世界格局及身份的定位与中美关系—一种建构主义的分析
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摘要
美国和中国都处在一个重要的变化时刻,都面临着重大的战略机遇与挑战。在主流建构主义对角色身份的认识、建构主义关于国家利益由国家身份界定,而国家身份(以及其利益)在互动的过程中会发生变化的观点,以及身份和身份所界定的国家利益只有在相对物质实力的分配发生变化的情况下才会发生变化的观点基础之上,本研究就中美在过去六十多年中的互动模式提出三个假设：1)如果双方都对世界局势有着错误的或部分错误的估计,而且对对方的角色身份和国家身份有着错误的或部分错误的定位,两国之间不可避免地要发生正面冲突；2)如果双方对世界局势的评估都是正确的,对对方的角色身份和国家身份的定位也是正确的,两国关系很可能将会有所突破或实现更加平稳的发展；3)如果一方对世界局势的评估是正确的,而且对另一方的角色身份和国家身份定位也是正确的,而另一方对世界局势的评估出现短期的错误,并且对另一方的角色身份和国家身份的定位也出现短期的错误,中美关系将恶化,但是如果出现错误的一方能改正错误的评估和定位,双边关系将不会出现严重倒退。
三个案例分析证明了这三个假设是正确的。从1949年到1969年,美国政府把美苏之间的争夺看作是资本主义和共产主义、自由和奴役之间的生死之争,并且把整个共产主义阵营看作是铁板一块,而且处于苏联的完全控制之下。在朝鲜战争爆发以及中国参战之后,中国被定位为美国的敌人,期间从杜鲁门到约翰逊的历届美国政府都维持了中国是美国的敌人这一认知。1962年的中印冲突使得中国威胁在美国主要决策者的心目中再次得到确认。由于对中国有着这样的定位,美国所推行的对华政策是政治上孤立、经济上封锁、贸易上禁运、以及军事上围堵,目标是要让北京政权垮台。就中国政府来说,中国的领导人在这一时期也把美国看作是最大的威胁。对美国威胁的认知促使中国领导人决定派志愿军赴朝鲜作战,从而使中美成为兵戎相见的敌人。二十世纪五十年代中国领导人对世界局势的评估标志着中国政治开始逐步左倾,中国政府拒绝接受苏联提出的和西方世界和平共处的主张,导致和美国政府进一步对抗。在二十世纪五十年代末,毛泽东估计东风压倒西风,从而使中国的战略形势进一步恶化,并且导致了中国已经成为世界革命的中心这样的错误估计。美国是中国最大的威胁这一定位在这个时期基本上没有发生变化。
从1969年到1972年,世界局势的变化,特别是1968年后苏联的扩张主义政策,引起了美国决策者的注意,苏联对中国进行核打击的威胁使美国决策者认定,苏联己经成为美国在全球(特别是亚洲)之战略地位的最大威胁。因此,中国不再是美国对大的敌人。随着中苏关系在六十年代末不断恶化,特别是在1969年的中苏边境武装冲突之后,毛泽东和其它中国领导人意识到中国最大的威胁是来自北方。在中苏局势最紧张的时刻,甚至中国自身的生死存亡都受到了威胁。变化了的安全形势迫使毛泽东调整中国的外交战略。“两个拳头打人”的战略被改变,中国尝试着寻找盟友以阻止苏联(的扩张)。最好的选择是美国。中国把改善中美关系看作是当务之急。这样一来,美国就不再是中国最大的敌人了。威胁认知的重合以及双方对彼此定位的变化,为可能的关系和解铺平了道路。
从1989年到1992年,老布什政府认为世界局势正向后冷战时代过渡,而且美国是唯一的超级大国,在该评估的基础上,美国对中国实施制裁,同时努力保持和北京的沟通渠道畅通,并和国会就保留中国的最惠国地位展开了激烈的斗争,因为老布什政府认为这样做是有必要的,以对中国的发展进程产生影响,并促使中国发生积极的变化。在克林顿政府执政的第一年,美国以总统行政命令的形式,决定把中国人权纪录的改善和延长中国的最惠国地位挂钩,因为克林顿政府中的主要决策者和几位颇有影响力的国会议员认为,美国有一个输出民主和按美国模式重塑世界的绝好机会；更重要的是,他们认为中国共产党在中国很快就会倒台。他们对世界局势的评估是错误的,而且过高地估计了所谓的绝好机会以及错误地认为北京政权将步东欧共产主义政权的后尘。但是,以邓小平为核心的中国领导集体,在1989年“六四风波”之前,具体说来是在1984年和1989年之间,就对世界局势做出了正确的评估,得出了和平与发展已经取代战争和革命成为世界局势的两大根本特征。在“六四风波”之后最困难的几年里,邓小平对世界局势进行了正确的评估,没有改变和平与发展仍然是时代主题的基本判断。尽管当时中国出现了不同的声音,邓小平决定不和美国搞对抗,拒绝当头,并没有像一些发展中国国家所期待的那样,扛起反美大旗。因此,中国领导人做到了冷静观察、稳住阵脚。在对变化了的世界局势做出正确评估的基础上,邓小平提出了中国对美政策的十六字方针,成为江泽民领导下的中国政府外交工作的指南。在看到对中国的施压没有奏效,也不会奏效的情况下,克林顿政府改变了其对世界局势、中国的未来以及中国共产党的未来所做的错误评估。在1994年5月,美国把中国人权纪录的改善和延长中国最惠国待遇脱钩,从而为美国总统克林顿和中国主席江泽民在1994年的亚太经济合作组织领导人峰会上实现首脑会晤铺平了道路。克林顿和江泽民的会晤,标志着中美关系在经历了1989年的“六四风波”以来的波动之后重回正轨。
在这三个假设的基础上,本研究认为：一方面,在对全球力量均势没有发生根本变化以及美国仍然是唯一的超级大国这一判断的基础上,中国领导人得出的结论是,中国不应该当头、不应该挑战美国,而是要努力建设一种新型的大国关系；另一方面,奥巴马政府不接受中国已经对美国的安全构成了威胁的观点,认为中美之间不大可能发生对抗或战争。中国尚未被定位为对美国利益的威胁或美国的敌人,因此奥巴马政府仍将坚持“两面下注”战略。美国将继续其亚洲再平衡战略,中国将努力建设新型大国关系。尽管战略互疑己经成为推进中美关系所面临的最大困难,中美两国领导人都很清楚,两国关系变坏的代价将会非常高。本文作者建议中国和美国：1)让对方知道自己的底线：2)强调两国之间的平等和彼此尊重；3)建立危机管理和控制机制。
The United States and China are both at a moment of transition and face great strategic opportunities and challenges. Based on the mainstream constructivism's understanding of role identity, the constructivists'notion that the interests of states are shaped by their identities, while state identities (and therefore interests) themselves are subjected to change in the process of interaction, and the argument that the identity and underlying interests of states are never altered by the interaction unless the distribution of relative material capabilities changes, this study put forward three hypotheses on the pattern of dynamics of interactions between the United States and China during the past60-plus years:1) If the two parties both have a mistaken or partly mistaken assessment of the world situation and a mistaken understanding of the other's role(s) and state identity, it is inevitable that the two countries will have a head-on collision.2) If the two parties both have a correct assessment of the world situation and a correct understanding of the other's role(s) and state identity, it is very likely that the two countries will have a breakthrough in or a more smooth development of bilateral relations.3) If one party has a correct analysis of the world situation and a correct understanding of the other's role(s) and state identity while the other party has a short-term mistaken analysis of world situation and a wrong understanding of the other's role(s) and state identity, Sino-U.S. relations will deteriorate, but if the mistaken' party corrects the mistakes, the bilateral relations will not witness serious backslide.
Three case studies vindicate the validity of these three hypotheses. During the period between1949and1969, the United States government viewed America's struggle with the Soviet Union as a life-and-death struggle between Capitalism and Communism, between freedom and slavery and viewed the Communist bloc as a monolith which was under the tight control of the Soviet Union. After the outbreak of the Korean War and China's involvement in the war, China was deemed as the enemy of the United States and this perception of China being an enemy of the United States was maintained by all American administrations from Truman to Johnson during this period. The Sino-Indian border conflicts in1962reaffirmed the threat of China on the part of key American policymakers. As a result of such a China identity, the United States largely pursued a China policy characterized by political isolation, economic and trade embargo and military encirclement which was aimed at the demise of the Beijing regime. On the part of the Chinese government, the Chinese leadership also viewed the United States as the biggest threat in this period. The perception of American threat prompted the Chinese leadership to make the decision to send volunteer troops to North Korea, thus making the United States and China real enemies in battle. Chinese leadership's assessment of the world situation in the1950s marked the gradual left-turn of Chinese politics and the Chinese leadership refused to accept the Soviet notion of peaceful coexistence with the West, which further antagonized the American government. In the late1950s, Mao Zedong's assessment that the East wind was prevailing over the West wind further exasperated China's strategic situation which resulted in the mistaken assessment that China had become the center of world revolution. China's American identity as the biggest threat to China was kept almost unchanged during this period.
