Nuclear Energy:A Comparison of Germany and the United States, Berkeley/Los Angeles:University of California Press,1993.
② Christian Joppke, Mobilizing Against Nuclear Energy:A Comparison of Germany and the United States, Berkeley/Los Angeles:University of California Press,1993, p.201.
③ Russell J. Dalton & Manfred Kuechler, Challenging the Political Order:New Social and Political Movements in Western Democracies, N.Y.:Oxford University,1990, p.124.
① David S. Meyer & Sidney Tarrow, The Social Movement Society:Contentious Politics for a New Century, Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, INC.,1998, p.57.
①Alan Scott, Ideology and the New Social Movements, New York:Unwin Hyman,1990, pp.16-17.
②V. O. Key, Politics Parties and Pressure Groups, N.Y.:Thomas Y. Crowell Company,1964, p.17.
③V. O. Key, Politics Parties and Pressure Groups, N.Y:Thomas Y. Crowell Company,1964, p.20.
①David K. Ryden, Representation in Crisis:The Constitution, Interest Groups, and Political Parties, N. Y: State University of New York Press,1996, p.73.
②V. O. Key, Politics Parties and Pressure Groups, N.Y.:Thomas Y.Crowell Company,1964, p.40.
③Robert A Dahl, Who Governs?Democracy and Power in the City, New Haven:Yale University Press,1961, p.93.
① Anne N. Costain & Andrew S. McFarland, Social Movement and American Political Institutions, Lanham, Rowman & Littlefield Publishers Inc.,1998, p.8.
② Anne N. Costain & Andrew S. McFarland, Social Movement and American Political Institutions, Lanham, Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc.,1998, p.9.
①Jeffrey M. Berry, Interest Group Society, New York:Little Brown & Co, Inc.,1984, p.21.
②Denise L. Baer & David A Bositis:Politics and Linkage in a Democratic Society, N.J.:Pretice-Hall Inc.,1993, p.52.
③Denise L. Baer & David A Bositis, Politics and Linkage in a Democratic Society, N.J.:Pretice-Hall Inc.,1993, p.53.
① Richard A. Harris & Sidney M. Milkis, Remaking American Politics, Boulder, Co.:Westview Press,1989, p.239.
② Mark P. Petracca, The Politics of Interests:Interest Groups Transformed, Boulder, Co.:Westview Press,1992, p.66.
①Mark P. Petracca, The Politics of Interests:Interest Groups Transformed, Boulder, Co.:Westview Press,1992, p.67.
① Bert Useem & Mayer N. Zald, From Pressure Group to Social Movement:Efforts to Promote Use of Nuclear Power, in Mayer N. Zald & John D. McCarthy, Social Movements in an Organizational Society, N.J.:New Brunswick,1987, p.274. "亲核运动”指的是提倡将核动力作为能源使用的集体行动。这个分析的数据来于对Bert和Mayer对58名亲核运动积极分子的分析而得来的。访谈于1979年秋和1980年冬展开,采用雪球抽样法以获得最后的样本。这些访谈的大多数在新英格兰、密歇根以及华盛顿特区进行。他们也参与了一些亲核运动的研讨会与会议。这使他们有机会同全美的亲核运动的积极分子进行非正式的交谈,以及对运动分子之间如何进行讨论进行了近距离的观察。另外,他们也对亲核运动所公布的材料进行收集和分析。最后,他们也同新英格兰、密歇根以及华盛顿特区的少数反核运动的积极分子进行了访谈。
② William A. Gamson, The Strategy of Social Protest, Homewood,Ill:Dorsey,1975, p.16.
③ Steven L. Del Sesto, Science, Politics, and Controversy:Civilian Nuclear Power in the United States,1946-1974, Boulder, Co.:Westview Press,1979, p.5.
① Robert Stobaugh & Daniel Yergin, Energy Future:The Report of the Energy Project at the Harvard Business School, New York:Random House,1979.
② Mayer N. Zald & John D. McCarthy, Social Movements in an Organizational Society, N.J.:New Brunswick,1987, p. 276.
③ Robert Stobaugh & Daniel Yergin, Energy Future:The Report of the Energy Project at the Harvard Business School, New York:Random House,1979, p.125.
④ William Stroops, et al, Nuclear Energy:Dark Outlook, Washington D.C.:Washington Aanlysis Corporation,1979, p.17.
⑤ Bayard Stockton & Peter Janke, Nuclear Power:Protest and Violence, London:Institute for the Study of Conflict, 1978, p.4.
⑥ William Stroops, et al, Nuclear Energy:Dark Outlook, Washington D.C.:Washington Aanlysis Corporation,1979, pp.17-18.
①Charles Tilly, From Mobilization to Revolution, MA:Addison-Wesley,1978, p.125.
① Mayer Zald & Roberta Ash, Social Movement Organizations:Growth, Decay and Change, Social Forces, Vol.44, No.3,1966,pp.327-340.
① Lawrence Friedman, American Law, New York:W. W. Norton,1984, p.3.
② Calvin MacKenzie, American Government:Politics and Policy, New York:Random House,1986, p.4.
③[美]拉雷·N·格斯顿著：《公共政策的制定——程序和原理》,朱子文译,重庆：重庆出版社2000年版,第5页。
① Ann O'M. Bowman & Richard C. Kearney, State and Local Government, Boston:Houghton Mifflin,1990, pp. 119-126.
①[美]拉雷·N·格斯顿：《公共政策的制定——程序和原理》,朱子文译,重庆：重庆出版社2000年版,第23页。
① Lynton K. Caldwell, Man and His Environment:Policy and Administration, New York:Harper and Row,1975, pp. 147-148.
① Lynton K. Caldwell, Man and His Environment:Policy and Administration, New York:Harper and Row,1975, p.8.
② Jo. Freeman, The Politics of Women's Liberation, New York:David McKay,1975, pp.28-30.
③ Hans J. Morganthau, Politics Among Nations, New York:McGraw-Hill Humanities,1975, p.38.
①Hans J. Morganthau, Politics Among Nations, New York:McGraw-Hill Humanities,1975, pp.180-181.
① Marco Giugni, Social Protest and Policy Change:Ecology, Anticulear and Peace Movements in Comparative Perspective, Lanham:Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc.,2004, p.14.
② Burstein, Social Movementd and Public Policy, in Marco Giugni, Doug McAdam & Charles Tilly, How Social Movements Matter, Minneapolis:University of Minnesota Press,1999, pp.3-21.
① Paul Burstein, Public Opinion, Demonstrations, and the Passage of Anti-discrimination Legislation, Public Opinion Quarterly, Vol.43, No.2,1979, pp.157-172.
② Anne N. Costain & Steven Majstorovic, Congress, Social Movements and Public Opinion:Multiple Origins of Women's Rights Legislation, Political Research Quarterly, Vol.47, No.1,1994, pp.111-135.
①[瑞士]汉斯彼得·克里西等著：《西欧新社会运动——比较分析》,张峰译,重庆出版社2006年版,第102页。
② Jan Willem Duyvendak, The Power of Politics, Boulder, Co.:Westview Press,1995.
③主要指议题与国家政治没有直接关系的运动,如人权,对第三世界发展国家的援助等
④ Marco Giugni, Social Protest and Policy Change:Ecology, Anti-nuclear, and Peace Movements in Comparative Perspective, Lanham:Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc.,2004, p.126.
① Hanspeter Kriesi, Rudd Koopmans, Jan Willem Duyvendak & Marco G. Giugni, New Social Movements and Political Opportunities in Western Europe, European Journal of Political Research, Vol.22, No.2,1992, pp.219-244.
② Sidney Tarrow, Power in Movement:Social Movements and Contentious Politics, New York:Cambridge University Press,1998.
③ Hanspeter Kriesi, Rudd Koopmans, Jan Willem Duyvendak & Marco G. Giugni, New Social Movements and Political Opportunities in Western Europe, European Journal of Political Research, Vol.22, Issue 2,1992, pp.219-244.
④ Sidney Tarrow, Social Protest and Policy Reform:May 1968 and the Loi d'Orientation in France, Comparative Political Studies, Vol.25, No.4,1993, pp.579-607.
⑤ Hanspeter Kriesi, Ruud Koopmans, Jan Willem Duyvendak,& Marco G. Giugni, New Social Movements in Western Europe., Minneapolis:University of Minnesota Press,1995.
① Kriesi及其同事的理论比此处描绘的更为复杂,如老左翼和新左翼(包括绿党)的区别,工会的潜在支持等等。
② James DeNardo, Power in Numbers:The Political Strategy of Protest and Rebellion, N. J.:Princeton University Press,1985; Ruud Koopmans, The Dynamics of Protest Waves:West Germany--1965 to 1989, American Sociological Review, Vol.58, No.12,1993, pp.637-658.
① Charles Tilly, Social Movements as Historically Specific Clusters of Political Performances, Berkeley Journal of Sociology, Vol.38, No.7,1994, pp.1-30.
② Marco Giugni, Social Protest and Policy Change:Ecology, Anti-nuclear, and Peace Movements in Comparative Perspective, Lanham:Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc.,2004, p.153.
③来源Encyclopedia of Associations (美国)以及发往各个运动组织的调查表(意大利和瑞士),转引自Marco Giugni, Social Protest and Policy Change:Ecology, Anti-nuclear, and Peace Movements in Comparative Perspective, Lanham:Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc.,2004, p.154.
① Frances Fox Piven & Richard Cloward, Poor People's Movements, New York:Pantheon,1977, p.24.
② Frances Fox Piven & Richard Cloward, Poor People's Movements, New York:Pantheon,1977, p.36.
