“类聚群分”:当代中国中产阶层的多元构成及其多维政治取向
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摘要
本文结合体制分割和市场状况两大维度,划分出五种中产阶层基本类型,并利用2015年中国社会状况综合调查数据(CSS)和潜类模型、多元对应分析技术,从政治关注、政治效能、政治信任、意见表达、集体行动五个关联性维度考察中产阶层的多维政治取向。结果显示,体制内两类中产阶层在很大程度上延续了再分配体制的特征,政治取向明显保守稳健;处于"高经济地位"和"低政治地位"的地位相悖位置的体制外新中产阶层(新社会阶层)展现了偏激进的政治取向;处于体制和市场"双重弱势"地位的体制外边缘中产和"老中产"则兼具政治激进和冷漠的复杂二重性,且这种二重性主要沿着年龄、市场机会和生活状况被分割开来。体制外的中产阶层构成潜在的不稳定因素,应在阶层整合、利益整合和畅通上升流动渠道等方面着力,培育并壮大中产阶层,使其更好地发挥社会"稳定器"的作用。
The middle class in contemporary China is not a class entity with uniform characteristics,but a social existence group form with multiple levels.Based on the two dimensions of system segmentation and market situation,this paper divides five basic types of middle class,and uses the 2015 Chinese Social Survey Data(CSS)to draw the multi-dimensional political orientation of the middle class from the five related dimensions of political attention,political efficiency,political trust,opinion expression,and collective action.The results show that the political orientation of the two middle classes in the system is obviously conservative and stable,they show a high awareness of the recognition and maintenance of the existing order,and there is basically no negative evaluation of the government and the intention to seek change;the new middle class outside the system is in a position of"high economic status"and"low political status"shows a radical political orientation,their political attention and sensitivity are high,but their sense of political efficiency and political trust are obviously low,and there is a markedly high level of collective action participation experience or willingness;while the marginal middle class and the"old"middle class present a complex duality of political radicalism and indifference,and this duality is largely divided by age,market opportunity and living conditions.The middle class outside the system constitutes a potential unstable factor.It should focus on the integration of the class,the integration of interests,and the smooth of the upward mobility channels to foster and strengthen the middle class,so that it can better play the role of the"stabilizer"of society.
The middle class in contemporary China is not a class entity with uniform characteristics,but a social existence group form with multiple levels.Based on the two dimensions of system segmentation and market situation,this paper divides five basic types of middle class,and uses the 2015 Chinese Social Survey Data(CSS)to draw the multi-dimensional political orientation of the middle class from the five related dimensions of political attention,political efficiency,political trust,opinion expression,and collective action.The results show that the political orientation of the two middle classes in the system is obviously conservative and stable,they show a high awareness of the recognition and maintenance of the existing order,and there is basically no negative evaluation of the government and the intention to seek change;the new middle class outside the system is in a position of"high economic status"and"low political status"shows a radical political orientation,their political attention and sensitivity are high,but their sense of political efficiency and political trust are obviously low,and there is a markedly high level of collective action participation experience or willingness;while the marginal middle class and the"old"middle class present a complex duality of political radicalism and indifference,and this duality is largely divided by age,market opportunity and living conditions.The middle class outside the system constitutes a potential unstable factor.It should focus on the integration of the class,the integration of interests,and the smooth of the upward mobility channels to foster and strengthen the middle class,so that it can better play the role of the"stabilizer"of society.
引文
边燕杰,主编.2002.市场转型与社会分层——美国社会学者分析中国[M].北京:生活·读书,新知三联书店.
陈家喜.2008.私营企业主社会属性变化的政治意义[J].政治与法律(3):59-63.
陈龙彪.2005.政治取向的构成要素[J].广西社会科学(3):16-17.
陈映芳.2006.行动力与制度限制:都市运动中的中产阶层[J].社会学研究(4):1-20.
李春玲.2011.寻求变革还是安于现状:中产阶层社会政治态度测量[J].社会31(2):125-154.
李春玲.2016.中国中产阶层成长中的烦恼与压力[J].人民论坛(27):64-67.
李汉林、李路路.2000.单位成员的满意度和相对剥夺感——单位组织中依赖结构的主观层面[J].社会学研究(2):3-19.
李红艳.2017.中国中产阶层:自在抑或自为?基于公共事件中社会化媒介的话语分析[J].南京社会科学(2):72-79.
李黎藜.2012.大统战视野下的新社会阶层思想状况研究[J].东南大学学报(6):10-13.