During the period between1969and1972, the changed world situation, particularly Soviet expansionism after1968, was taken notice by the American policymakers. The Soviet threat of nuclear attacks against China made the American policymakers conclude that the Soviets had become the greatest threat to America's strategic position in the world, particular in Asia. As a result, China was not the biggest enemy of the United States anymore. As Sino-Soviet relations went from bad to worse in the late1960s, especially after the armed conflicts along the Sino-Soviet border in1969, Mao and other leaders realized that China's biggest threat came from the north. At the height of the tension between China and the Soviet Union, China's very survival was even threatened. The changed security situation made Mao adjust China's foreign relations strategy. The "fighting with two fists" strategy was changed, and China tried to seek for allies to deter the Soviet Union. The best choice was the United States. China found it a high priority to improve Sino-U.S relations. As a result, the United States was not the biggest enemy of China. Instead, both countries defined the Soviet Union as the biggest enemy. This convergence of threat perception and the changed identity of one another paved the way for a possible rapprochement.
During the period between1989and1992, the Bush Sr. administration, based on its assessment of the world situation which was transitioning to a post-Cold War era in which the United States was the only superpower, imposed sanctions on China and at the same time tried to maintain the channels of communication with Beijing open and fought vigorously with Congress to keep China's MFN status because it thought it necessary to do so to shape the development of China and facilitate positive change in China. During the early Clinton years, the renewal of China's MFN status was linked to China's improvement in human rights by an executive order because key policy-makers in the Clinton administration and several influential Congressmen(women) held the view that the United States had a golden opportunity to export democracy and reshape the world in the American model, and more importantly, the Communist Party in China would collapse soon. They had a mistaken assessment of the world situation and overestimated the so-called golden opportunity and mistakenly thought that the Beijing regime would follow the steps of its counterparts in Eastern Europe. However, the Chinese leadership with Deng Xiaoping at the core had a correct assessment of world situation before the June4incident in1989, to be specific, during the period between1984and1989, and concluded that peace and development had replaced war and revolution as the two defining features of the world situation. During the most difficult years in the wake of the June4incident, Deng Xiaoping correctly assessed the world situation and did not change his basic judgment that peace and development was still the prevailing themes of the era and decided to maintain a non-confrontational stance toward the United States even though there were different voices in China and refused to claim the leadership of holding high the banner of anti-Americanism as expected by some developing countries, thus the Chinese leadership observed the situation coolly, held their ground and kept their patience. Deng Xiaoping, based on his correct assessment of the changed world situation, gave the16-character guiding principle in China's policy toward the United States, which guided the foreign policy work of the Chinese government led by Jiang Zemin. The Clinton administration changed its mistaken assessment of the world situation and the future of China and the Chinese Communist Party when it was clear that the pressure had not worked and would not work. It delinked the improvement of China's human rights record from the renewal of China's MFN status in May1994, which paved the way for a summit between U.S. President Clinton and Chinese President Jiang Zemin at the APEC1994Summit. The meeting between Clinton and Jiang Zemin marked that Sino-U.S. relations had come back to the right track after the fluctuations since the June4incident in1989.
Based on these three hypotheses, this study argues, on the one hand, that on the basis of the assessment that the global balance of power has not undergone fundamental changes and the United States is still the only superpower, the Chinese leadership concludes that China should not claim leadership and challenge the United States but make great efforts to build a new type of relationship between great powers; on the other hand, the Obama administration does not accept the argument that China has become a threat to America's security and does not think that confrontation or war between China and the United States is likely. China has not been defined as a threat to American interests or an enemy of the United States, so the Obama administration still adheres to the hedging strategy. The United States will continue its rebalance to Asia and China will make efforts to build a new type of relationship between great powers. Although mutual strategic mistrust is the biggest problem in promoting. Sino-U.S relations, the Chinese leadership and their counterparts in the United States are very clear that the stakes are too high if the bilateral relationship goes sour. This author suggests that Beijing and Washington:1) show the bottom line to each other;2) stress equality between and respect to each other;3) build a crisis management and control mechanism.
三个案例分析证明了这三个假设是正确的。从1949年到1969年,美国政府把美苏之间的争夺看作是资本主义和共产主义、自由和奴役之间的生死之争,并且把整个共产主义阵营看作是铁板一块,而且处于苏联的完全控制之下。在朝鲜战争爆发以及中国参战之后,中国被定位为美国的敌人,期间从杜鲁门到约翰逊的历届美国政府都维持了中国是美国的敌人这一认知。1962年的中印冲突使得中国威胁在美国主要决策者的心目中再次得到确认。由于对中国有着这样的定位,美国所推行的对华政策是政治上孤立、经济上封锁、贸易上禁运、以及军事上围堵,目标是要让北京政权垮台。就中国政府来说,中国的领导人在这一时期也把美国看作是最大的威胁。对美国威胁的认知促使中国领导人决定派志愿军赴朝鲜作战,从而使中美成为兵戎相见的敌人。二十世纪五十年代中国领导人对世界局势的评估标志着中国政治开始逐步左倾,中国政府拒绝接受苏联提出的和西方世界和平共处的主张,导致和美国政府进一步对抗。在二十世纪五十年代末,毛泽东估计东风压倒西风,从而使中国的战略形势进一步恶化,并且导致了中国已经成为世界革命的中心这样的错误估计。美国是中国最大的威胁这一定位在这个时期基本上没有发生变化。
从1969年到1972年,世界局势的变化,特别是1968年后苏联的扩张主义政策,引起了美国决策者的注意,苏联对中国进行核打击的威胁使美国决策者认定,苏联己经成为美国在全球(特别是亚洲)之战略地位的最大威胁。因此,中国不再是美国对大的敌人。随着中苏关系在六十年代末不断恶化,特别是在1969年的中苏边境武装冲突之后,毛泽东和其它中国领导人意识到中国最大的威胁是来自北方。在中苏局势最紧张的时刻,甚至中国自身的生死存亡都受到了威胁。变化了的安全形势迫使毛泽东调整中国的外交战略。“两个拳头打人”的战略被改变,中国尝试着寻找盟友以阻止苏联(的扩张)。最好的选择是美国。中国把改善中美关系看作是当务之急。这样一来,美国就不再是中国最大的敌人了。威胁认知的重合以及双方对彼此定位的变化,为可能的关系和解铺平了道路。
从1989年到1992年,老布什政府认为世界局势正向后冷战时代过渡,而且美国是唯一的超级大国,在该评估的基础上,美国对中国实施制裁,同时努力保持和北京的沟通渠道畅通,并和国会就保留中国的最惠国地位展开了激烈的斗争,因为老布什政府认为这样做是有必要的,以对中国的发展进程产生影响,并促使中国发生积极的变化。在克林顿政府执政的第一年,美国以总统行政命令的形式,决定把中国人权纪录的改善和延长中国的最惠国地位挂钩,因为克林顿政府中的主要决策者和几位颇有影响力的国会议员认为,美国有一个输出民主和按美国模式重塑世界的绝好机会；更重要的是,他们认为中国共产党在中国很快就会倒台。他们对世界局势的评估是错误的,而且过高地估计了所谓的绝好机会以及错误地认为北京政权将步东欧共产主义政权的后尘。但是,以邓小平为核心的中国领导集体,在1989年“六四风波”之前,具体说来是在1984年和1989年之间,就对世界局势做出了正确的评估,得出了和平与发展已经取代战争和革命成为世界局势的两大根本特征。在“六四风波”之后最困难的几年里,邓小平对世界局势进行了正确的评估,没有改变和平与发展仍然是时代主题的基本判断。尽管当时中国出现了不同的声音,邓小平决定不和美国搞对抗,拒绝当头,并没有像一些发展中国国家所期待的那样,扛起反美大旗。因此,中国领导人做到了冷静观察、稳住阵脚。在对变化了的世界局势做出正确评估的基础上,邓小平提出了中国对美政策的十六字方针,成为江泽民领导下的中国政府外交工作的指南。在看到对中国的施压没有奏效,也不会奏效的情况下,克林顿政府改变了其对世界局势、中国的未来以及中国共产党的未来所做的错误评估。在1994年5月,美国把中国人权纪录的改善和延长中国最惠国待遇脱钩,从而为美国总统克林顿和中国主席江泽民在1994年的亚太经济合作组织领导人峰会上实现首脑会晤铺平了道路。克林顿和江泽民的会晤,标志着中美关系在经历了1989年的“六四风波”以来的波动之后重回正轨。
在这三个假设的基础上,本研究认为：一方面,在对全球力量均势没有发生根本变化以及美国仍然是唯一的超级大国这一判断的基础上,中国领导人得出的结论是,中国不应该当头、不应该挑战美国,而是要努力建设一种新型的大国关系；另一方面,奥巴马政府不接受中国已经对美国的安全构成了威胁的观点,认为中美之间不大可能发生对抗或战争。中国尚未被定位为对美国利益的威胁或美国的敌人,因此奥巴马政府仍将坚持“两面下注”战略。美国将继续其亚洲再平衡战略,中国将努力建设新型大国关系。尽管战略互疑己经成为推进中美关系所面临的最大困难,中美两国领导人都很清楚,两国关系变坏的代价将会非常高。本文作者建议中国和美国：1)让对方知道自己的底线：2)强调两国之间的平等和彼此尊重；3)建立危机管理和控制机制。
The United States and China are both at a moment of transition and face great strategic opportunities and challenges. Based on the mainstream constructivism's understanding of role identity, the constructivists'notion that the interests of states are shaped by their identities, while state identities (and therefore interests) themselves are subjected to change in the process of interaction, and the argument that the identity and underlying interests of states are never altered by the interaction unless the distribution of relative material capabilities changes, this study put forward three hypotheses on the pattern of dynamics of interactions between the United States and China during the past60-plus years:1) If the two parties both have a mistaken or partly mistaken assessment of the world situation and a mistaken understanding of the other's role(s) and state identity, it is inevitable that the two countries will have a head-on collision.2) If the two parties both have a correct assessment of the world situation and a correct understanding of the other's role(s) and state identity, it is very likely that the two countries will have a breakthrough in or a more smooth development of bilateral relations.3) If one party has a correct analysis of the world situation and a correct understanding of the other's role(s) and state identity while the other party has a short-term mistaken analysis of world situation and a wrong understanding of the other's role(s) and state identity, Sino-U.S. relations will deteriorate, but if the mistaken' party corrects the mistakes, the bilateral relations will not witness serious backslide.