③ Frances Fox Piven & Richard Cloward, Poor People's Movements, New York:Pantheon,1977, p.24.
④ Frances Fox Piven & Richard Cloward, Disruption and Organization:A Reply to Gamson and Schmeidler, Theory and Society, Vol.13, No.5,1984, pp.587-599; Piven, Frances Fox & Richard Cloward, Normalizing Collective Protest, in A. Morris and C. Mueller, Frontiers in Social Movement Theory, New Haven, CT:Yale University Press, 1992, pp.301-325.
⑤ Ira Katznelson, City Trenches, Chicago, IL:University of Chicago Press,1981, p.3.
① Sidney Tarrow, Social Protest and Policy Reform:May 1968 and the Loi d'Orientation in France, Comparative Political Studies, Vol.25, No.4,1993, pp.579-607.
② Michael Lipsky, Protest as a Political Resource, American Political Science Review Vol.62, No.6,1968, p.1145.
③ Michael Lipsky, Protest as a Political Resource, American Political Science Review Vol.62, No.6,1968.
④ David Garrow, Protest at Selma, New Haven, CT:Yale University Press,1978.
⑤ Paul Burstein, Social Movements and Public Policy, in M. Giugni, D. McAdam & C. Tilly, How Social Movements Matter, Minneapolis:University of Minnesota Press,1999, pp.3-21.
⑥ Jane Mansbridge, Politics of Persuasion, in L. C. Dodd & C. Jillison, The Dynamics of American Politics, Boulder, CO:Westview,1994, pp.298-310.
⑦ Kenneth T. Andrews, Social Movements and Policy Implementation:The Mississippi Civil Rights Movement and the War on Poverty,1965-1971, American Sociological Review, Vol.66, No.1., Feb.2001, p.75.
① Rufus Browning, Dale Marshall & David Tabb, Protest Is Not Enough:The Struggle of Blacks and Hispanics for Equality in Urban Politics, Berkeley, CA:University of California Press,1984, p.246.
② Thomas Rochon & Daniel Mazmanian, Social Movements and the Policy Process, Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Sciences, Vol.528, No.1,1993, p.75-156.
③ Kenneth T. Andrews, The Impacts of Social Movements on the Political Process:A Study of the Civil Rights Movement and Black Electoral Politics in Mississippi, American Sociological Review, Vol.62, No.1,1997, DD.800-819; Leila Rupp & Verta Taylor, Survival in the Doldrums. Columbus. OH:Ohio State University Press. 1990.
① Aldon Morris, The Origins of the Civil Rights Movement, New York:Free Press,1984.
② Belinda Robnett, African-American Women in the Civil Rights Movement,1954-1965:Gender, Leadership, and Micromobilization, American Journal of Sociology, Vol.101, No.6,1966, pp.1661-1693.
③ Judith Stepan-Norris & Maurice Zeitlin, Union Democracy, Radical Leadership, and the Hegemony of Capital, American Sociological Review, Vol.60, No.6,1995, pp.829-850.
④ Bert Klandermans, The Social Psychology of Protest, Cambridge, England:Blackwell,1997.
⑤ Marshall Ganz, The Paradox ofPowerlessness:Leadership, Organization, and the Strategy in the Unionization of California Agriculture,1959-1977, American Journal of Sociology, Vol.105, No.4,2000, pp.1003-1062.
⑥ Michael Schwartz & Shuva Paul, Resource Mobilization Versus the Mobilization of People, in A. Morris and C. Mueller Frontiers in Social Movment Theory, New Haven, CT:Yale University Press,1992, pp.205-223.
① Frank R.Baumgartner & Bryan D. Jones, Agendas and Instability in American Politics, Chicago:University of Chicago Press,1993.
② Frank R.Baumgartner & Byran D. Jones, Policy Dynamics, Chicago:University of Chicago Press,2002.
① Paul J DiMaggio & Walter W. Powell, The Iron Cage Revisited:Institutional Isomorphism and Collective Rationality, American Sociological Review, Vol.48, Issue 2,1983, pp.147-160.
② Debra Minkoff, Organizing for Equality:The Evolution of Women's and Racial-ethic Organiztions in America, 1955-1985, New Brunswick, N. J.:Rutgers University Press,1995.
③ David S. Meyer, Valerie Jenness & Helen Ingram, Routing the Opposition:Social Movements, Public Policy, and Democracy, Minneapolis:University of Minnesota Press,2005, p.68.
① David S. Meyer, Valerie Jenness & Helen Ingram, Routing the Opposition:Social Movements, Public Policy, and Democracy, Minneapolis:University of Minnesota Press,2005, p.69.
① David S. Meyer, Valerie Jenness & Helen Ingram, Routing the Opposition:Social Movements, Public Policy, and Democracy, Minneapolis:University of Minnesota Press,2005, p.70.
① David S. Meyer, Valerie Jenness & Helen Ingram, Routing the Opposition:Social Movements, Public Policy, and Democracy, Minneapolis:University of Minnesota Press,2005, p.71.
② Jack L. Walker, Mobilizing Interest Groups in America, Ann Arbor:University of Michigan Press,1991.
① David S. Meyer, Valerie Jenness & Helen Ingram, Routing the Opposition:Social Movements, Public Policy, and Democracy, Minneapolis:University of Minnesota Press,2005, p.72.
② Paul C.Light, The True Size of Government, Washingtong DC:Brookings Institution,1999; Christopher Howard, The Hidden Welfare State:Tax Expenditures and Social Policy in the United States, Princeton, N. J.:Princeton University Press,1997.
① David S. Meyer, Valerie Jenness & Helen Ingram, Routing the Opposition:Social Movements, Public Policy, and Democracy, Minneapolis:University of Minnesota Press,2005, p.73.
①David S. Meyer, Valerie Jenness & Helen Ingram, Routing the Opposition:Social Movements, Public Policy, and Democracy, Minneapolis:University of Minnesota Press,2005, p.74.
① David S. Meyer, Valerie Jenness & Helen Ingram, Routing the Opposition:Social Movements, Public Policy, and Democracy, Minneapolis:University of Minnesota Press,2005, p.75.
① David S. Meyer, Valerie Jenness & Helen Ingram, Routing the Opposition:Social Movements, Public Policy, and Democracy, Minneapolis:University of Minnesota Press,2005, p.76.
① Debra Minkoff, The Sequencing of Social Movements, American Sociological Review, Vol.62, No.5, October 1997, pp.779-799.
② Sidney Tarrow, Power in Movement:Social Movements, Collective Action, and Politics, New York:Cambridge University Press,1994.
③ Debra Minkoff, Organizing for Equality:The Evolution of Women's and Racial-ethic Organizations in America, 1955-1985, New Brunswick, N. J.:Rutgers University Press,1995; Ken Kollman, Outside Lobbying:Public Opinion and Interest Group Strategies, Princetion, N. J.:Princeton University Press,1998.
① Loch Johnson, Covert Action and Accountability:Decision-making for America's Secret Foreigh Policy, International Studies Quartely, Vol.33, No.1, March 1989, pp.81-109.
② Willam A. Gamson, The Strategy of Social Protest, Belmont:Wadsworth Publishing Company,1990, pp.31-37.
① Willam A. Gamson, The Strategy of Social Protest, Belmont:Wadsworth Publishing Company,1990, p31.
② Roland Vaubel, A Public Choice Approach to International Organization, Public Choice, Vol.51, No.1,1986, pp.39-57.
③ Matthew McCubbins & Thomas Schwartz, Congressional Oversight Overlooked:Police Patrols versus Fire Alarms, American Journal of Political Science, Vol.28, No.1, Feb.1984, pp.165-179.
④ Matthew McCubbins & Thomas Schwartz, Congressional Oversight Overlooked:Police Patrols versus Fire Alarms, American Journal of Political Science, Vol.28, No.1, Feb.1984, p.166.
⑤同时,运动领导者也可以将参与政策过程作为一种提升其作用的方法,并不仅仅将其作用限于运动抗议的动员阶段。Ⅰtobert Salisbury, An Exchange Theory of Interest Groups, Midwest Journal of Political Science, Vol.13, No. 1, Feb.1969.
①Douglas Waller, Congress and the Nuclear Freeze, Amherst:University of Massachusetts Press,1987, p.52.
① Louis Fisher, American Constitutional Law, New York:McGraw-Hill.1990. p.308.
② Dick Russell, The Rise of the Grass-roots Toxics Movement, Amicus Journal, Vol.12, No.1,1990, pp.17-21.
①更多关于环保运动参与政策制定和执行的分析见：James P. Lester, ed., Environmental Politics and Policy: Theories and Evidence, Durham, NC:Duke University Press,1989; Norman J. Vig and Michael K. Kraft, eds., Environmental Policy in the 1990s, Washington, DC:C.Q. Press,1990.
①William Gamson, The Strategy of Social Protest, Belmont, CA:Wadsworth,1990, p.63.
①公元前279年,古希腊伊庇鲁斯国(Epirus)的皮洛士王(King Pyrrhus)在大胜罗马军队后说：“再有一次这样的胜利,我们就输了。”为什么打了胜仗还会输呢?原来皮洛士虽然战胜了罗马军队,但也付出了极大的代价。他的大部分精锐部队和指挥官在那次战斗中阵亡。难怪当有人向他表示祝贺时,他说：" One more such victory and we are lost。"以后人们便用"Pyrrhic victory"来表示因代价沉重而得不偿失的胜利。奇怪的是,虽然皮拉斯与罗马的战斗是两千多年前的事了,可这个短语一直到19世纪才被广泛使用。今天,“皮洛士的胜利”(Pyrrhic victory)更是成为政治家们最常用的词汇之一
②何增科：《公民社会与第三部门》,北京：社会科学文献出版社2000年版,第143页。
① Peter K. Eisinger, The Conditions of Protest in American Cities, American Political Science Review, Vol.67, No.1, 1973, p.11-28.