李路路.2002.制度转型与分层结构的变迁——阶层相对关系模式的“双重再生产”[J].中国社会科学(6):105-118.
李路路.2008.中间阶层的社会功能:新的问题取向和多维分析框架[J].中国人民大学学报(4):125-135.
李路路.2013.“单位制”的变迁与研究[J].吉林大学社会科学学报(1):11-14.
李路路、孔国书.2017.中产阶层的“元问题”[J].开放时代(3):90-100.
李路路、李升.2007.“殊途异类”:当代中国城镇中产阶层的类型化分析[J].社会学研究(6):15-37.
李路路、王鹏.2018.转型中国的社会态度变迁(2005-2015)[J].中国社会科学(3):83-101.
李强.2001.关于中产阶层和中间阶层[J].中国人民大学学报(2):17-20.
李强.2017.中产过渡层与中产边缘层[J].江苏社会科学(2):1-11.
李文.2004.东南亚中间阶层的二重性及其成因[J].当代亚太(6):58-64.
李友梅.2005.社会结构中的“白领”及其社会功能——以20世纪90年代以来的上海为例[J].社会学研究(6):90-111.
廉思、冯丹、芦垚.2016.当前我国新社会阶层的特征分析、杠杆作用以及工作思考[J].中国青年研究(11):56-63.
刘精明、李路路.2005.阶层化:居住空间、生活方式、社会交往与阶层认同[J].社会学研究(3):52-81.
刘欣、朱妍.2011.中国城市的社会阶层与基层人大选举[J].社会学研究(6):34-58.
米尔斯.1987.白领——美国的中产阶层[M].杨小东,等,译.杭州:浙江人民出版社.
默顿.2006.社会理论和社会结构[M].唐少杰、齐心,译.南京:译林出版社.
齐杏发.2010.当前中国中产阶层政治态度的实证研究[J].社会科学(8):3-11+187.
秦广强.2017.阶级、地位与职业:竞争性分层视角的理论定位及内在关联[J].中央民族大学学报(哲学社会科学版)(4):23-30.
秦广强.2018.新社会阶层的政治功能及社会整合研究[J].江苏社会科学(5):92-99.
邱皓政.2008.潜在类别模型的原理与技术[M].北京:教育科学出版社.
田毅鹏、王丽丽.2017.单位的“隐形在场”与基层社会治理——以“后单位社会”为背景[J].中国特色社会主义研究(2):89-94.
王浦劬.1995.政治学基础[M].北京大学出版社.
吴晓林.2012.从政治“排斥”到“积极整合”:新时期党对私营企业主阶层整合政策的变迁[J].探索(4):36-41.
杨家宁.2011.新社会阶层研究述评[J].广东省社会主义学院学报(3):58-62;
张宛丽、李炜、高鸽.2004.现阶段中国社会新中间阶层的构成特征[J].江苏社会科学(6):100-107.
张翼.2008.当前中国中产阶层的政治态度[J].中国社会科学(2):117-131.
周晓虹.2002.中产阶层:何以可能与何以可为?[J].江苏社会科学(6):37-45.
周晓虹.2006.中国中产阶层:现实抑或幻象[J].天津社会科学(2):60-66.
朱迪.2012.混合研究方法的方法论、研究策略及应用——以消费模式研究为例[J].社会学研究(4):146-166.
Campbell,Angus,Gerald Gurin,and Warren E. Miller. 1954. The Voter Decides,Evanston,IL:Row, Peterson, and Co.
Chen,Jie. 2013. A Middle Class Without Democracy:Economic Growth a nd the Prospects for Democratization in China, New York:Oxford University Press.
Chen,Jie and Chunlong Lu. 2011."Democratization and the Middle Class in China:The Middle Class's Attitudes toward Democracy."Political Research Quarterly 64(3):705-719.
Dahrendorf,Ralf. 1959. Class and Class Conflict in Industrial Society. Stanford,CA:Stanford University Press.
Dickson,Bruce. 2016. The Dictator's Dilemma:The Chinese Communist Party's Strategy for Survival, New York:Oxford University Press.
Fischer,Claude S. and Greggor Mattson. 2009."Is America Fragmenting? AnnualReview of Sociology 35(1):435-455.
Giddens,Anthony. 1973. The Class Structure of the Advonced Societies. London:Hutchinson.
Goldthorpe, John H. 1982."On the Service Class, Its Formation and Future."In Social Class and the Division of Labour, edited by Anthony Giddens and Gavin Mac Kenzie. Cambridge:Cambridge University Press.
Goodman, David. 2008. The New Rich in China:Future Rulers,Present Lives.London:Rout ledge.