Three case studies vindicate the validity of these three hypotheses. During the period between1949and1969, the United States government viewed America's struggle with the Soviet Union as a life-and-death struggle between Capitalism and Communism, between freedom and slavery and viewed the Communist bloc as a monolith which was under the tight control of the Soviet Union. After the outbreak of the Korean War and China's involvement in the war, China was deemed as the enemy of the United States and this perception of China being an enemy of the United States was maintained by all American administrations from Truman to Johnson during this period. The Sino-Indian border conflicts in1962reaffirmed the threat of China on the part of key American policymakers. As a result of such a China identity, the United States largely pursued a China policy characterized by political isolation, economic and trade embargo and military encirclement which was aimed at the demise of the Beijing regime. On the part of the Chinese government, the Chinese leadership also viewed the United States as the biggest threat in this period. The perception of American threat prompted the Chinese leadership to make the decision to send volunteer troops to North Korea, thus making the United States and China real enemies in battle. Chinese leadership's assessment of the world situation in the1950s marked the gradual left-turn of Chinese politics and the Chinese leadership refused to accept the Soviet notion of peaceful coexistence with the West, which further antagonized the American government. In the late1950s, Mao Zedong's assessment that the East wind was prevailing over the West wind further exasperated China's strategic situation which resulted in the mistaken assessment that China had become the center of world revolution. China's American identity as the biggest threat to China was kept almost unchanged during this period.
During the period between1969and1972, the changed world situation, particularly Soviet expansionism after1968, was taken notice by the American policymakers. The Soviet threat of nuclear attacks against China made the American policymakers conclude that the Soviets had become the greatest threat to America's strategic position in the world, particular in Asia. As a result, China was not the biggest enemy of the United States anymore. As Sino-Soviet relations went from bad to worse in the late1960s, especially after the armed conflicts along the Sino-Soviet border in1969, Mao and other leaders realized that China's biggest threat came from the north. At the height of the tension between China and the Soviet Union, China's very survival was even threatened. The changed security situation made Mao adjust China's foreign relations strategy. The "fighting with two fists" strategy was changed, and China tried to seek for allies to deter the Soviet Union. The best choice was the United States. China found it a high priority to improve Sino-U.S relations. As a result, the United States was not the biggest enemy of China. Instead, both countries defined the Soviet Union as the biggest enemy. This convergence of threat perception and the changed identity of one another paved the way for a possible rapprochement.
During the period between1989and1992, the Bush Sr. administration, based on its assessment of the world situation which was transitioning to a post-Cold War era in which the United States was the only superpower, imposed sanctions on China and at the same time tried to maintain the channels of communication with Beijing open and fought vigorously with Congress to keep China's MFN status because it thought it necessary to do so to shape the development of China and facilitate positive change in China. During the early Clinton years, the renewal of China's MFN status was linked to China's improvement in human rights by an executive order because key policy-makers in the Clinton administration and several influential Congressmen(women) held the view that the United States had a golden opportunity to export democracy and reshape the world in the American model, and more importantly, the Communist Party in China would collapse soon. They had a mistaken assessment of the world situation and overestimated the so-called golden opportunity and mistakenly thought that the Beijing regime would follow the steps of its counterparts in Eastern Europe. However, the Chinese leadership with Deng Xiaoping at the core had a correct assessment of world situation before the June4incident in1989, to be specific, during the period between1984and1989, and concluded that peace and development had replaced war and revolution as the two defining features of the world situation. During the most difficult years in the wake of the June4incident, Deng Xiaoping correctly assessed the world situation and did not change his basic judgment that peace and development was still the prevailing themes of the era and decided to maintain a non-confrontational stance toward the United States even though there were different voices in China and refused to claim the leadership of holding high the banner of anti-Americanism as expected by some developing countries, thus the Chinese leadership observed the situation coolly, held their ground and kept their patience. Deng Xiaoping, based on his correct assessment of the changed world situation, gave the16-character guiding principle in China's policy toward the United States, which guided the foreign policy work of the Chinese government led by Jiang Zemin. The Clinton administration changed its mistaken assessment of the world situation and the future of China and the Chinese Communist Party when it was clear that the pressure had not worked and would not work. It delinked the improvement of China's human rights record from the renewal of China's MFN status in May1994, which paved the way for a summit between U.S. President Clinton and Chinese President Jiang Zemin at the APEC1994Summit. The meeting between Clinton and Jiang Zemin marked that Sino-U.S. relations had come back to the right track after the fluctuations since the June4incident in1989.
Based on these three hypotheses, this study argues, on the one hand, that on the basis of the assessment that the global balance of power has not undergone fundamental changes and the United States is still the only superpower, the Chinese leadership concludes that China should not claim leadership and challenge the United States but make great efforts to build a new type of relationship between great powers; on the other hand, the Obama administration does not accept the argument that China has become a threat to America's security and does not think that confrontation or war between China and the United States is likely. China has not been defined as a threat to American interests or an enemy of the United States, so the Obama administration still adheres to the hedging strategy. The United States will continue its rebalance to Asia and China will make efforts to build a new type of relationship between great powers. Although mutual strategic mistrust is the biggest problem in promoting. Sino-U.S relations, the Chinese leadership and their counterparts in the United States are very clear that the stakes are too high if the bilateral relationship goes sour. This author suggests that Beijing and Washington:1) show the bottom line to each other;2) stress equality between and respect to each other;3) build a crisis management and control mechanism.
引文
1 As far as the ups are concerned, a short list can be made:United States agreed to sell arms to China on June 16, 1981; United States and China agreed to cut American arms sales to Taiwan on August 17,1982; President Bill Clinton's signing of the U.S.-China Relations Act of 2000 in October,2000; the establishment of the U.S.-China Strategic and Economic Dialogue (S&ED) announced on April I,2009:as far as the downs are concerned, a longer list can be made:President George H. Bush decided to sell Taiwan 100 F-16 fighter jets which was included in the package on September 2.1992:the 1995-1996 Taiwan Strait Crisis; United States bombing of Chinese Embassy in Belgrade on May 7,1999; the release of the Cox Report alleging Chinese spying on May 25.1999; the aircraft collision incident on April 1,2001.
2 Kenneth Lieberthal, "Lessons of the 40 years since Nixon went to China," http://edition.cnn.com/2012/02/21/opinion/lieberthal-china-us-40-years/index.html (accessed September 10,2012).
3 Sebatian Hamisch, Cornelia Frank, and Hanns W. Maull,"Introduction," in Sebatian Harnisch. Cornelia Frank, and Hanns W. Maull. eds.. Role Theory in International Relations:Approaches and Analysis (New York: Routledge,2011),p.l. 4 Ibid.
5 The following paragraphs are based on Andrew J. Nathan and Robert S.Ross. The Great Wall and the Empty Fortress:China s Search for Security (New York:W.W. Norton,1997).
6 However, it cannot be said that the Sino-USSR split was the result of this strategy, that is, there is not a causal relationship between the strategy and the split. The fundamental reason behind the split was "the structural drawback inherent in the alliance relations in the socialist camp参见：沈志华：《中苏盟破裂的原因和结果》,载《中共党史研究》,2007年第2期,第29-42页But Chen Jian maintains that "the split was not caused by uncompromising conflicts in national interests but rather by different understandings and interpretations of the same ideology." See Chen Jian. Mao's China and the Cold War (Chapel Hill. NC:University of North Carolina Press,2001), p.9.
7 The questions and answers were such:Q:What area of international policy would you change immediately? A: Our relationship with China. The President has called the relationship with China a strategic partnership. I believe our relationship needs to be redefined as competitor. Competitors can find areas of agreement, but we must make it clear to the Chinese that we don't appreciate any attempt to spread weapons of mass destruction around the world, that we don't appreciate any threats to our friends and allies in the Far East. Source:GOP Debate on the Larry King Show Feb 15,2000.
According to David J. Frum. by the 1990s, "strategic ambiguity" had long ceased to make any sense at all. But Bush's speech on April 24.2001 stuck to the familiar talking points on China:China is not an enemy:we support the One China policy that denies Taiwan's right to statehood; the surveillance flights will resume. But when interviewed. Bush dropped the talking points and spoke with startling candor:Q:If Taiwan were attacked by China, do we have an obligation to defend the Taiwanese? A:Yes, we do. and the Chinese must understand that. Q:With the full force of the American military? A:Whatever it took to help Taiwan defend herself. "'Strategic ambiguity" was dead. Bush's words uncorked a whole jugful of complaints from allies, commentators, and foreign-policy wisemen. Unprompted by his own administration-and to the horror of much of his own foreign-policy bureaucracy-Bush was informing the Chinese and the world that the tire marshals had returned to duty in East Asia. Source:David Frum. The Right Man:The Surprise Presidency of George W. Bush, An Inside Account (New York: Random House.2003). pp.78-81.