② McCarthy, John D., David Britt & Mark Wolfson, The Institutional Channeling of Social Movements by the State in the United States, Research in Social Movements, Conflicts and Change, Vol.13, No.2,1991, pp.45-76.
③ Jeffrey M.Berry, The Interest Group Society, New York:Harper Collins,1989.
① David S. Meyer & Suzanne Staggenborg, Movements, Counter-movements, and the Structure of Political Opportunity, American Jornal of Sociology, Vol.101, No.4,1996, pp.1628-1660.
② Lee Ann Banaszak, Why Movements Succeed or Fail:Opportunity, Culture, and the Struggle for Woman Suffrage, Princetion, N. J.:Princeton University Press,1996.
①Frederico Stame, The Crisis of the Left and New Social Identiies, Telos, No.60, Summer 1984, pp.8-9.
①周穗明：《新社会运动与未来社会主义》,载《欧洲》1997年第5期。
①[瑞士]汉斯彼得·克里西等著：《西欧新社会运动比较研究》,张峰译,重庆：重庆出版社2006版,第149-150页。
①赵鼎新：《社会与政治运动讲义》,北京：社会科学文献出版社2006年版,第2页。
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4.[美]阿尔温·托夫勒：《第三次浪潮》,朱志焱、潘琪、张焱译,北京：三联书店1984年版。
5.[美]本杰明·巴伯：《强势民主》,彭斌、吴润洲译,长春：吉林人民出版社2006 年版。
6.[美]布鲁斯·拉西特、哈维·斯塔尔：《世界政治》,王玉珍译,北京：华夏出版社2001年版。
7.[美]布劳：《社会生活中的交换与权力》,孙非、张黎勤译,北京：华夏出版社1988年版。
8.[美]伯恩斯等著：《美国式民主》,谭君久等译,北京：中国社会科学出版社1993年版。
9.[英]大卫·马什、格里·斯托克主编：《政治科学的理论与研究方法》,景跃进等译,北京：中国人民大学出版社2006年版。
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19.[美]加布里埃尔·A·阿尔蒙德、西德尼·维巴：《公民文化——五国的政治态度和民主》,马殿君等译,杭州：浙江人民出版社1989年版。
20.[美]加里布埃尔·A·阿尔蒙德、小G·宾厄姆·鲍威尔：《比较政治学——体系、过程和政策》,曹沛霖等译,上海：上海译文出版社1987年版。
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1.李瑞昌：《“亚政治”与“新社会运动”》,载《复旦学报》(社会科学版)2006年第6期。
2.刘大椿、段伟文：《社会运动：当代资本主义社会嬗变的促力》,载《学术界》(双月刊)2002年第6期。
3.赵鼎新：《社会与政治运动理论：框架与反思》,载《学海》2006年第2期。
4.王冠华：《晚近西方社会运动研究》,载《东岳论丛》2006年第9期。
5.张杨：《社会运动研究的国家——社会关系视角》,载《学海》2007年第5期。
6.周穗明：《当代新社会运动对西方政党执政方式的影响及其启示》,载《科学社会主义》2006年第2期。
7.郭来法：《经济全球化及其对西方社会运动的冲击和影响》,载《北京行政学院学报》2001年第4期。
8.刘宏松：《跨国社会运动及其政策议程的有效性分析》,载《现代国际关系》2003年第10期。
9.王芝茂：《从新社会运动到政党：德国绿党兴起的原因和结果》,载《理论界》2007年第1期。
10.周穗明：《后物质主义价值观和全球环境主义》,载《当代世界与社会主义》(季刊)1998年第3期。
11.杨丽娟：《关于社会运动主体的思考》,载《中国人民大学学报》1998年第1期。
12.郑曙村：《当代西方“参与制民主”理论分析》,载《济南大学学报》1998年第1期。
13.张小劲：《关于政党组织嬗变问题的研究：综述与评价》,载《欧洲》2002年第4期。
14.赵鼎新：《集体行动、搭便车理论与形式社会学方法》,载《社会学研究》2006年第1期。
15.周穗明：《20世纪90年代新马克思主义的多元社会结构理论评析》,载《北京行政学院学报》2006年第1期。
16.周穗明：《后现代的选择——西方兴起后物质主义价值观》,载《马克思主义与现实》1999年第1期。
17.董国礼：《历史社会学视野下的社会运动研究——梯利的集体行动理论》,载《学海》2007年第5期。
18.吴潮：《论美国施政方针与60年代社会运动的互动关系》,载《宁波大学学报》(人文科学版)2003年第16卷第2期。
19.赵鼎新：《美欧合流后的社会运动研究回眸》,载《社会观察》2005年第5期。
20.秦德占：《欧美社会运动未来走势分析》,载《新视野》2002年第2期。
21.秦德占：《欧美社会运动未来走势及其对社会主义运动的影响》,载《中国特色社会主义研究》2002年第3期。
22.张金鉴：《欧洲的新社会运动趋势和新社会运动》,载《国外理论动态》2000年第2期。
23.李世安：《评美国的跨国市民社会运动与人权外交》,载《世界历史》2002年第6期。
24.胡键：《全球社会运动的兴起及其对全球治理的影响》,载《国际论坛》2006年第1期。
25.王子今：《社会运动规律的科学探索》,载《学术界》1999年第2期。
26.沈素红、邢来顺：《德国绿党对德国政治的影响析论》,载《长江论坛》2006年第4期。
27.王冠华：《晚近西方社会运动研究》,载《东岳论丛》2006年第5期。
28.周穗明：《西方绿色思潮与后物质主义价值观》,载《岭南学刊》2002年第5期。
29.张文成：《西方社会的新变化对政党的挑战》,载《当代世界与社会主义》(双月刊)2004年第1期。
30.冯仕政：《西方社会运动研究：现状与范式》,载《国外社会科学》2003年第5期。
31.王瑾：《西方社会运动研究理论述评》,载《国外社会科学》2006年第2期。
32.黄汝接：《新社会运动的兴起》,载《国外理论动态》2006年第11期。
33.周穗明：《新社会运动与未来社会主义》,载《欧洲》1997年第5期。
34.刘能：《怨恨解释、动员结构和理性选择——有关中国都市地区集体行动发生可能性的分析》,载《开放时代》2004年第4期。
35.何平立：《认同感政治：西方新社会运动述评》,载《探索与争鸣》2007年第9期。
36.王美琴、马勇：《社会运动的社会学解读》,载《广西社会科学》2004年第5期。
37.王瑾：《西方社会运动研究理论述评》,载《国外社会科学》2006年第2期。
38.郇庆治：《80年代中期以来的西欧新社会运动》,载《欧洲》2001年第6页。
39.郇庆治：《80年代以来的西欧环境运动：一种定量的分析》,载《欧洲》2002 年第6期,第75-84页。
40.肖宁灿：《论社会运动的定义和特性》,载《西南师范大学学报》(哲学社会科学版)1996年第5期。
41.周穗明：《新社会运动：世纪末的文化抗衡》,载《当代世界与社会主义》1997年第4期。
42.周穗明：《新社会运动与未来社会主义》,载《欧洲》1997年第5期。
43.赵林：《美国新左派运动述评》,载《美国研究》1996年第2期。
44.陈尧：《民主时代的参与》,载《读书》2006年第8期。
45.陈炳辉：《20世纪西方民主理论的演化》,载《厦门大学学报》1999年第3期。
46.陈伟东：《当代西欧新中间阶层政治文化初探》,载《社会主义研究》1994年第2期。
47.陈尧：《从参与到协商：当代参与型民主理论之前景》,载《学术月刊》2006年第8期。
48.何包钢：《直接民主理论、直接民主诸形式和全民公决》,载《公共论丛》1998年第5期。
49.蒋本国：《参与式民主理论初探》,载《学习与探索》2002年第6期。
50.李良栋：《试析民主及其实现形式》,载《石家庄学院学报》2005年第1期。
51.林猛：《论古典民主与现代民主——历史视角的民主研究》,博士学位论文,北京大学政府管理学院2001年。
52.李其庆：《新中间阶层及其特点》,载《当代世界与社会主义》1998年第1期。
53.马德普：《走出孤独个人迈向公共领域——阿伦特新自由主义政治哲学述评》,载《中西政治文化论丛》2002年第2期。
54.史志钦：《欧洲政党的与时俱进》,载《南风窗》2002年第1期。
55.[美]裴宜理文,阎小骏译：《社会运动理论的发展》,载《当代世界社会主义问题》2006年第4期。
56.[美]杰弗里·伊萨克著,周凡译：《后马克思主义与新社会运动》,载《马克思主义与现实》(双月刊)2004年第6期。
57.[美]梅路西：《后工业民主的悖论：日常生活和社会运动》,载《现代外国哲学社会科学文摘》1995年第5期。
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② Andrew Appliton, The New Social Movement Phenomenon:Placing France in Comparative Perspective, West European Politics, Vol.22, No.4, October 1999, p.60.
③ Ruud Koopmans, New Social Movement and Political Participation in Western Europe, West European Politics, Vol. 19, No.1, January 1996, pp.28-29.