Greenacre,Michael. 2006."From Simple to Multiple Correspondence Analysis."In Multiple Correspondence Analysis and Related Methods, edited by Michael Greenacre and Jorg Blazius. London:Chapman and Hall.
Hsiao,Hsin Huang. 2006. The Changing Faces of the Middle Classes in Asia-Pacific.Taipei:Center for Asia-Pacific Aree Studies,Academia Sinica.
Hsiao,Hsin-Huang Michael and Alvin Y. So. 1999."The Making of the East Asian Middle Classes."In East Asian Middle Culasses in Compararive Perspective,edited by HsinHuang Michael Hsiao. Taipei:Academia Sinica.
Huntington,Samuel P. 1991. The Third Wave:Democratization in the Late Twentieth Century. Norman:University of Oklahoma.
Jones,David Martin. 1998."Democratization,Civil Society,and Illiberal Middle Class Culture in Pacific Asia."Comparative Politics 30(2):147-169.
Jones,David Martin and David Brown. 1994."Singapore and the Myth of the Liberalizing Middle Class."Pacific Review 7(1):79-87.
Lane, Robert E. 1959. Political Life:Why People Get Involved in Politics. New York:Free Press.
Lipset,Seymour. 1963. Political Man:The Social Bases of Politics. New York:Anchor Books.
Lockwood,David. 1958. The Blaccoated Worker. London:Allen and Unwin.
Lopreato,Joseph. 1967."Upward Social Mobility and Political Orientation."American Sociological Review 32(4):586-592.
Lorence,Jon and Jeylan T. Mortimer. 1979.“Work Experience and Political Orientation:A Panel Study."Social Forces 58(2):651-676.
Mason,David S.,Daniel N. Nelson,and Bohdan M. Szklarski. 1991."Apathy and the Birth of Democracy:the Polish Struggle."East European Politics and Societies 5(2):2015-233.
Miller,Arthur H. and Ola Listhag. 1990."Political Parties and Confidence in Government:A Comparison of Norway,Sweden and the United States."British Journal of Political Science 20(3):357-386.
Nathan,Andrew J. 2016."The Puzzle of the Chinese Middle Class."Journal of Democracy 27(2):5-19.
Renner,Karl. 1978."The Service Class."In Austro-Marxism, edited by Tom Bottomore and Patrick Goode. Oxford:Clarendon Press.
Shi,Tianjian. 2008.“China:Democratic Values Supporting an Authoritarian System.”In How East Asia ns View De m oc ra cy, edited by Yun-han Chu, et al. New York:Columbia University Press.
Stark,David. 1996."Recombinant Property in East European Capitalism."American Journal of Sociolog 101(4):993-1027.
Walder,Andrew G. 1996."Markets and Inequality in Transitional Economies:Toward Testable Theories."American Journal of Sociolog 101(4):1060-1073.
1.孙立平,“超越还是制衡:在民粹主义与精英主义之间”,引自微信公众号“孙立平社会观察”(https:∥mp.weixin.qq.com/s/84WtgIQ0xrd9CyZiC_JxTA),2018年4月18日。
2.红德智库,“一场击溃中产阶层的攻心战,正在打响”,引自“红德智库”(http:∥www.hongdezk.com/thread-8172-1-1.html),2016年5月17日。
3.需要强调的一点在于,此“市场”并非体制分割下的“再分配—市场”中的“市场”或“市场经济”概念,而是韦伯意义上的“市场状况”,即市场资源/能力的市场获益性,影响和形塑市场主体的生活机会和阶层状况。这一市场分化逻辑同时适用于体制内外的两种劳动力市场。
4.需要说明的是,本文对于老中产阶层的界定是在马克思所说的小资产阶级的意义上来使用的,操作化中未包含私营企业主群体。
5.潜类分析表中数字的统计意义是外显变量各项目在某一潜类上的响应概率,出于叙述方便及通俗易懂的考虑,在此使用百分比的描述方法,这一做法本质上仍然保留了其实质含义。
陈家喜.2008.私营企业主社会属性变化的政治意义[J].政治与法律(3):59-63.
陈龙彪.2005.政治取向的构成要素[J].广西社会科学(3):16-17.
陈映芳.2006.行动力与制度限制:都市运动中的中产阶层[J].社会学研究(4):1-20.
李春玲.2011.寻求变革还是安于现状:中产阶层社会政治态度测量[J].社会31(2):125-154.
李春玲.2016.中国中产阶层成长中的烦恼与压力[J].人民论坛(27):64-67.