9 Warren I. Cohen, America s Response to China:A History of Sino-American Relations.5th ed. (New York: Columbia University Press.2010). p.269.
10 Ibid., p.287.
" Cited in Warren I. Cohen, America's Response to China:A History of Sino-American Relations,5th ed. (New York:Columbia University Press,2010), p.289
12 Cheryl Kaften, "US Commerce votes in favor of duties for Chinese PV manufacturers,"'October 11,2012, http://www.pv-magazine.com/news/details/beitrag/us-commerce-votes-in-favor-of-duties-for-chinese-pv-manufact urers 100008801/#axzz2BbtAtYHs (accessed November 8,2012). More anti-dumping investigations against such Chinese products as tires, medical products, wind power products and diamond saws have been carried out by the United States in recent years.
13 Eric Min, "US trade panel approves duties on China solar products," November 8,2012. http://www.morningwhistle.com/html/2012/Company Industry 1108/215182.html (accessed November.8,2012).
14 During a media briefing on Oct.18. Sany Group said that "a decree from U.S. President Obama has deeply hurt the enthusiasm of Chinese enterprises investing in the United States." Ralls has brought a lawsuit against President Obama and CFIUS to the U.S. Federal District Court. The case hearing will be held November.28. However, the possibility of winning the lawsuit is still unclear, according to Sany Group, its investment into the U.S. is long-term and is not capable of posing any threat to U.S. national security. See http://www.china.org.cn/business/2012-10/22/content 26870741.htm (accessed November 8.2012).
15 Zach Honig, "Huawei blocked from first responder network contract, US cites'national security concerns'. October 14,2011. http://www.engadget.com/2011/10/14/huawei-blocked-from-first-responder-network-contract-us-cites/#disgus thr ead (accessed November 8.2012).
16 Ibid.
17 Warren I. Cohen, op. cit.. p.290.
]8 Warren I. Cohen, op. cit.. p.291.
19 "China, U.S agree bilateral relations as "most important'." January 12,2009, http://english.people.com.cn/90001/90776/90883/6572553.html (accessed September 11.2012).
20 See Jia Qingguo. "From Asymmetry to Symmetry:A Historical Perspective of China-US People to People Exchange,' http://www.chinausfocus.com/foreign-policv/from-asymmetry-to-symmetry-a-historical-perspective-of-people-to-people-exchange-between-china-and-the-us/(accessed October 18,2012).
21 Fareed Zakaria, observes that over the last five hundred years, the world has seen three tectonic power shifts:(1) the rise of the Western world that resulted in modernity as we know it (brought on by science and technology, commerce and capitalism, and the agricultural and industrial revolutions):(2) the rise and dominance of the United States towards the end of the nineteenth century in the areas of global economics, politics, science, and culture; and (3) the rise of "the rest," by virtue of global growth that has dispersed power and influence and contributed to the creation of a truly global order-one defined by and directed from many places and by many people. See Fareed Zakaria, The Post-American World (New York:W. W. Norton & Company,2008), pp.1-2.
22 Fareed Zakaria argues that "[t]he world is moving from anger to indifference, from anti-Americanism to post-Americanism. The fact that new powers are more strongly asserting their interests is the reality of the post-American world. It also raises the political conundruin of how to achieve international objectives in a world of many actors, state and nonstate." See The Post-American World, pp.36-37.
2j Hillary Clinton, "America's Pacific Century,"http://www.state.gov/secretary/rm/2011/11/176999.htm (accessed September 12.2012).
24 "Chinese military official meets US Pacific commander."http://www.globaltimes.cn/content/729999.shtml (accessed September 12.2012).
25 "A Proper Pivot toward Asia." July 15.2012. http://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/a-proper-pivot-toward-asia/2012/07/14/gJOA9Y8pkW print.html (accessed September 12.2012).
26 Department of Defense of the United States of America. Sustaining U.S. Global Leadership:Priorities for 21st Century Defense, January 2012.
27 For the role of the U.S. government in the dispute between China and Japan over the Diaoyu Islands, see Jean-Marc F. Blanchard, "The U.S. Role in the Sino-Japanese Dispute over the Diaoyu (Senkaku) Islands, 1945-1971," The China Quarterly, No.161 (Mar.,2000). pp.95-123.
28 Gideon Rachman, "The risk of US-China conflict," August 22,2012. http://blogs.ft.com/the-world/2012/08/the-risk-of-us-chinese-conflict/(accessed September 13,2012).
29 See http://english.kyodonevvs.jp/news/2012/07/168715.html (accessed September 13,2012).
30 Keith Johnson and Carol E. Lee, "China Tensions on the Rise," Wall Street Journal, September 17,2012, http://online.wsi.com/article/SB10000872396390443816804578002603417771588.html?mod=googlenews wsi (accessed September 18,2012). However, China has never defined herself as a superpower.
31 Ibid. However, different surveys have different findings in the favorability issue:the Committee of 1002012 survey finds that 55%of Americans holds favorable impression of China, and the Gallup poll and the ABC News/WashPost poll find that 42%and 37%of American hold favorable opinions of China. The favorability ratings average out to be less than 50%, that is. more than half of Americans have an unfavorable view of China. See Damien Ma. "Friend/Foe:The Contradictions is How Americans and Chinese See Each Other." http://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2012/07/friend-foe-the-contradictions-in-how-americans-and-chi nese-see-each-other/259710/(accessed September 18.2012).
32 Susan L. Shirk, China:Fragile Superpower (New York:Oxford University Press.2007). p.4.
33 Jia Qingguo. "From Asymmetry to Symmetry:A Historical Perspective of China-US People to People Exchange." September 25,2012, http://www.chinausfocus.com/print/?id=20475 (accessed October 11.2012).
34 David Shambaugh, "US-Chinese Relations Take a New Direction?-Part I," YalcGlobal ONLINE. January 24, 2011 (emphasis original). http://yaleelobal.yale.edu/print/6798 (accessed October 10.2012).
35 A. Doak Barnett. China and the Major Powers in East Asia (Washington D.C.:The Brookings Institution,1977), p.212.
36 Harold R. Isaacs. Scratches On Our Minds:American Views of China and India (Armonk, New York:M.E. Sharpe, Inc.,1980). p.64.
37 Christopher A. Ford. China Views America:Aspiration, Opposition, and the Telos of China's Return (Washington D.C.:Hudson Institute.2012). p.1.
38 Jia Qingguo. op. cit.
39 David Shambaugh. Beautiful Imperialist:China Perceives America (Princeton:Princeton University Press, 1991), p.3. It is obvious that "amity and enmity" is just another way of saying "love and hate."
40 Ibid., pp.4,303.
41 Julia Chang Bloch. "Americas'Love-Hate Relationship with China," pp.3-5. http://www.sinoss.net/qikan/uploadfile/2010/1130/949.pdf (accessed October 11,2012).
4-Harry Harding, A Fragile Relationship:The United Slates and China Since 1972 (Washington D.C.:The Brookings Institution.1992). pp.9-10.
A'See Jia Qingguo, "Review of The Making of China Policy:From Normalization to the Post-Cold War Era; The Fragile Relationship:The United States and China Since 1972," The Australia Journal of Chinese Affairs, No.31 (Jan.,1994), p.160.
44 Xiaoming Huang, "Managing Fluctuations in U.S.-China Relations:World Politics, National Priorities, and Policy Leadership," Asian Survey. Vol.40, No.2 (Mar.-Apr..2000). p.293.
45 Ibid., p.274.
46 Ibid., p.291. Emphasis in original.
47 蔡翠红：《影响未来中美关系发展之因素》,载《美国问题研究》(第六缉),时事出版社2007年版,第230页。Translations are all mine except otherwise indicated.
48 余维海、李从娜：《美国对华政策的政治制度因素分析》,载《江苏社会主义学院学报》.2006年第2期(总第40期),第62-64负。
49 袁鹏：《关于构建中美新型大国关系的战略思考》,载《现代国际关系》,2012年第5期,第3页。
50 Yan Xuetong, "The Instability of China-US Relations," The Chinese Journal of International Politics, Vol.3, No.3(2010), p.263该论文的中文版参见：阎学通：《对中美关系不稳定性的分析》,载《世界经济与政治》,2010年第12期,第4-30页。
51 Ibid., p.266.
52 Ibid., p.280. The word "knowledge" is used instead of "perception." but in the Chinese version, the author uses
“认知(Renzhi)." so I prefer the word "perception."
53 Alastair lain Johnston. "Stability and Instability in Sino-US Relations:A Response to Yan Xuetong's Superficial Friendship Theory," The Chinese Journal oj International Politics, Vol.4,2011. p.5. Alastair lain Johnston comments that "Yan's basic hypothesis appears to be that superficial friendship generates excessive disappointment due to excessive optimism. This, in turn, accounts for the ups and downs in the US-China relationship, particularly since the end of the Cold War. The claim makes intuitive sense. But the argument could be strengthened theoretically by grounding it more solidly in psychological research." He then offers an alternative to explain the ups and downs of the relations, that is. a security dilemma theory. He also touches upon social identity theory and the role of identity differences in determining future relations.