①[澳]约瑟夫·A·凯米莱里、[澳]吉米·福尔克著：《主权的终结?——日趋“缩小”和“碎片化”的世界政治》,李东燕译,杭州：浙江人民出版社2001年版,第255-256页。
② Russell J. Dalton & Manfred Kuechler, Challenging the Political Order, New York:Oxford University Press,1990, p.10.
③ Nelson.A. Pichardo, New Social Movements:A Critical Review, Annual Review of Sociology, Vol.23, No.2,1997, p.414.
① Russell J. Dalton & Manfred Kuechler, Challenging the Political Order, New York:Oxford University Press,1990, p.12.
①Jean L. Cohen. Rethinking Social Movements. Berkelev Journal of Sociologv. Vol.28. No.3.1983. pp.97-114.
②秦德占：《变动中的当代欧美社会》,北京：当代世界出版社2004年版,第70页。
③[澳]约瑟夫·A·凯米莱里、[澳]吉米·福尔克著：《主权的终结?——日趋“缩小”和“碎片化”的世界政治》,李东燕译,杭州：浙江人民出版社2001年版,第255页。
④[澳]约瑟夫·A·凯米莱里、[澳]吉米·福尔克著：《主权的终结?——日趋“缩小”和“碎片化”的世界政治》,李东燕译,杭州：浙江人民出版社2001年版,第257页。
⑤秦德占：《变动中的当代欧美社会》,北京：当代世界出版社2004年版,第67-68页。
⑥秦德占：《变动中的当代欧美社会》,北京：当代世界出版社2004年版,第67-68页。
①秦德占：《变动中的当代欧美社会》,北京：当代世界出版社2004年版,第67页。
②李其庆：《新中间阶层及其特点》,载《当代世界与社会主义》1998年第1期,第32页。
① Roberto Biorcio, Environmental Protest and Ecological Culture:A Comparative Analysis, prepared for presentation at ECPR Mannheim 26-31, March 1999.
② Roberto Biorcio, Environmental Protest and Ecological Culture:A Comparative Analysis, prepared for presentation at ECPR Mannheim 26-31, March 1999.
① Roberto Biorcio, Environmental Protest and Ecological Culture:A Comparative Analysis, prepared for presentation at ECPR Mannheim 26-31, March 1999.
① Sidney Tarrow, Power in Movement:Social Movement and Contentious Politics, New York:Cambridge University Press,1998, p.129.
② Rudiger Schmitt-Beck, A Myth Institutionalized:Theory and Research on New Social Movement in Germany, European Journal of Political Research, Vol.21, No.4,1992, p.373.
③ Sidney Tarrow, Power in Movement:Social Movement and Contentious Politics, New York:Cambridge University Press,1998, p.129.
①赵鼎新：《社会与政治运动讲义》,北京：社会科学文献出版社2006年版,第27页。
① Sidney Tarrow, Power in Movement:Social Movements and Contentious Politics, New York:Cambridge University Press,1998, p.16.
②[美]艾尔东·莫里斯、卡洛尔·麦克拉吉·缪勒主编：《社会运动理论的前沿领域》,刘能译,北京：北京大学出版社2002年版,第33页。
③ Stephen M. Engel, The Unfinished Revolution:Social Movement Theory and the Gay Lisbian Movements, New York: Cambridge University Press,2001, p.175.
① Joshua D. Freilich, American Militia:State-Level Variations in Militia Activities, New York:LFB Scholarly Publishing,2003, pp.33-34.
② Joshua D. Freilich, American Militia:State-Level Variations in Militia Activities, New York:LFB Scholarly Publishing,2003, pp.33-34.
① Joshua D. Freilich, American Militia:State-Level Variations in Militia Activities, New York:LFB Scholarly Publishing,2003, p.35.
① Stephen M. Engel, The Unfinished Revolution:Social Moveiment Theory and the Gay Lisbian Movements, New York: Cambridge University Press,2001, pp.178-179.
② Sidney Tarrow, Power in Movement:Social Movements and Contentious Politics, New York:Cambridge University Press,1998, p.16.
①赵鼎新：《社会与政治运动讲义》,北京：社会科学文献出版社2006年版,第22页。
①赵鼎新：《社会与政治运动讲义》,北京：社会科学文献出版社2006年版,第194页。
①如西方学者认为“新社会运动理论”一词应译为"new social movement theories"而不是"new social movement theory",前者比后者更为准确。
② Alain Touraine, The Voice and the Eye:Analysis of Social Movement, New York:Cambridge University Press,1981, p.163.
①Steven M. Buechler, New Social Movement Theories, The Sociological Quarterly, Vol.36, No.3,1995, p.443.
①[德]哈贝马斯：《合法化危机》,刘北成、曹卫东译,上海：上海人民出版社2000年版,第6-7页。
②Steven M. Buechler, New Social Movement Theories, The Sociological Quarterly, Vol.36, No.3,1995, p.445.
③王瑾：《西方社会运动研究理论述评》,载《国外社会科学》2006年第2期,第47页。
①王瑾：《西方社会运动研究理论述评》,载《国外社会科学》2006年第2期,第47页。
② Russell J. Dalton & Manfred Kuechler, Challenging the Political Order:New Social and Political Movements in Western Democracies, London:Oxford University Press,1990, pp.232-233.
①Munck 1999:9-13；Buechler 2000:45-51；Lambert & Webster,2001:34-5；Edelman,2001；Touraine 2001转引自余晓敏：《经济全球经背景下的劳工运动：现象、问题与理论》,社会学研究网www.socio1ogy.cass.cn
① Nelson A. Pichardo, New Social Movements:A Critical Review, Annual Review of Sociology, Vol.23.1997, No.2, p.418.
② Nelson A. Pichardo, New Social Movements:A Critical Review, Annual Review of Sociology, Vol.23, No.2,1997, pp.423.
① Doug McAdam, Conceptual Origins, Problems, Future Directions, in Doug McAdam et al, Comparative Perspective on Social Movements:Political Opportunities, Mobilizing Structures, and Cultural Framings, New York:Cambridge University Press,1996, p.23.
② Joseph Schlesinger, Ambition and Politics:Politics in Unite States, Chicago:Raud McNally,1966.转引自 Andrew Appliton, The New Social Movement Phenomenon:Placing France in Comparative Perspective, West European Politics, Vol.22, No.4, October 1999, p.60.
③ Hanspeter Kriesi et al, New Social Movements in West Europe:A Comparative Analysis, Minneapolis:University of Minnesota Press,1995, preface, ⅹⅲ.
① Doug Imig & Sidney Tarrow, Political Contention in an Europeansing Polity, West European Politics, Vol.23, No,4, October 2003, p.81.
② Andrew Appliton, The New Social Movement Phenomenon:Placing France in Comparative Perspective, West European Politics, Vol.22, No.4, October 1999, p.60.
③ Hanspeter Kriesi et al, New Social Movements in West Europe:A Comparative Analysis, Minneapolis:University of Minnesota Press,1995, pp.26-82.
④ Doug McAdam, Conceptual Origins, Problems, Future Directions, in Doug McAdam et al, Comparative Perspective on Social Movements:Political Opportunities, Mobilizing Structures, and Cultural Framings, New York:Cambridge University Press,1996, p.23.
① Sidney Tarrow, Power in Movement:Social Movements and Contentious Politics, New York:Cambridge University Press,1998, p.77.
② Stephen M. Engel, The Unfinished Revolution:Social Movement Theory and the Gay Lesbian Movements, New York: Cambridge University Press,2001, p.183.
①[英]克里斯托弗·卢茨主编：《西方环境运动：地方、国家和全球向度》,徐凯译,山东：山东大学出版社2005年版,第191页。
② Felix Kolb, The Impact of Transnational Protest on Social Movement Organizations:Mass Media and the Making of ATTAC Germany, paper to be presented at conference Transnational Process and Social Movements, Villa Serbedoni, Bellagio, July 22-26,2003.
③[英]克里斯托弗·卢茨主编：《西方环境运动：地方、国家和全球向度》,徐凯译,山东：山东大学出版社2005年版,第191页。
④ Hanspeter Kriesi et al, New Social Movements in West Europe:A Comparative Analyis, Minneapolis:University of Minnesota Press,1995, p.37.
① Dieter Rucht, The Impact of National Contexts on Social Movement Structures:Cross-movement and Cross-national Comparison, in Doug McAdam et al, Comparative Perspective on Social Movements:Political Opportunities, Mobilizing Structure, and Cultural Framings, New York:Cambridge University Press,1996, pp.188-189.
② Doug McAdam et al, Comparative Perspective on Social Movements:Political Opportunities, Mobilizing Structure, and Cultural Framings, New York:Cambridge University Press,1996, p.34.