李汉林、李路路.2000.单位成员的满意度和相对剥夺感——单位组织中依赖结构的主观层面[J].社会学研究(2):3-19.
李红艳.2017.中国中产阶层:自在抑或自为?基于公共事件中社会化媒介的话语分析[J].南京社会科学(2):72-79.
李黎藜.2012.大统战视野下的新社会阶层思想状况研究[J].东南大学学报(6):10-13.
李路路.2002.制度转型与分层结构的变迁——阶层相对关系模式的“双重再生产”[J].中国社会科学(6):105-118.
李路路.2008.中间阶层的社会功能:新的问题取向和多维分析框架[J].中国人民大学学报(4):125-135.
李路路.2013.“单位制”的变迁与研究[J].吉林大学社会科学学报(1):11-14.
李路路、孔国书.2017.中产阶层的“元问题”[J].开放时代(3):90-100.
李路路、李升.2007.“殊途异类”:当代中国城镇中产阶层的类型化分析[J].社会学研究(6):15-37.
李路路、王鹏.2018.转型中国的社会态度变迁(2005-2015)[J].中国社会科学(3):83-101.
李强.2001.关于中产阶层和中间阶层[J].中国人民大学学报(2):17-20.
李强.2017.中产过渡层与中产边缘层[J].江苏社会科学(2):1-11.
李文.2004.东南亚中间阶层的二重性及其成因[J].当代亚太(6):58-64.
李友梅.2005.社会结构中的“白领”及其社会功能——以20世纪90年代以来的上海为例[J].社会学研究(6):90-111.
廉思、冯丹、芦垚.2016.当前我国新社会阶层的特征分析、杠杆作用以及工作思考[J].中国青年研究(11):56-63.
刘精明、李路路.2005.阶层化:居住空间、生活方式、社会交往与阶层认同[J].社会学研究(3):52-81.
刘欣、朱妍.2011.中国城市的社会阶层与基层人大选举[J].社会学研究(6):34-58.
米尔斯.1987.白领——美国的中产阶层[M].杨小东,等,译.杭州:浙江人民出版社.
默顿.2006.社会理论和社会结构[M].唐少杰、齐心,译.南京:译林出版社.
齐杏发.2010.当前中国中产阶层政治态度的实证研究[J].社会科学(8):3-11+187.
秦广强.2017.阶级、地位与职业:竞争性分层视角的理论定位及内在关联[J].中央民族大学学报(哲学社会科学版)(4):23-30.
秦广强.2018.新社会阶层的政治功能及社会整合研究[J].江苏社会科学(5):92-99.
邱皓政.2008.潜在类别模型的原理与技术[M].北京:教育科学出版社.
田毅鹏、王丽丽.2017.单位的“隐形在场”与基层社会治理——以“后单位社会”为背景[J].中国特色社会主义研究(2):89-94.
王浦劬.1995.政治学基础[M].北京大学出版社.
吴晓林.2012.从政治“排斥”到“积极整合”:新时期党对私营企业主阶层整合政策的变迁[J].探索(4):36-41.
杨家宁.2011.新社会阶层研究述评[J].广东省社会主义学院学报(3):58-62;
张宛丽、李炜、高鸽.2004.现阶段中国社会新中间阶层的构成特征[J].江苏社会科学(6):100-107.
张翼.2008.当前中国中产阶层的政治态度[J].中国社会科学(2):117-131.
周晓虹.2002.中产阶层:何以可能与何以可为?[J].江苏社会科学(6):37-45.
周晓虹.2006.中国中产阶层:现实抑或幻象[J].天津社会科学(2):60-66.
朱迪.2012.混合研究方法的方法论、研究策略及应用——以消费模式研究为例[J].社会学研究(4):146-166.
Campbell,Angus,Gerald Gurin,and Warren E. Miller. 1954. The Voter Decides,Evanston,IL:Row, Peterson, and Co.
Chen,Jie. 2013. A Middle Class Without Democracy:Economic Growth a nd the Prospects for Democratization in China, New York:Oxford University Press.
Chen,Jie and Chunlong Lu. 2011."Democratization and the Middle Class in China:The Middle Class's Attitudes toward Democracy."Political Research Quarterly 64(3):705-719.
Dahrendorf,Ralf. 1959. Class and Class Conflict in Industrial Society. Stanford,CA:Stanford University Press.
Dickson,Bruce. 2016. The Dictator's Dilemma:The Chinese Communist Party's Strategy for Survival, New York:Oxford University Press.