54 Ibid., p.14.
55 David Campbell. Writing Security:United Stales Foreign Policy and the Politics of Identity (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press,1998). According to Glenn Chafetz, Writing Security is one of the best known examples of the postmodern approach. See Glenn Chafetz, Michael Spirtas, and Benjamin Frankel, "Introduction: Tracing the Influence of Identity on Foreign Policy," in Glenn Chafetz et al, eds.. The Origins of National Interests (Portland. OR:Frank Cass Publishers.1999), p.xviii.
56 Maxym Alexandrov, "The Concept of State Identity in International Relations:A Theoretical Analysis." Journal of International Development and Cooperation. Vol.10. No.1 (2003). p.47.
17 Ibid.
58 Henry R. Nau, At Home Abroad:National Identity and American Foreign Policy (ithaca, N.Y.:Cornell University Press.2002). p.5.
59 Ibid, p.6.
60 Ibid.
61 Ibid.
62 Ibid., p.9.
63 Ibid., p.10.
64 Rex Li, A Rising China and Security in East Asia:Identity Construction and Security Discourse (New York: Routledge.2009). A preview is available at: http://www,ewidgetsonline.com/dxreader/Reader.aspx?tokenHErqXpWwU+wxmYoBiK8F3g%3d%3d&rand=131 7763839&buyNowLink=&page=&chapter= (accessed September 16.2012).
65 Jie Chen, "The Changing Strength of Ideology in U.S. Foreign Policy:Case Studies of U.S. China Policy," PhD diss., Washington State University. May 1991.
66 Ibid., Abstract.
67 Deborah Welch Larson and Alexei Shevchenko. "Status Seekers:Chinese and Russian Responses to U.S. Primacy." International Security. Vol.34. No.4 (Spring 2010), pp.63-95.
68 Ibid., p.84. As for more about the basics of social identity theory and its application in the study of international politics, see Jacques E.C. Haymans, "Applying Social Identity Theory to the Study of International Politics:A Caution and an Agenda," paper presented at the International Studies Association convention. New Orleans, Lousiana, March 24-27,2002, http://www-bcf.usc.edu/-hymans/hymansSITpaper.pdf (accessed Septemberl5, 2012).
69 John Gerard Ruggie, "The Past as Prologue?:Interests, Identity, and American Foreign Policy," International Security, Vol.21. No.4 (Spring 1997), pp.89-125.
70 Ibid., p.110.
71 Ibid., p.108. They are:1) security cooperation by means of more comprehensive and institutionalized arrangements than the traditional system of bilateral alliances; 2) an "open door" world economy comprising uniform rules of trade and monetary relations together with minimum state-imposed barriers to the flow of international economic transactions; 3) anticolonialism grounded in self-determination; 4) antistatism grounded in individual rights:5) the promotion of democracy.
72 Ibid., p.111. 13 Ibid., p.120.
74 Lyle J. Morris, "Incompatible Partners:The Role of Identity and Self-Image in the Sino-U.S. Relationship," Asia Policy, No.13 (January 2012). pp.133-165.
75 Ibid., p.135.
76 Ibid.
77 Ibid., p.136.
78 Zheng Wang. "National Humiliation, History Education, and the Politics of Historical Memory:Patriotic Education Campaign in China," International Studies Quarterly. Vol.52. No.4 (December 2008), pp.783-806.
79 Jianwei Wang, Limited Adversaries:Post-Cold War Sino-American Mutual Images (New York:Oxford University Press.2000). p.xix.
80 Ibid.
81 Chengxin Pan. "The'China Threat'in American Self-Imagination:The Discursive Construction of Other as Power Politics," Alternatives, Vol.29, No.3 (June/July,2004), p.306.
82 Ibid., p.310.
83 Chengxin Pan. "Understanding Chinese Identity in International Relations:A Critique of Western Approaches," Political Science, Vol.51. No.2 (December 1999), p.144. Emphasis original.
84 Ibid., p.148.
85 David Shamhaugh. "China's Identity as a Major Power". http://www.gwu.edu/～sigur/assets/docs/maior powers 091407/Shambaugh on China.pdf (accessed September 16, 2012).
86 Wang Lixin, "With the Dragon as a Foil:American Imagining of China and the Construction of America's National Identity," Social Sciences in China, Vol.XXIX, No.4 (November 2008). p.99.
87 Ibid., p.98.
88 Wang Lixin,"'Who Are We?'Woodrow Wilson, the First World War and the Reshaping of America's National Identity," Social Sciences in China. Vol.XXXI. No.2 (May 2010). p.111-129.
89 刘志勇：《中国国家身份和外交战略的选择(1949-2004)》,博士论文,外交学院2005年。
90 陈积敏：《美国对华战略认知的演变与中美关系》,载《外交评论》,2011年第4期,第133-142页。91 信强、倪世雄：《行为体“身份”与对外政策：美台关系的建构主义分析》,载《世界经济与政治》,2006年第1期,第25-26负。
92 Ibid., p.28.
93 Wendt differentiates between three "cultures of anarchy":a Hobbesian ideational structure, where the states are willing to do whatever possible to achieve their goals, without any restraints, and where violence is the basic tool for survival; a Lockean structure, where states respect the Westphalian peace and state's right to prevail, but where violence can be used to advance their interests and a Kantian structure which is based on a friendly atmosphere, solving disputes through negotiations and not by use of violence. These different cultures of anarchy are based on different representations of state roles:enemy, rival and friend. See Alexander Wendt, Social Theory of International Politics (New York:Cambridge University Press,1999), p.246-312.
94 Robert Jervis. Perception and Misperception in International Politics (Princeton:Princeton University Press, 1976).
95 David Shambaugh, Beautiful Imperialist:China Perceives America,1972-1990 (Princeton:Princeton University Press,1991). p.20.
96 贾庆国：《未实现的和解：中美关系的隔阂与危机》,文化艺术出版社,1998年版,第19页。
97 张丽：《新中国建立初期的中美关系(1949-1953)》,黑龙江人民出版社2009年版,第235-238页。
98 TangTsou. America's Failure in China,1941-1945 (Chicago:University of'Chicago Press.1963), p.ix; pp.513-519.
99 Nancy Bernkopf Tucker, Patterns in the Dust:Chinese-American Relations and the Recognition Controversy, 1949-1950 (New York:Columbia University Press.1983).
100 时殷弘：《论美国承认新中国问题(1949-1950)》,载《世界历史》,1991年第1期,第109-110页。参见：时殷弘：《敌对与冲突的由来：美国对新中国的政策与中美关系(1949-1950)》,南京大学出版社1995年版。
101 Shuguang Zhang, Deterrence and Strategic Culture:Chinese-American Confrontations,1949-1958 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press.1992), pp.44-45, pp.268-283.
102 Gordon H. Chang, Friends and Enemies:The United States, China and the Soviet Union,1948-1972 (California:Stanford University Press,1990).
103 Thomas.1. Christensen, Useful Adversaries:Grand Strategy, Domestic Mobilization, and Sino-American Conflict,1947-1958 (Mew Jersey:Princeton University Press,1996). Also see Alan K. Lathrop. Review of Christensen, Thomas J., Useful Adversaries:Grand Strategy, Domestic Mobilization, and Sino-American Conflict, 1947-1958. 11-Pol, H-Net Reviews, July,1997. http://www.h-net.org/reviews/showrev.php?id=1106 (accessed October 19,2012).
104 Rosemary Foot, The Practice of Power:U.S. Relations with China Since 1949 (Oxford:Clarendon Press, 1995). Also see Stephen G. Craft,"Review of Rosemary Foot, The Practice of Power:U.S. Relations with China Since 1949," H-USA, H-Net Reviews, June,1998, http://www.h-net.org/reviews/showrev.cgi?patr=32564898800041 (accessed October 20,2012).
105 张曙光：《接触外交：尼克松政府与解冻中美关系》,世界知识出版社2009年版,第16页,注一。这方面的著作主要有：宫力：《跨越鸿沟—1969-1979年中美关系的演变》,郑州：河南人民出版社1992年：陈敦德：《毛泽东-尼克松在1972》,北京：解放军文艺出版社,1997年：姜长斌等编：《从对峙走向缓和：冷战时期中美关系再探》,北京：世界知识出版社2002年：包宗和：《美国对华政策之转折：尼克松时期之决策过程与背景》,五南图书出版公司,2002年：何慧：《尼克松与中国：半个世纪的不解之缘》,郑州：河南人民出版社2005年。除了张曙光提到的以外,还有：朱明权主编：《尼克松时期的美国对华政策(1969-1972)》,上海人民出版社2011年版。
106 张曙光：《接触外交：尼克松政府与解冻中美关系》,世界知识出版社2009年版,第19页。
107 张曙光：《接触外交：尼克松政府与解冻中美关系》,世界知识出版社2009年版,第319-328页。
108 朱明权主编：《尼克松时期的美国对华政策(1969-1972)》,上海人民出版社2011年版,第1页。
109 Chen Jian. Mao's China and the Cold War (Chapel Hill, NC:University of North Caroline Press.2001), p.239.
110 Ibid.
111 Robert Sutler, U.S.-Chinese Relations:Perilous Past, Pragmatic Present (Plymouthy, PV; Rowman & Littlefield Publishers.2010), pp.65-66.
112 Rosemary Foot, The Practice of Power; U.S. Relations with China Since 1949 (Oxford:Clarendon Press, 1995).
113 Evelyn Goh. Constructing the U.S. Rapprochement with China.1961-1974 (New York:Cambridge University Press,2005).
114 Robert Sutter, U.S.-Chinese Relations, p.66.
115 Ibid.
Evelyn, op. cit.. front jacket.