①有的学者认为,公元前600年左右,古斯巴达人就有条文规定公民大会的举行,而古雅典人直到公元前508年才有条文对定期的公民大会作了规定,因此,古斯巴达为民主作出的贡献可能比古雅典还早。参见：[英]西蒙·霍恩布洛尔：《古希腊民主制度的创立与发展》,[英]约翰·邓恩：《民主的历程》,林猛等译,长春：吉林人民出版社1999年版,第1-20页。
②[古希腊]修昔底德：《伯罗奔尼撒战争史》,谢德风译,北京：商务印书馆1960年版,第130页。
①[美]乔治·霍兰·萨拜因：《政治学说史》(上册),盛葵阳、崔妙因译,北京：商务印书馆1986年版,第34页。
②吉雅典民主内容主要参考了：[英]约翰·索利：《雅典民主》,王琼淑译,上海：上海译文出版社2001年版。林猛：《论古典民主与现代民主——历史视角的民主研究》,博士学位论文,北京大学政府管理学院2001年。
③竞争式民主在本文中指的就是西方的自由主义民主,因为其最大的特征就是强调“竞争”,因此,可以简称为竞争式民主。
④ Jennifer Tolbert Roberts, Athens on Trial:The Anti-democratic Tradition in Western Thought, Princeton:Princeton University Press,1994, p.8转引自：林猛：《论古典民主与现代民主——历史视角的民主研究》,博士学位论文,北京大学政府管理学院2001年,第42页。
⑤江宜桦：《自由民主的理路》,台北：联经出版社2001年版,第27页。
①实际上,熊彼特对古典民主的理解并不仅仅局限于古雅典的民主,他把18世纪流行的功利主义的民主观念称为古典民主。这种功利主义的民主观依然强调共善、人民意志等古雅典民主所强调的观念,因此,熊彼特某些对功利主义民主批判的观点可以引申到对古雅典民主的批判。另外,在行为主义、精英主义和实证研究结论的支持下,其他竞争式民主理论家通过对古雅典民主的批判,从而得出赞同竞争式民主的结论。就是说,从整个竞争式民主理论的角度看,它是在对古典民主即古雅典民主批判的基础上产生的。
②除了熊彼特以外,被称为竞争式民主理论代表人物的还有拉斯维尔、萨托利、达尔等学者。本文主要以熊彼特的理论为分析对象,主要是因为熊彼特提出竞争式民主理论的时间早,影响大,其后的竞争式民主理论家或多或少都受他的影晌。
③[美]约瑟夫·熊彼特：《资本主义、社会主义与民主》,吴良健译,北京：商务印书馆2000年版,第395-396页。
④[英]大卫·桑德斯：《行为主义》,[英]大卫·马什、格里·斯托克编：《政治科学的理论与研究方法》,景跃进等译,北京：中国人民大学出版社2006年版,第41页。
⑤彭怀恩：《精英民主理论评介》,台北：正中书局1983年版,第39-48页。
①[意]加塔诺·莫斯卡：《统治阶级》,贾鹤鹏译,南京：译林出版社2002年版,第97页。
②彭怀思：《精英民主理论评介》,台北：正中书局1983年版,第9页。
③[意]维尔弗雷多·帕累托：《精英的兴衰》,刘北成译,上海：上海人民出版社2003年版。
④[德]罗伯特·米歇尔斯：《寡头统治铁律——现代民主制度中的政党社会学》,任军峰等译,天津：天津人民出版社2003年版。
①[美]约瑟夫·熊彼特：《资本主义、社会主义与民主》,吴良健译,北京：商务印书馆2000年版,第395-396页。
②彭怀思：《精英民主理论评介》,台北：正中书局1983年版,第39-59页。
③ Benald Berelson et. al, Voting:A Study of Opinion Formation in a Presidential Campaign, Chicago:The University of Chicago Press,1954, pp.322-323转引自：彭怀恩：《精英民主理论评介》,台北：正中书局1983年版,第43页。
④[美]加布里埃尔·A·阿尔蒙德、西德尼·维巴：《公民文化——五国的政治态度和民主》,马殿君等译,杭州：浙江人民出版社1989年版。
⑤ Lester W. Milbrath & M. Lal Goel, Political Participation:How and Why Do People Get Involved in Politics?, Chicago:Rand McNally Collage Pub. Co.,1976. pp.147-148转引自：彭怀思：《精英民主理论评介》,台北：正中书局1983年版,第46-47页。
①[英]理查德·贝拉米：《重新思考自由主义》,王萍等译,南京：江苏人民出版社2005年版,第142页。
②[美]约瑟夫·熊彼特：《资本主义、社会主义与民主》,吴良健译,北京：商务印书馆2000年版,第370-378页。
③[美]约瑟夫·熊彼特：《资本主义、社会主义与民主》,吴良健译,北京：商务印书馆2000年版,第378页。
①[美]约瑟夫·熊彼特：《资本主义、社会主义与民主》,吴良健译,北京：商务印书馆2000年版,第380-389页。
②[英]戴维·赫尔德：《民主的模式》,燕继荣等译,北京：中央编译出版社1998年版,第237页。
③[美]乔万尼·萨托利：《民主新论》,冯克利、阎克文译,北京：东方出版社1998年版,第172页。
①[英]戴维·赫尔德：《民主的模式》,燕继荣等译,北京：中央编译出版社1998年版,第225页。
②[美]乔万尼·萨托利：《民主新论》,冯克利、阎克文译,北京：东方出版社1998年版,第171页。
③[美]乔万尼·萨托利：《民主新论》,冯克利、阎克文译,北京：东方出版社1998年版,第186页。
④[英]戴维·赫尔德：《民主的模式》,燕继荣等译,北京：中央编译出版社1998年版,第217页。
⑤[英]戴维·赫尔德：《民主的模式》,燕继荣等译,北京：中央编译出版社1998年版,第227页。
⑥勒庞认为,群众缺乏理性,崇尚权威,容易被煽动和偏执野蛮,因此,广泛动员群众参与就会产生极权主义运动。参见：[法]古斯塔夫·勒庞：《乌合之众——大众心理研究》,冯克利译,北京：中央编译出版社2000年版；[法]塞奇·莫斯科维奇：《群氓的时代》,许列民译,南京：江苏人民出版社2003年版。
①[美]约瑟夫·熊彼特：《资本主义、社会主义与民主》,吴良健译,北京：商务印书馆2000年版,第379页。
②[美]约瑟夫·熊彼特：《资本主义、社会主义与民主》,吴良健译,北京：商务印书馆2000年版,第386-418页。
① Herbert Kitschelt, Social Movements, Political Parties, and Democratic Theory, The ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Vol.528, No.1,1993, p.15.
① Donatella Della Porta & Mario Diani, Social Movements:An Introduction, Oxford, England:Blackwell Publishing, 2006, p.241.
① James Bohman, Deliberative Democracy and Effective Social Freedom:Capabilities, Resources, and Oportunities, in James Bohman & William Rehg, Deliberative Democracy:Essays on Reason and Politics, Cambridge:MIT Press, 1997,pp.523-524.
② Francesca Polletta, Freedom is an Endless Meeting, Chicago:Chicago Press,2002, Preface viii.
① Cohen, Deliberation and Democratic Legitimacy, in A. Hamlin & P. Pettit, The Good Polity, Oxford:Blackwell, 1989, pp.18-19协商民主尤其强调理性：人们为更有说服力的辩论所信服。尤其是,协商是建立平等的交往、多种观点的阐述、大量的互动机会、建立在理性辩论基础上的对抗以及相互倾听的基础上(哈贝马斯)。
② David Miller, Deliberative Democracy and Social Choice, in D. Held, Prospects for Democracy, Cambridge:Polity Press,1993, p.83.
John S. Dryzek, Deliberative Democracy and Beyond, New York:Oxford University Press,2000, p.64.
①Francesca Polletta, Freedom is an Endless Meeting, Chicago:Chicago Press,2002, p.2.
①在这方面,蒂利认为所有的运动都寻求证明它们的价值、团结、数量和信仰。然而一个运动必须或多或少地达到这四个标准,当然某一方面突出可以弥补另一方面的匮乏。见Marco Giugni, Dough McAdam & Charles Tilly, From Interactions to Outcomes in Social Movements, in How Social Movements Matter:Theoretical and Comparatice Studies on the Consequences of Social Movements, Minneapolis:University of Minnesota Press,1999.
①[法]卢梭：《社会契约论》,北京：商务印书馆1980年版,第30页。
①[美]卡罗尔·佩特曼：《参与和民主理论》,陈尧译,上海：上海人民出版社2006年版,第8-12页。
②江宜桦：《自由民主的理路》,台北：联经出版社2001年版,第220页。
③[美]本杰明·巴伯：《强势民主》,彭斌、吴润洲译,长春：吉林人民出版社2006年版,第311-344页。
④江宜桦：《自由民主的理路》,台北：联经出版社2001年版,第225页。
⑤[美]乔万尼·萨托利：《民主新论》,冯克利、阎克文译,北京：东方出版社1998年版,第127页。
①[美]卡罗尔·佩特曼：《参与和民主理论》,陈尧译,上海：上海人民出版社2006年版,第39页。
②[美]本杰明·巴伯：《强势民主》,彭斌、吴润洲译,长春：吉林人民出版社2006年版,第306-312页。
③[美]卡罗尔·佩特曼：《参与和民主理论》,陈尧译,上海：上海人民出版社2006年版,第29页。
④[美]乔万尼·萨托利：《民主新论》,冯克利、阎克文译,北京：东方出版社1998年版,第127页。
⑤[英]戴维·赫尔德：《民主的模式》,燕继荣等译,北京：中央编译出版社1998年版,第338-339页。
①[美]本杰明·巴伯：《强势民主》,彭斌、吴润洲译,长春：吉林人民出版社2006年版,第1-7页。
②胡伟：《推荐序言》,载于《参与和民主理论》,上海：上海世纪出版集团2006年版。
③张志安：《传媒与公共领域》,http://www.chuanmei.net/,2006年10月30日。
①陈尧：《从参与到协商：当代参与型民主理论之前景》,载《学术月刊》2006年第8期,第21页。
①赵林：《美国新左派运动述评》,载《美国研究》1996第2期,第45页。
② John P. Diggins, The American Left in the Twentieth Century, New York:Harcourt Brace Jovanovich,1973, p.157
③ Milorad I. Popov, The American Extreme Left:A Decade of Conflict, London:Institute for the Study of Conflict, 1972, p.4.