Fischer,Claude S. and Greggor Mattson. 2009."Is America Fragmenting? AnnualReview of Sociology 35(1):435-455.
Giddens,Anthony. 1973. The Class Structure of the Advonced Societies. London:Hutchinson.
Goldthorpe, John H. 1982."On the Service Class, Its Formation and Future."In Social Class and the Division of Labour, edited by Anthony Giddens and Gavin Mac Kenzie. Cambridge:Cambridge University Press.
Goodman, David. 2008. The New Rich in China:Future Rulers,Present Lives.London:Rout ledge.
Greenacre,Michael. 2006."From Simple to Multiple Correspondence Analysis."In Multiple Correspondence Analysis and Related Methods, edited by Michael Greenacre and Jorg Blazius. London:Chapman and Hall.
Hsiao,Hsin Huang. 2006. The Changing Faces of the Middle Classes in Asia-Pacific.Taipei:Center for Asia-Pacific Aree Studies,Academia Sinica.
Hsiao,Hsin-Huang Michael and Alvin Y. So. 1999."The Making of the East Asian Middle Classes."In East Asian Middle Culasses in Compararive Perspective,edited by HsinHuang Michael Hsiao. Taipei:Academia Sinica.
Huntington,Samuel P. 1991. The Third Wave:Democratization in the Late Twentieth Century. Norman:University of Oklahoma.
Jones,David Martin. 1998."Democratization,Civil Society,and Illiberal Middle Class Culture in Pacific Asia."Comparative Politics 30(2):147-169.
Jones,David Martin and David Brown. 1994."Singapore and the Myth of the Liberalizing Middle Class."Pacific Review 7(1):79-87.
Lane, Robert E. 1959. Political Life:Why People Get Involved in Politics. New York:Free Press.
Lipset,Seymour. 1963. Political Man:The Social Bases of Politics. New York:Anchor Books.
Lockwood,David. 1958. The Blaccoated Worker. London:Allen and Unwin.
Lopreato,Joseph. 1967."Upward Social Mobility and Political Orientation."American Sociological Review 32(4):586-592.
Lorence,Jon and Jeylan T. Mortimer. 1979.“Work Experience and Political Orientation:A Panel Study."Social Forces 58(2):651-676.
Mason,David S.,Daniel N. Nelson,and Bohdan M. Szklarski. 1991."Apathy and the Birth of Democracy:the Polish Struggle."East European Politics and Societies 5(2):2015-233.
Miller,Arthur H. and Ola Listhag. 1990."Political Parties and Confidence in Government:A Comparison of Norway,Sweden and the United States."British Journal of Political Science 20(3):357-386.
Nathan,Andrew J. 2016."The Puzzle of the Chinese Middle Class."Journal of Democracy 27(2):5-19.
Renner,Karl. 1978."The Service Class."In Austro-Marxism, edited by Tom Bottomore and Patrick Goode. Oxford:Clarendon Press.
Shi,Tianjian. 2008.“China:Democratic Values Supporting an Authoritarian System.”In How East Asia ns View De m oc ra cy, edited by Yun-han Chu, et al. New York:Columbia University Press.
Stark,David. 1996."Recombinant Property in East European Capitalism."American Journal of Sociolog 101(4):993-1027.
Walder,Andrew G. 1996."Markets and Inequality in Transitional Economies:Toward Testable Theories."American Journal of Sociolog 101(4):1060-1073.
1.孙立平,“超越还是制衡:在民粹主义与精英主义之间”,引自微信公众号“孙立平社会观察”(https:∥mp.weixin.qq.com/s/84WtgIQ0xrd9CyZiC_JxTA),2018年4月18日。
2.红德智库,“一场击溃中产阶层的攻心战,正在打响”,引自“红德智库”(http:∥www.hongdezk.com/thread-8172-1-1.html),2016年5月17日。
3.需要强调的一点在于,此“市场”并非体制分割下的“再分配—市场”中的“市场”或“市场经济”概念,而是韦伯意义上的“市场状况”,即市场资源/能力的市场获益性,影响和形塑市场主体的生活机会和阶层状况。这一市场分化逻辑同时适用于体制内外的两种劳动力市场。
4.需要说明的是,本文对于老中产阶层的界定是在马克思所说的小资产阶级的意义上来使用的,操作化中未包含私营企业主群体。
5.潜类分析表中数字的统计意义是外显变量各项目在某一潜类上的响应概率,出于叙述方便及通俗易懂的考虑,在此使用百分比的描述方法,这一做法本质上仍然保留了其实质含义。
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