117 Ibid., p.2.
118 Ibid., pp.2-3.
119 Ibid., p.6.
120 Ibid.
121 Rosemary Foot, "Foreword" in Evelyn Goh, Constructing the U.S. Rapprochement with China,1961-1974 (New York:Cambridge University Press,2005), p.x.
122 陶文钊主编：《冷战后的美国对华政策》,重庆出版社2006年版。
123 韩玉贵：《冷战后的中美关系》,社会科学文献出版社2007年版。
124 吴心伯：《世事如棋局局新：二十一世纪初中美关系的新格局》,复旦大学出版社2011年版。
125 宫力主编：《如何与美国共处：冷战后中国对美方针与中美关系》,九州出版社2010年版。
126 倪世雄：《结交一言重 相期千里至：一个中国学者眼中的中美建交30年》,复旦大学出版社2009年版。
127 吴心伯：《世事如棋局局新：二十一世纪初中美关系的新格局》,复旦大学出版社2011年版,第1贞。
128 刘恩东：《中国的和年崛起与中美关系》,宫力主编：《如何与美国共处：冷战后中国对美方针与中美关系》,九州出版社2010年版,第241页。
129 宫力主编：《如何与美国共处：冷战后中国对美方针与中美关系》,九州出版社2010年版,第2页。
130 孙哲：《中美战略竞逐的新起点》,孙哲主编：《后危机世界与中美战略竞逐》,时事出版社2011年版,第1页。
131 赵可金：《后危机时期的中美关系：话语权与规则竞争》,孙哲主编：《后危机世界与中美战略竟逐》,时事出版社2011年版,第5页。
132 For example, Zhao Shuisheng, ed., China-U.S. Relations Transformed:Perspectives and Strategic Interactions (New York:Routledge,2008); Christopher Marsh and June Teufel Dreyer. eds., U.S.-China Relations in the Twenty-First Century:Policies, Prospects and Possibilities (Lanham,MD:Lexington books,2003); Johnathan Pollack, ed.. Strategic Surprise? U.S.-China Relations in the Early Twenty-First Century (Newport:Naval War College Press.2003):Robert S. Ross and Zhu Feng, eds., China's Ascent:Power, Security, and the Future of International Politics (Ithaca:Cornell University Press,2008):Yufan Hao. Sino-American Relations:Challenges Ahead (Burlington, VT:Ashgate,2010).
133 Susan Shirk, China:Fragile Superpower (New York:Oxford University Press.2005).
134 Jean Garrison, Making China Policy:From Nixon to G.W. Bush (Boulder. CO:Lynne Reinner Publishers, 2005).
135 Warren I. Cohen. America s Response to China:A History of Sino-American Relations.5th ed. (New York: Columbia University Press.2010).
136 David Lampton. Same Bed, Different Dreams:Managing U.S.-China Relations,1989-2000 (Berkeley: University of Californian Press.2001).
137 David Lampton. The Three Faces of Chinese Power:Might, Money and Minds (Berkeley:University of Californian Press,2008). p.253.
138 David Lampton, The Three Faces of Chinese Power:Might, Money and Minds (Berkeley:University of Californian Press.2008). p.274.
139 David Shambaugh. ed.. Tangled Titan:the United States and China (Lanham. MD:Rowman & Littlefield Publishers,2012). The contributors are Rosemary Foot. Charles W. Freeman Ⅲ,Bonnie S. Glaser. Avery Goldstein. Yufan Hao, Harry Harding, G. John Ikenberry. Terry Lautz. Dawn Murphy,Shelley Rigger, David Shambaugh, Robert Sutter, Ashley.1. Tellis, Nancy Bernkopf Tucker, Christopher P. Twomey, and Wu Xinbo.
140 Michael D. Swaine. America's Challenge:Engaging a Rising China in the Twenty-First Century (Washington DC:Carnegie Endowment for International Peace,2011), p.5.
141 Ibid., p.9. The two set of issues are:1) the basis distribution of power within the international system-and especially across the Asia-Pacific-that best promotes stability and prosperity and advances each nation's interests; and 2) the core values and norms that govern the activities of the nations, multilateral agreements, processes, and forums that make up the global and regional system. Michael Swaine argues that if the two countries'perceptions on these issues are "significantly divergent," each power is likely to adopt largely zero-sum approaches in many areas, thus almost certainly creating an intense strategic rivalry.
142 Ibid., pp.307-336.
141 Zachary Keck, "'Review-A Contest For Supremacy," August 23,2011. http://www.e-ir.info/2011/08/23/review-a-contest-for-supremacv/(accessed October 23,2012).
144 Aaron L. Friedberg, A Contest for Supremacy:China, America, and the Struggle for Mastery in Asia (New York:W.W. Norton & Company,2011), p.l.
145 Ibid., pp.268-269.
146 Zachary Keck, "Review -A Contest For Supremacy." This strategy would entail, among other things, policies aimed at strengthening American alliances in the Western Pacific, particularly with democracies such as Japan, India and Australia; pursuing a more balanced economic relationship with China:defense procurements that more precisely try to defend against China's anti-access/anti-denial strategy, while also exploiting areas where China is weakest; offering more public criticism of China for its questionable international behavior, such as supporting despotic regimes, as well as when it clamps down at home:; and being more forthcoming with the American public about the threat China's rise potentially poses to the United States.
147 Kenneth Lieberthal & Wang Jisi. Addressing U.S.-China Strategic Distrust (Washington D.C.:The Brookings Institution.2012). pp.x-xi.
148 Ibid..p.ix.
149 DeWang, "Kenneth Lieberthal and Wang Jisi.'Addressing U.S.-China Strategic Distrust'," April 3,2012. http://blog.hiddenharmonies.org/2012/04/kenneth-lieberthal-and-wang-jisi-addressing-u-s-china-strategic-distrust/ (accessed November 1.2012).
150 Rosemary Foot, "China and the United States:Between Cold and Warm Peace." Survial:Global Politics and Strategy, Vol.51, No.6 (December 2009-January 2010), p.124.
151 Ibid., p.139. Her 'exceptionalism' argument is echoed by Henry Kissinger in his 2011 book On China.
152 Alexander Wendt, Social Theory of International Politics (Beijing:Peking University Press,2005), p.259.
153 Alexander Wendt. Social Theory of International Politics (Beijing:Peking University Press,2005), p.257.
154 Alexander Wendt. Social Theory of International Politics (Beijing:Peking University Press,2005), p.258.
155 In the Chinese discourse, the Hobbesian culture corresponds to War and Revolution characterized by a Iife-and-death struggle, the Lockean culture Peaceful Coexistence and the Kantian culture the Harmonious world.
156 Alexander Wendt. Social Theory of International Politics (Beijing:Peking University Press,2005), p.258.
157 This section is heavily borrowed from Ebere Richard Adigbuo. "National Role Conceptions:A New Trend in Foreign Policy Analysis", www.wiscnetwork.org/porto2011/papers/WISC 2011-647.pdf (accessed November 6, 2012):Glenn Chafetz et al. eds., "Role Theory and Foreign Policy:Belarussian and Ukrainian Compliance with the Nuclear Nonproliferation Regime," Political Psychology, Vol.17, No.4 (Dec.1996). pp.727-757. As for the accomplishments, failures, and future potential for role theory in the study of foreign policy, see Cameron G. Thies, "Role Theory and Foreign Policy," International Studies Association Compendium Project, Foreign Policy Analysis section, May 2009, http://myweb.uiowa.edu/bhlai/workshop/role.pdf (accessed November 7,2012).
158 Sebastian Harnish et al, "Introduction," in Sebatian Harnisch, Cornelia Frank, and Harms W. Maull, eds., Role Theory in International Relations:Approaches and Analysis (New York:Routledge,2011), p.1.
159 Ibid., pp.1-2.
160 Ibid., p.2.
161 Ibid., p.2.
162 Rikard Bengtsson and Ole Elgstrom, "Conflicting Role Conceptions? The European Union in Global Politics,"' Foreign Policy Analysis, Vol.8. No. I (January 2012). p.94.
163 K.J.Holsti, "National Role Conceptions in the Study of Foreign Policy," International Studies Quarterly, Vol.14, No.3, pp.245-246.
164 Naomi Bailin Wish, "Foreign Policy Makers and Their National Role Conceptions," International Studies Quarterly, Vol.24, No.4 (December 1980). p.533.
165 Chih-yu Shih. "National Role Conception as Foreign Policy Motivation:The Psycholcultural Bases of Chinese Diplomacy." Political Psychology. Vol.9. No.4 (December,1988), p.600. He later adds another element to the list: a specific notion of world justice. See Chih-yu Shih, China's Just World:The Morality of Chinese Foreign Policy (Boulder. CO:Lynne Rienner Publishers,1993), p.18.
166 K. J. Holsli, "'National Role Conceptions in the Study of Foreign Policy." International Studies Quarterly, Vol.14, No.3(1970), p.288.
167 Ibid., p.277.
168 K. J. Holsti, "National Role Conceptions in the Study of Foreign Policy," International Studies Quarterly, Vol.14, No.3 (1970), pp.233-309. Other role conceptions he mentions are defender of the peace, balancer, antirevisionist. Zionist and Communist agent.