④ Tom Hayden, Port Huron Statement:Introduction,载 Loren Baritz, ed.,The American Left:Radical Political Thought in the Twentieth Century, New York:Basic book,1971, p.389.
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② Hanspeter Kriesi, The Political Opportunity Structure of the Dutch Peace Movement, West European Politics, No.12, 1989, pp.295-312.
① Mayer Zald & Bert Useem, Movement and Countermovement Interaction:Mobilization, Tactics, and State Involvement, in M. N. Zald & J. D. McCarthy, Social Movements in an Organizational Society, New Brunswick, N. J.:Transaction Books,1987, pp.247-272.
② J. Craig Jenkins & Bert Klandermans, The Politics of Social Protest, in J. C. Jenkins and B. Klandermans, The Politics of Social Protest:Comparative Perspectives on States and Social Movements, Minneapolis:University of Minnesota Press,1995, p.3.
③ Richard Gale, Social Movements and the State:The Environmental Movement, Counter-movement, and Governmental Agencies, Sociological Perspectives, Vol.29, No.2,1986, p.205.
④ Hanspeter Kriesi, et al, The Politics of New Social Movements in Western Europe:A Comparative Analysis, Minneapolis:University of Minnesota Press,1995, p.31.
① Christian Joppke, Mobilizing Against Nuclear Energy:A Comparison of Germany and the United States, Berkeley/Los Angeles:University of California Press,1993.
② Christian Joppke, Mobilizing Against Nuclear Energy:A Comparison of Germany and the United States, Berkeley/Los Angeles:University of California Press,1993, p.201.
③ Russell J. Dalton & Manfred Kuechler, Challenging the Political Order:New Social and Political Movements in Western Democracies, N.Y.:Oxford University,1990, p.124.
① David S. Meyer & Sidney Tarrow, The Social Movement Society:Contentious Politics for a New Century, Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, INC.,1998, p.57.
①Alan Scott, Ideology and the New Social Movements, New York:Unwin Hyman,1990, pp.16-17.
②V. O. Key, Politics Parties and Pressure Groups, N.Y.:Thomas Y. Crowell Company,1964, p.17.
③V. O. Key, Politics Parties and Pressure Groups, N.Y:Thomas Y. Crowell Company,1964, p.20.
①David K. Ryden, Representation in Crisis:The Constitution, Interest Groups, and Political Parties, N. Y: State University of New York Press,1996, p.73.
②V. O. Key, Politics Parties and Pressure Groups, N.Y.:Thomas Y.Crowell Company,1964, p.40.
③Robert A Dahl, Who Governs?Democracy and Power in the City, New Haven:Yale University Press,1961, p.93.
① Anne N. Costain & Andrew S. McFarland, Social Movement and American Political Institutions, Lanham, Rowman & Littlefield Publishers Inc.,1998, p.8.
② Anne N. Costain & Andrew S. McFarland, Social Movement and American Political Institutions, Lanham, Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc.,1998, p.9.
①Jeffrey M. Berry, Interest Group Society, New York:Little Brown & Co, Inc.,1984, p.21.
②Denise L. Baer & David A Bositis:Politics and Linkage in a Democratic Society, N.J.:Pretice-Hall Inc.,1993, p.52.
③Denise L. Baer & David A Bositis, Politics and Linkage in a Democratic Society, N.J.:Pretice-Hall Inc.,1993, p.53.
① Richard A. Harris & Sidney M. Milkis, Remaking American Politics, Boulder, Co.:Westview Press,1989, p.239.
② Mark P. Petracca, The Politics of Interests:Interest Groups Transformed, Boulder, Co.:Westview Press,1992, p.66.
①Mark P. Petracca, The Politics of Interests:Interest Groups Transformed, Boulder, Co.:Westview Press,1992, p.67.
① Bert Useem & Mayer N. Zald, From Pressure Group to Social Movement:Efforts to Promote Use of Nuclear Power, in Mayer N. Zald & John D. McCarthy, Social Movements in an Organizational Society, N.J.:New Brunswick,1987, p.274. "亲核运动”指的是提倡将核动力作为能源使用的集体行动。这个分析的数据来于对Bert和Mayer对58名亲核运动积极分子的分析而得来的。访谈于1979年秋和1980年冬展开,采用雪球抽样法以获得最后的样本。这些访谈的大多数在新英格兰、密歇根以及华盛顿特区进行。他们也参与了一些亲核运动的研讨会与会议。这使他们有机会同全美的亲核运动的积极分子进行非正式的交谈,以及对运动分子之间如何进行讨论进行了近距离的观察。另外,他们也对亲核运动所公布的材料进行收集和分析。最后,他们也同新英格兰、密歇根以及华盛顿特区的少数反核运动的积极分子进行了访谈。
② William A. Gamson, The Strategy of Social Protest, Homewood,Ill:Dorsey,1975, p.16.
③ Steven L. Del Sesto, Science, Politics, and Controversy:Civilian Nuclear Power in the United States,1946-1974, Boulder, Co.:Westview Press,1979, p.5.
① Robert Stobaugh & Daniel Yergin, Energy Future:The Report of the Energy Project at the Harvard Business School, New York:Random House,1979.
② Mayer N. Zald & John D. McCarthy, Social Movements in an Organizational Society, N.J.:New Brunswick,1987, p. 276.
③ Robert Stobaugh & Daniel Yergin, Energy Future:The Report of the Energy Project at the Harvard Business School, New York:Random House,1979, p.125.
④ William Stroops, et al, Nuclear Energy:Dark Outlook, Washington D.C.:Washington Aanlysis Corporation,1979, p.17.
⑤ Bayard Stockton & Peter Janke, Nuclear Power:Protest and Violence, London:Institute for the Study of Conflict, 1978, p.4.
⑥ William Stroops, et al, Nuclear Energy:Dark Outlook, Washington D.C.:Washington Aanlysis Corporation,1979, pp.17-18.
①Charles Tilly, From Mobilization to Revolution, MA:Addison-Wesley,1978, p.125.
① Mayer Zald & Roberta Ash, Social Movement Organizations:Growth, Decay and Change, Social Forces, Vol.44, No.3,1966,pp.327-340.
① Lawrence Friedman, American Law, New York:W. W. Norton,1984, p.3.
② Calvin MacKenzie, American Government:Politics and Policy, New York:Random House,1986, p.4.
③[美]拉雷·N·格斯顿著：《公共政策的制定——程序和原理》,朱子文译,重庆：重庆出版社2000年版,第5页。
① Ann O'M. Bowman & Richard C. Kearney, State and Local Government, Boston:Houghton Mifflin,1990, pp. 119-126.
①[美]拉雷·N·格斯顿：《公共政策的制定——程序和原理》,朱子文译,重庆：重庆出版社2000年版,第23页。
① Lynton K. Caldwell, Man and His Environment:Policy and Administration, New York:Harper and Row,1975, pp. 147-148.
① Lynton K. Caldwell, Man and His Environment:Policy and Administration, New York:Harper and Row,1975, p.8.
② Jo. Freeman, The Politics of Women's Liberation, New York:David McKay,1975, pp.28-30.
③ Hans J. Morganthau, Politics Among Nations, New York:McGraw-Hill Humanities,1975, p.38.
①Hans J. Morganthau, Politics Among Nations, New York:McGraw-Hill Humanities,1975, pp.180-181.
① Marco Giugni, Social Protest and Policy Change:Ecology, Anticulear and Peace Movements in Comparative Perspective, Lanham:Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc.,2004, p.14.
② Burstein, Social Movementd and Public Policy, in Marco Giugni, Doug McAdam & Charles Tilly, How Social Movements Matter, Minneapolis:University of Minnesota Press,1999, pp.3-21.
① Paul Burstein, Public Opinion, Demonstrations, and the Passage of Anti-discrimination Legislation, Public Opinion Quarterly, Vol.43, No.2,1979, pp.157-172.
② Anne N. Costain & Steven Majstorovic, Congress, Social Movements and Public Opinion:Multiple Origins of Women's Rights Legislation, Political Research Quarterly, Vol.47, No.1,1994, pp.111-135.
①[瑞士]汉斯彼得·克里西等著：《西欧新社会运动——比较分析》,张峰译,重庆出版社2006年版,第102页。
② Jan Willem Duyvendak, The Power of Politics, Boulder, Co.:Westview Press,1995.
③主要指议题与国家政治没有直接关系的运动,如人权,对第三世界发展国家的援助等
④ Marco Giugni, Social Protest and Policy Change:Ecology, Anti-nuclear, and Peace Movements in Comparative Perspective, Lanham:Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc.,2004, p.126.
① Hanspeter Kriesi, Rudd Koopmans, Jan Willem Duyvendak & Marco G. Giugni, New Social Movements and Political Opportunities in Western Europe, European Journal of Political Research, Vol.22, No.2,1992, pp.219-244.
② Sidney Tarrow, Power in Movement:Social Movements and Contentious Politics, New York:Cambridge University Press,1998.
③ Hanspeter Kriesi, Rudd Koopmans, Jan Willem Duyvendak & Marco G. Giugni, New Social Movements and Political Opportunities in Western Europe, European Journal of Political Research, Vol.22, Issue 2,1992, pp.219-244.
④ Sidney Tarrow, Social Protest and Policy Reform:May 1968 and the Loi d'Orientation in France, Comparative Political Studies, Vol.25, No.4,1993, pp.579-607.
⑤ Hanspeter Kriesi, Ruud Koopmans, Jan Willem Duyvendak,& Marco G. Giugni, New Social Movements in Western Europe., Minneapolis:University of Minnesota Press,1995.