169 The major functions of each role type are as follows:I:provide leadership in delimited geographic or functional area; 2:lead other states in creating and maintaining emerging global order; 3:provide protection for adjacent regions; 4:act as agent of struggle against imperialist threats; 5:undertake special tasks to reconcile conflicts between other states or groups of states; 6:promote prestige and influence by domestic or international policies; 7:affirms the responsibility of other states to defend it; 8; undertake far-reaching commitments to cooperate with other states in region to build wider communities; 9:undertake far-reaching commitments to cooperate with other states to support the emerging global order; 10:more passive and vague than mediator-integrator; conveyer of messages between peoples and states; 11:direct efforts of own and other government to internal problems; 12:shun permanent military or ideological commitments; cultivate good relations with as many states as possible; 13:act for one's own government's interest, narrowly defined. The United States is labeled as "Global System Leader" and "Regional Protector." See Chafetz et al."Role Theory and Foreign Policy:Belarussian and Ukrainian Compliance with the Nuclear Nonproliferation Regime." Political Psychology, Vol.17. No.4 (Dec.1996). p.734.
170 Richard Cottam. Foreign Policy Motivation:A General Theory and a Case Study (Pittsburgh:University of Pittsburgh Press,1977), pp.62-73.
171 Richard K. Hermann and Michael P. Fischerkeller. "'Beyond the Enemy Image and Spiral Model: Cognitive-Strategic Research After the Cold War," International Organization, Vol.49, No.3 (summer 1995), pp.415-50.
172 Paul A Kowert, "National Identity:Inside and Out," in Glenn Chafetz et al, eds.. The Origins of National Interests (Portland. OR:Frank Cass Publishers.1999). p.25.
173 Chafetz et al, "Role Theory and Foreign Policy:Belarussian and Ukrainian Compliance with the Nuclear Nonproliferation Regime," Political Psychology. Vol.17. No.4 (Dec.1996). p.736.
174 Glenn Chafetz. Michael Spirtas, and Benjamin Frankel, "Introduction:Tracing the Influence of Identity on Foreign Policy." in Glenn Chafetz et al. eds., The Origins of National Interests (Portland. OR:Frank Cass Publishers,1999), p.xxi.
175 For more about this debate, see Zhu Liqun. China s Foreign Policy Debate (Paris. EU Institute for Security Studies,2010) [Chaillot Papers. September 2010]. http://www.iss.europa.eu/uploads/media/cpl 21-China s Foreign Policy Debates.pdf (accessed November.18, 2012).
176 Alvaro de Vasconcelos. "Preface," in Zhu Liqun. op cit, p.5.
177 Cristian Cantir and Juliet Kaarbo, "Contested Roles and Domestic Politics:Reflections on Role Theory in Foreign Policy Analysis and IR Theory," Foreign Policy Analysis, Vol.8, No.l (January 2012), p.19.
178 Bulent Aras and Aylin Gorener, "National Role Conceptions and Foreign Policy Orientation:the Ideational Bases of the Justice and Development Party's Foreign Policy Activism in the Middle East." Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies. Vol.12. No.1 (March 2010). p.78.
Naomi Bailin Wish, "Foreign Policy Makers and Their National Role Conceptions," International Studies Quarterly, Vol.24, No.4 (December,1980), p.534.
180 Thomas Risse-Kappen, "Collective Identity in a Democratic Community:The Case of NATO," in Peter J. Katzenstein, ed., The Culture of National Security:Norms and Identity in World Politics (New York:Columbia University Press,1996). E-book in PDF is available at: http://library.northsouth.edu/Upload/The%20Culture%20of/o20National%20Security.pdf (accessed November 6, 2012).
181 Michael Doyle, "Liberalism and World Politics," The American Political Science Review, Vol.80, No.4. (December,1986), p.1161.
182 James D. Fearson, "What Is Identity (As We Now Use the Word)?," unpublished paper, November 3,1999, p.36, www.stanford.edu/-jfearon/papers/idenlv2.pdf (accessed November 28,2012).
183 James D. Fearson, "What Is Identity (As We Now Use the Word)?," unpublished paper, November 3,1999, p.30.
184 Maxym Alexandrov, "The Concept of State Identity in International Relations:A Theoretical Analysis." Journal of International Development and Cooperalion, Vol.10. No.1 (2003). p.39.
185 Paul A Kowert, "National Identity:Inside and Out," in Glenn Chafetz et al. eds.. The Origins of National Interests (Portland, OR:Frank Cass Publishers.1999), pp.4-5.
186 Maxym Alexandrov. "The Concept of State Identity in International Relations:A Theoretical Analysis." Journal of International Development and Cooperation, Vol.10. No.1 (2003). p.35.
187 Maxym Alexandrov. "The Concept of State Identity in International Relations:A Theoretical Analysis.' Journal of International Development and Cooperation. Vol.10. No.1 (2003), p.35.
188 Maxym Alexandrov. "The Concept of State Identity in International Relations:A Theoretical Analysis. Journal of International Development and Cooperation. Vol.10. No.1 (2003), p.40.
189 In this regard, Walter Russell Mead suggests that the history of American foreign policy is better understood with reference to four traditions:Hamiltonianism. Jeffersonianism. Jacksonianism and Wilsonianism. Viewed from the lens of state identity politics, it can be said that the advocates of these four schools of thought are competing against each other for the purpose of making their own representations, or in most cases, a hybrid representation, the dominant one. For Mead's view, see Walter Russell Mead. Special Providence:American Foreign Policy and How It Changed the World (New York:Routledge,2002).
190 Robert 0. Keohane, "Institutional Theory and the Realist Challenge After the Cold War," in David A. Baldwin, ed., Neorealism and Neoliberalism:The Contemporary Debate (New York:Columbia University Press,1993), pp.294-295.
191 Kenneth N. Waltz, "Realist Thought and Neorealist Theory." Journal of International Affairs, No.1 (1999), p.37.
192 Robert 0. Keohane, "Empathy and International Relations,'" in Jane J. Mansbridge. ed.. Beyond Self-Interest (Chicago:University of Chicago Press,1990). p.236.
193 Peter J. Katzenstein, "Introduction:Alternative Perspectives on National Security," in Peter J. Katzenstein, ed., The Culture of National Security:Norms and Identity in World Politics (New York:Columbia University Press, 1996).
194 Ibid.
195 Chih-yu Shih, "National Role Conception as Foreign Policy Motivation:The Psychocultural Bases of Chinese Diplomacy," Political Psychology, Vol.9, No.4 (December,1988). p.626.
196 Ibid., p.627.
197 Richard Herrmann, "The Power of Perceptions in Foreign-Policy Decision Making:Do Views of the Soviet Union Determine the Policy Choices of American Leaders?" American Journal of Political Science. Vol.30, No.4 (November,1986), p.843.
198 Robert Jervis, Perception and Misperception in International Politics (Princeton:Princeton University Press, 1976), p.28.
199 Steven Spiegel. The Other Arab-Israeli Conflict:Making America's Middle East Policy, from Truman to Reagan (Chicago:University of Chicago Press,1985). pp.381-393.
200 Richard Herrmann, "The Power of Perceptions in Foreign-Policy Decision Making:Do Views of the Soviet Union Determine the Policy Choices of American Leaders?," American Journal of Political Science, Vol.30, No.4 (November,1986), p.869.
201 According to Olivia Lau, "Jervis outlines four levels of analysis applicable to theories of international politics: individual decision-making, the government bureaucracy, the nation-state (and domestic politics), and the international environment. Theories that focus on government bureaucracies presume that preferences are determined by bureaucracies" roles in the institutional structure. Foreign policy decisions are the output of routines or bargaining within this structure. Theories focusing on the state and domestic politics explain variations in behavior by accounting for differences in states'social, economic, or political structures. Theories that focus on the international system posit that the system imposes common constraints on states, thereby causing states to react in similar ways to similar situations. Jervis emphasizes the importance of the individual level of analysis and contrasts it with approaches invoking other levels." See Olivia Lau. http://www.olivialau.org/ir/week3.html (accessed November.18,2012). See Robert Jervis. Perception and Misperceplion in International Politics (Princeton:Princeton University Press,1976). pp.15-31.
202 Maxym Alexandrov, "The Concept of State Identity in International Relations:A Theoretical Analysis,' Journal of International Development and Cooperation, Vol.10. No.1 (2003). p.34.
203 Glenn Chafetz, Michael Spirtas, and Benjamin Frankel, "Introduction:Tracing the Influence of Identity on Foreign Policy," in Glenn Chafetz et al, eds.. The Origins of National Interests (Portland. OR:Frank Cass Publishers,1999), p.xviii.
204 Ibid.
205 Colin H. Kahl, "Constructing A Separate Peace:Constructivism. Collective Liberal Identity, and Democratic Peace," in Glenn Chafetz et al, eds., The Origins of National Interests (Portland. OR:Frank Cass Publishers,1999), p.108.
1 Joseph Stalin, Speech delivered at a meeting of voters of the Stalin Electoral District, Moscow, February 9,1946, http://www.marx2mao.com/Stalin/SS46.html (accessed April 22,2013).
2 Vladislav Zubok, "Vladislav Zubok on:Stalin's 1946 Speech," httD://www.pbs.org/wgbh/amex/bomb/filmmore/reference/interview/zubok3.html (accessed April 22,2013).