① Kriesi及其同事的理论比此处描绘的更为复杂,如老左翼和新左翼(包括绿党)的区别,工会的潜在支持等等。
② James DeNardo, Power in Numbers:The Political Strategy of Protest and Rebellion, N. J.:Princeton University Press,1985; Ruud Koopmans, The Dynamics of Protest Waves:West Germany--1965 to 1989, American Sociological Review, Vol.58, No.12,1993, pp.637-658.
① Charles Tilly, Social Movements as Historically Specific Clusters of Political Performances, Berkeley Journal of Sociology, Vol.38, No.7,1994, pp.1-30.
② Marco Giugni, Social Protest and Policy Change:Ecology, Anti-nuclear, and Peace Movements in Comparative Perspective, Lanham:Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc.,2004, p.153.
③来源Encyclopedia of Associations (美国)以及发往各个运动组织的调查表(意大利和瑞士),转引自Marco Giugni, Social Protest and Policy Change:Ecology, Anti-nuclear, and Peace Movements in Comparative Perspective, Lanham:Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc.,2004, p.154.
① Frances Fox Piven & Richard Cloward, Poor People's Movements, New York:Pantheon,1977, p.24.
② Frances Fox Piven & Richard Cloward, Poor People's Movements, New York:Pantheon,1977, p.36.
③ Frances Fox Piven & Richard Cloward, Poor People's Movements, New York:Pantheon,1977, p.24.
④ Frances Fox Piven & Richard Cloward, Disruption and Organization:A Reply to Gamson and Schmeidler, Theory and Society, Vol.13, No.5,1984, pp.587-599; Piven, Frances Fox & Richard Cloward, Normalizing Collective Protest, in A. Morris and C. Mueller, Frontiers in Social Movement Theory, New Haven, CT:Yale University Press, 1992, pp.301-325.
⑤ Ira Katznelson, City Trenches, Chicago, IL:University of Chicago Press,1981, p.3.
① Sidney Tarrow, Social Protest and Policy Reform:May 1968 and the Loi d'Orientation in France, Comparative Political Studies, Vol.25, No.4,1993, pp.579-607.
② Michael Lipsky, Protest as a Political Resource, American Political Science Review Vol.62, No.6,1968, p.1145.
③ Michael Lipsky, Protest as a Political Resource, American Political Science Review Vol.62, No.6,1968.
④ David Garrow, Protest at Selma, New Haven, CT:Yale University Press,1978.
⑤ Paul Burstein, Social Movements and Public Policy, in M. Giugni, D. McAdam & C. Tilly, How Social Movements Matter, Minneapolis:University of Minnesota Press,1999, pp.3-21.
⑥ Jane Mansbridge, Politics of Persuasion, in L. C. Dodd & C. Jillison, The Dynamics of American Politics, Boulder, CO:Westview,1994, pp.298-310.
⑦ Kenneth T. Andrews, Social Movements and Policy Implementation:The Mississippi Civil Rights Movement and the War on Poverty,1965-1971, American Sociological Review, Vol.66, No.1., Feb.2001, p.75.
① Rufus Browning, Dale Marshall & David Tabb, Protest Is Not Enough:The Struggle of Blacks and Hispanics for Equality in Urban Politics, Berkeley, CA:University of California Press,1984, p.246.
② Thomas Rochon & Daniel Mazmanian, Social Movements and the Policy Process, Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Sciences, Vol.528, No.1,1993, p.75-156.
③ Kenneth T. Andrews, The Impacts of Social Movements on the Political Process:A Study of the Civil Rights Movement and Black Electoral Politics in Mississippi, American Sociological Review, Vol.62, No.1,1997, DD.800-819; Leila Rupp & Verta Taylor, Survival in the Doldrums. Columbus. OH:Ohio State University Press. 1990.
① Aldon Morris, The Origins of the Civil Rights Movement, New York:Free Press,1984.
② Belinda Robnett, African-American Women in the Civil Rights Movement,1954-1965:Gender, Leadership, and Micromobilization, American Journal of Sociology, Vol.101, No.6,1966, pp.1661-1693.
③ Judith Stepan-Norris & Maurice Zeitlin, Union Democracy, Radical Leadership, and the Hegemony of Capital, American Sociological Review, Vol.60, No.6,1995, pp.829-850.
④ Bert Klandermans, The Social Psychology of Protest, Cambridge, England:Blackwell,1997.
⑤ Marshall Ganz, The Paradox ofPowerlessness:Leadership, Organization, and the Strategy in the Unionization of California Agriculture,1959-1977, American Journal of Sociology, Vol.105, No.4,2000, pp.1003-1062.
⑥ Michael Schwartz & Shuva Paul, Resource Mobilization Versus the Mobilization of People, in A. Morris and C. Mueller Frontiers in Social Movment Theory, New Haven, CT:Yale University Press,1992, pp.205-223.
① Frank R.Baumgartner & Bryan D. Jones, Agendas and Instability in American Politics, Chicago:University of Chicago Press,1993.
② Frank R.Baumgartner & Byran D. Jones, Policy Dynamics, Chicago:University of Chicago Press,2002.
① Paul J DiMaggio & Walter W. Powell, The Iron Cage Revisited:Institutional Isomorphism and Collective Rationality, American Sociological Review, Vol.48, Issue 2,1983, pp.147-160.
② Debra Minkoff, Organizing for Equality:The Evolution of Women's and Racial-ethic Organiztions in America, 1955-1985, New Brunswick, N. J.:Rutgers University Press,1995.
③ David S. Meyer, Valerie Jenness & Helen Ingram, Routing the Opposition:Social Movements, Public Policy, and Democracy, Minneapolis:University of Minnesota Press,2005, p.68.
① David S. Meyer, Valerie Jenness & Helen Ingram, Routing the Opposition:Social Movements, Public Policy, and Democracy, Minneapolis:University of Minnesota Press,2005, p.69.
① David S. Meyer, Valerie Jenness & Helen Ingram, Routing the Opposition:Social Movements, Public Policy, and Democracy, Minneapolis:University of Minnesota Press,2005, p.70.
① David S. Meyer, Valerie Jenness & Helen Ingram, Routing the Opposition:Social Movements, Public Policy, and Democracy, Minneapolis:University of Minnesota Press,2005, p.71.
② Jack L. Walker, Mobilizing Interest Groups in America, Ann Arbor:University of Michigan Press,1991.
① David S. Meyer, Valerie Jenness & Helen Ingram, Routing the Opposition:Social Movements, Public Policy, and Democracy, Minneapolis:University of Minnesota Press,2005, p.72.
② Paul C.Light, The True Size of Government, Washingtong DC:Brookings Institution,1999; Christopher Howard, The Hidden Welfare State:Tax Expenditures and Social Policy in the United States, Princeton, N. J.:Princeton University Press,1997.
① David S. Meyer, Valerie Jenness & Helen Ingram, Routing the Opposition:Social Movements, Public Policy, and Democracy, Minneapolis:University of Minnesota Press,2005, p.73.
①David S. Meyer, Valerie Jenness & Helen Ingram, Routing the Opposition:Social Movements, Public Policy, and Democracy, Minneapolis:University of Minnesota Press,2005, p.74.
① David S. Meyer, Valerie Jenness & Helen Ingram, Routing the Opposition:Social Movements, Public Policy, and Democracy, Minneapolis:University of Minnesota Press,2005, p.75.
① David S. Meyer, Valerie Jenness & Helen Ingram, Routing the Opposition:Social Movements, Public Policy, and Democracy, Minneapolis:University of Minnesota Press,2005, p.76.
① Debra Minkoff, The Sequencing of Social Movements, American Sociological Review, Vol.62, No.5, October 1997, pp.779-799.
② Sidney Tarrow, Power in Movement:Social Movements, Collective Action, and Politics, New York:Cambridge University Press,1994.
③ Debra Minkoff, Organizing for Equality:The Evolution of Women's and Racial-ethic Organizations in America, 1955-1985, New Brunswick, N. J.:Rutgers University Press,1995; Ken Kollman, Outside Lobbying:Public Opinion and Interest Group Strategies, Princetion, N. J.:Princeton University Press,1998.
① Loch Johnson, Covert Action and Accountability:Decision-making for America's Secret Foreigh Policy, International Studies Quartely, Vol.33, No.1, March 1989, pp.81-109.
② Willam A. Gamson, The Strategy of Social Protest, Belmont:Wadsworth Publishing Company,1990, pp.31-37.
① Willam A. Gamson, The Strategy of Social Protest, Belmont:Wadsworth Publishing Company,1990, p31.
② Roland Vaubel, A Public Choice Approach to International Organization, Public Choice, Vol.51, No.1,1986, pp.39-57.
③ Matthew McCubbins & Thomas Schwartz, Congressional Oversight Overlooked:Police Patrols versus Fire Alarms, American Journal of Political Science, Vol.28, No.1, Feb.1984, pp.165-179.
④ Matthew McCubbins & Thomas Schwartz, Congressional Oversight Overlooked:Police Patrols versus Fire Alarms, American Journal of Political Science, Vol.28, No.1, Feb.1984, p.166.
⑤同时,运动领导者也可以将参与政策过程作为一种提升其作用的方法,并不仅仅将其作用限于运动抗议的动员阶段。Ⅰtobert Salisbury, An Exchange Theory of Interest Groups, Midwest Journal of Political Science, Vol.13, No. 1, Feb.1969.
①Douglas Waller, Congress and the Nuclear Freeze, Amherst:University of Massachusetts Press,1987, p.52.
① Louis Fisher, American Constitutional Law, New York:McGraw-Hill.1990. p.308.
② Dick Russell, The Rise of the Grass-roots Toxics Movement, Amicus Journal, Vol.12, No.1,1990, pp.17-21.
①更多关于环保运动参与政策制定和执行的分析见：James P. Lester, ed., Environmental Politics and Policy: Theories and Evidence, Durham, NC:Duke University Press,1989; Norman J. Vig and Michael K. Kraft, eds., Environmental Policy in the 1990s, Washington, DC:C.Q. Press,1990.
①William Gamson, The Strategy of Social Protest, Belmont, CA:Wadsworth,1990, p.63.
①公元前279年,古希腊伊庇鲁斯国(Epirus)的皮洛士王(King Pyrrhus)在大胜罗马军队后说：“再有一次这样的胜利,我们就输了。”为什么打了胜仗还会输呢?原来皮洛士虽然战胜了罗马军队,但也付出了极大的代价。他的大部分精锐部队和指挥官在那次战斗中阵亡。难怪当有人向他表示祝贺时,他说：" One more such victory and we are lost。"以后人们便用"Pyrrhic victory"来表示因代价沉重而得不偿失的胜利。奇怪的是,虽然皮拉斯与罗马的战斗是两千多年前的事了,可这个短语一直到19世纪才被广泛使用。今天,“皮洛士的胜利”(Pyrrhic victory)更是成为政治家们最常用的词汇之一
②何增科：《公民社会与第三部门》,北京：社会科学文献出版社2000年版,第143页。
① Peter K. Eisinger, The Conditions of Protest in American Cities, American Political Science Review, Vol.67, No.1, 1973, p.11-28.
② McCarthy, John D., David Britt & Mark Wolfson, The Institutional Channeling of Social Movements by the State in the United States, Research in Social Movements, Conflicts and Change, Vol.13, No.2,1991, pp.45-76.
③ Jeffrey M.Berry, The Interest Group Society, New York:Harper Collins,1989.
① David S. Meyer & Suzanne Staggenborg, Movements, Counter-movements, and the Structure of Political Opportunity, American Jornal of Sociology, Vol.101, No.4,1996, pp.1628-1660.
② Lee Ann Banaszak, Why Movements Succeed or Fail:Opportunity, Culture, and the Struggle for Woman Suffrage, Princetion, N. J.:Princeton University Press,1996.
①Frederico Stame, The Crisis of the Left and New Social Identiies, Telos, No.60, Summer 1984, pp.8-9.
①周穗明：《新社会运动与未来社会主义》,载《欧洲》1997年第5期。
①[瑞士]汉斯彼得·克里西等著：《西欧新社会运动比较研究》,张峰译,重庆：重庆出版社2006版,第149-150页。
①赵鼎新：《社会与政治运动讲义》,北京：社会科学文献出版社2006年版,第2页。
1.《马克思恩格斯选集》相关卷,北京：人民出版社1995年版。
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10.[英]克里斯托弗·卢茨主编：《西方环境运动：地方国家和全球向度》,徐凯译,济南：山东大学出版社2005年版。
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35.[美]乔治·霍兰·萨拜因：《政治学说史》(上册),盛葵阳、崔妙因译,北京：商务印书馆1986年版。
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1.李瑞昌：《“亚政治”与“新社会运动”》,载《复旦学报》(社会科学版)2006年第6期。
2.刘大椿、段伟文：《社会运动：当代资本主义社会嬗变的促力》,载《学术界》(双月刊)2002年第6期。
3.赵鼎新：《社会与政治运动理论：框架与反思》,载《学海》2006年第2期。
4.王冠华：《晚近西方社会运动研究》,载《东岳论丛》2006年第9期。
5.张杨：《社会运动研究的国家——社会关系视角》,载《学海》2007年第5期。
6.周穗明：《当代新社会运动对西方政党执政方式的影响及其启示》,载《科学社会主义》2006年第2期。
7.郭来法：《经济全球化及其对西方社会运动的冲击和影响》,载《北京行政学院学报》2001年第4期。
8.刘宏松：《跨国社会运动及其政策议程的有效性分析》,载《现代国际关系》2003年第10期。
9.王芝茂：《从新社会运动到政党：德国绿党兴起的原因和结果》,载《理论界》2007年第1期。
10.周穗明：《后物质主义价值观和全球环境主义》,载《当代世界与社会主义》(季刊)1998年第3期。
11.杨丽娟：《关于社会运动主体的思考》,载《中国人民大学学报》1998年第1期。
12.郑曙村：《当代西方“参与制民主”理论分析》,载《济南大学学报》1998年第1期。
13.张小劲：《关于政党组织嬗变问题的研究：综述与评价》,载《欧洲》2002年第4期。
14.赵鼎新：《集体行动、搭便车理论与形式社会学方法》,载《社会学研究》2006年第1期。
15.周穗明：《20世纪90年代新马克思主义的多元社会结构理论评析》,载《北京行政学院学报》2006年第1期。
16.周穗明：《后现代的选择——西方兴起后物质主义价值观》,载《马克思主义与现实》1999年第1期。
17.董国礼：《历史社会学视野下的社会运动研究——梯利的集体行动理论》,载《学海》2007年第5期。
18.吴潮：《论美国施政方针与60年代社会运动的互动关系》,载《宁波大学学报》(人文科学版)2003年第16卷第2期。
19.赵鼎新：《美欧合流后的社会运动研究回眸》,载《社会观察》2005年第5期。
20.秦德占：《欧美社会运动未来走势分析》,载《新视野》2002年第2期。
21.秦德占：《欧美社会运动未来走势及其对社会主义运动的影响》,载《中国特色社会主义研究》2002年第3期。
22.张金鉴：《欧洲的新社会运动趋势和新社会运动》,载《国外理论动态》2000年第2期。
23.李世安：《评美国的跨国市民社会运动与人权外交》,载《世界历史》2002年第6期。
24.胡键：《全球社会运动的兴起及其对全球治理的影响》,载《国际论坛》2006年第1期。
25.王子今：《社会运动规律的科学探索》,载《学术界》1999年第2期。
26.沈素红、邢来顺：《德国绿党对德国政治的影响析论》,载《长江论坛》2006年第4期。
27.王冠华：《晚近西方社会运动研究》,载《东岳论丛》2006年第5期。
28.周穗明：《西方绿色思潮与后物质主义价值观》,载《岭南学刊》2002年第5期。
29.张文成：《西方社会的新变化对政党的挑战》,载《当代世界与社会主义》(双月刊)2004年第1期。
30.冯仕政：《西方社会运动研究：现状与范式》,载《国外社会科学》2003年第5期。
31.王瑾：《西方社会运动研究理论述评》,载《国外社会科学》2006年第2期。
32.黄汝接：《新社会运动的兴起》,载《国外理论动态》2006年第11期。
33.周穗明：《新社会运动与未来社会主义》,载《欧洲》1997年第5期。
34.刘能：《怨恨解释、动员结构和理性选择——有关中国都市地区集体行动发生可能性的分析》,载《开放时代》2004年第4期。
35.何平立：《认同感政治：西方新社会运动述评》,载《探索与争鸣》2007年第9期。
36.王美琴、马勇：《社会运动的社会学解读》,载《广西社会科学》2004年第5期。
37.王瑾：《西方社会运动研究理论述评》,载《国外社会科学》2006年第2期。
38.郇庆治：《80年代中期以来的西欧新社会运动》,载《欧洲》2001年第6页。
39.郇庆治：《80年代以来的西欧环境运动：一种定量的分析》,载《欧洲》2002 年第6期,第75-84页。
40.肖宁灿：《论社会运动的定义和特性》,载《西南师范大学学报》(哲学社会科学版)1996年第5期。
41.周穗明：《新社会运动：世纪末的文化抗衡》,载《当代世界与社会主义》1997年第4期。
42.周穗明：《新社会运动与未来社会主义》,载《欧洲》1997年第5期。
43.赵林：《美国新左派运动述评》,载《美国研究》1996年第2期。
44.陈尧：《民主时代的参与》,载《读书》2006年第8期。
45.陈炳辉：《20世纪西方民主理论的演化》,载《厦门大学学报》1999年第3期。
46.陈伟东：《当代西欧新中间阶层政治文化初探》,载《社会主义研究》1994年第2期。
47.陈尧：《从参与到协商：当代参与型民主理论之前景》,载《学术月刊》2006年第8期。
48.何包钢：《直接民主理论、直接民主诸形式和全民公决》,载《公共论丛》1998年第5期。
49.蒋本国：《参与式民主理论初探》,载《学习与探索》2002年第6期。
50.李良栋：《试析民主及其实现形式》,载《石家庄学院学报》2005年第1期。
51.林猛：《论古典民主与现代民主——历史视角的民主研究》,博士学位论文,北京大学政府管理学院2001年。
52.李其庆：《新中间阶层及其特点》,载《当代世界与社会主义》1998年第1期。
53.马德普：《走出孤独个人迈向公共领域——阿伦特新自由主义政治哲学述评》,载《中西政治文化论丛》2002年第2期。
54.史志钦：《欧洲政党的与时俱进》,载《南风窗》2002年第1期。
55.[美]裴宜理文,阎小骏译：《社会运动理论的发展》,载《当代世界社会主义问题》2006年第4期。
56.[美]杰弗里·伊萨克著,周凡译：《后马克思主义与新社会运动》,载《马克思主义与现实》(双月刊)2004年第6期。
57.[美]梅路西：《后工业民主的悖论：日常生活和社会运动》,载《现代外国哲学社会科学文摘》1995年第5期。
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