3 Telegram, George Kennan to George Marshall, February 22,1946, p.1, http://www.trumanlibrary.org/whistlestop/study collections/coldwar/documents/pdf/6-6.pdf (accessed April 17, 2013).
4 Ibid., p.5.
5 Ibid., pp.5-6.
6 Ibid., p.8.
7 Ibid., p.13.
8 Ibid, pp.14-15.
9 Ibid., p.14.
10 X, "The Sources of Soviet Conduct." Foreign Affairs. Vol.25. No.4 (July 1947). p.575.
" Bart Barnes, "Washington Insider Clark M. Clifford Dies." The Washington Post, October 11,1998, P.A1, http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/politics/dailv/oct98/clifford 101198.htm (accessed April 16,2013)
12 Clark Clifford, "American Relations with the Soviet Union." [Hereafter cited as Clifford-Elsey Report] September 24.1946, p.72. http://trumanlibrary.org/whistlestop/study_collections/coldwar/documents/pdf/4-1.pdf (accessed April 17,2013).
13 Clifford-Elsey Report, p.3.
14 Clifford-Elsey Report, p.9.
15 Clifford-Elsey Report, p.12.
16 Clifford-Elsey Report, p.76.
17 Clifford-Elsey Report, p.79.
18 Elizabeth Edwards Spalding. summarized by Kelly Crager in Kelly Crager, "Review of Spalding, Elizabeth Edwards, The First Cold Warrior:Harry Truman, Containment, and the Remaking of Liberal Internationalism,' September,2007. http:/www.h-net.org/reviews/showrev.php?id=13549 (accessed December 10.2012).
19 Harry Truman. "Special Message to the Congress on Greece and Turkey:The Truman Doctrine." March 12. 1947. http://trumanlibrary.org/publicpapers/viewpapers.php?pid=2189 (accessed April 17.2013).
20 Henry R. Nau, "Conservative Internationalism:Jefferson to Polk to Truman to Reagan," Policy Review, No.150 (July 30,2008), http://www.hoover.org/publications/policy-review/article/5799 (accessed December 10,2012.
21 Ibid.
22 Elizabeth Edwards Spalding, The First Cold Warrior:Harry Truman, Containment, and the Remaking of Liberal Internationalism (Lexington:University Press of Kentucky,2006), p.223.
23 Harry Truman, "Special Message to the Congress on Greece and Turkey:The Truman Doctrine," March 12, 1947. http://trumanlibrary.org/publicpapers/viewpapers.php?pid=2189 (accessed April 17,2013).
24 As for how this document came to being, David T. Fautua describes as follows:"AT a National Security Council meeting on 31 January 1950, President Truman met with Defense Secretary Louis A. Johnson, Secretary of State Dean Acheson, and Chairman of the Atomic Energy Commission (AEC) David Lilienthal to discuss continuing the thermonuclear project. The surprise of the Soviet atomic bomb tests three months earlier greatly concerned Truman. The President was disturbed, too, about the deteriorating relationship between America and Russia. The string of problems arising from the Czechoslovakian coup and Berlin Blockade of 1948 caused a heightening of tension that resulted in the President's increasing turn toward a policy of"containment." The Communist success in China the year before, too, seemed to Truman a deepening of the rift. He was now determined to make a thorough review not only of America's loss of atomic monopoly, but also of its existing political military strategy. The result of that effort was National Security Council paper 68, or NSC 68." See David T. Fautua, "The Long Pull'Army:NSC-68, the Korean War, and the Creation of the Cold War U.S. Army," Journal of Military History, Vol.61, no.1 (January 1997), https://www.mtholyoke.edu/acad/intrel/longpull.htm (accessed December 5,2012).
25 U.S. National Security Council, "NSC 68:United States Objectives and Programs for National Security," [hereafter cited as NSC-68], April 14,1950, http://www.fas.org/irp/offdocs/nsc-hst/nsc-68-1.htm (accessed April 17,2013).
26 NSC-68, http://www.fas.org/irp/offdocs/nsc-hst/nsc-68-4.htm (accessed April 17,2013).
27 NSC-68, http://www.fas.org/irp/offdocs/nsc-hst/nsc-68-4.htm (accessed April 17,2013).
28 NSC-68, http://www.fas.org/irp/offdocs/nsc-hst/nsc-68-cr.htm (accessed April 17,2013).
29 NSC-68, http://www.fas.org/irp/offdocs/nsc-hst/nsc-68-1.htm (accessed April 17,2013).
30 Joseph Stalin, Speech delivered at a meeting of voters of the Stalin Electoral District. Moscow, February 9, 1946. http://www.marx2mao.com/Stalin/SS46.html (accessed April 22,2013).
31 X, The Sources of Soviet Conduct. Foreign Affairs. Vol.25. No.4 (July 1947). pp.580-581.
32 Winton Churchill, speech delivered at Westminster College. Fulton. Missouri on March 5,1946, http://www.lbrdham.edu/halsall/mod/churchill-iron.asp (accessed April 17,2013).
33 Henry R. Nau, "Conservative Internationalism:Jefferson to Polk to Truman to Reagan," Policy Review, No.150 (July 30,2008).
34 Pravda, March 1946. See http://www.johndclare.net/cold war7.htm (accessed April 17,2013).
35 Clifford-Elsey Report, p.59.
36 Clifford-Elsey Report, p.62.
37 Clifford-Elsey Report, p.62.
38 "Soviet Intentions and Capabilities," February 20.1950, pp.1-5. http://www.trumanlibrary.org/whistlestop/study col lections/bomb/large/documents/pdfs/78.pdf(accessed April 18, 2013).
39 "Soviet Intentions and Capabilities," February 20,1950, pp.16-17.
40 "Soviet Intentions and Capabilities," February 20,1950, p.17.
41 NSC-68, http://www.fas.org/irp/offdocs/nsc-hst/nsc-68-3.htm (accessed April 17.2013).
42 NSC-68, http://www.fas.org/irp/offdocs/nsc-hst/nsc-68-5.htm (accessed April 17.2013).
43 Efstathios T. Fakiolas, "Kennan's Long Telegram and NSC-68:A Comparative Analysis." East European Quarterly, Vol.31, No.4 (January 1998), p.426. https://www.mtholyoke.edu/acad/intrel/fakiolas.htm (accessed April 9,2013).
44 Ibid.
45 Clark Clifford, "American Relations with the Soviet Union." [Hereafter cited as Clifford-Elsey Report] September 24.1946. p.73.
46 Efstathios T. Fakiolas, "Kennan's Long Telegram and NSC-68:A Comparative Analysis." East European Quarterly, Vol.31. No.4 (January 1998). p.426.
47 Robert J. McMahon, "US national security policy from Eisenhower to Kennedy," in Melvyn P. Leffler & Odd Arne Westad. eds., The Cambridge History of the Cold War (Volume 1) (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2012), p.288.
48 Robert J. McMahon, "US national security policy from Eisenhower to Kennedy," in Melvyn P. Leffler & Odd Arne Westad, eds., The Cambridge History of the Cold War (Volume 1) (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2012), p.289.
49 Dwight D. Eisenhower, State of the Union Address, February 21953, http://www.infoplease.com/t/hist/state-of-the-union/165.html#ixzz2SHwCSdv2 (accessed May 4, 2013).
50 Ibid.
51 Dwight D. Eisenhower, State of the Union Address, January 7, 1954, http://www.infoplease.com/t/hist/state-of-the-union/166.html#ixzz2SIIS4YcB (accessed May 3, 2013).
52 Dwight D. Eisenhower, State of the Union Address, January 6, 1955, http://www.infoplease.com/t/hist/state-of-the-union/167.html#ixzz2S15bXa00 (accessed May 3,2013).
53 Dwight D. Eisenhower, State of the Union Address, January 5.1956. http://www.infoplease.com/t/hist/state-of-the-union/168.html#ixzz2S18Q6q9u (accessed May 3,2013).
54 Dwight D. Eisenhower, State of the Union Address, January 12.1961, http://www.infoplease.com/t/hist/state-of-the-union/173.html (accessed May 3.2013).
55 Robert J. McMahon, "US national security policy from Eisenhower to Kennedy." in Melvyn P. Leffler & Odd Arne Westad. eds.. The Cambridge History of the Cold War (Volume 1) (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2012). p.304.
56 John F. Kennedy quoted as saying in Thomas G. Paterson. "Bearing the Burden:A Critical Look At JFK's Foreign Policy," The Virginia Quarterly Review, Vol.54, No.2 (Spring 1978), pp.193-212, https://www.vqronline.org/articles/1978/spring/paterson-bearing-burden/(accessed May 4, 2013).
57 John F. Kennedy, State of the Union Address, January 30,1961, http://www.infoplease.com/t/hist/state-of-the-union/174.html (accessed May 4 ,2013).
58 John F. Kennedy, State of the Union Address, January 11,1962. http://www.infoplease.com/t/hist/state-of-the-union/105.html#ixzz2SJ3blm3f (accessed May 4, 2013).
59 Lyndon B. Johnson, State of the Union Address. January 4.1965. http://www.infoplease.com/t/hist/state-of-the-union/178.html#ixzz2SJ17aig6 (accessed May 4, 2013).
60 Lyndon B. Johnson, State of the Union Address, January 12,1966. http://www.infoplease.com/t/hist/state-of-the-union/179.html#ixzz2SJL0Cu7M (accessed May 4,2013).
61 Ibid.
62 Mao Zedong, "Talks with the American Correspondent Anna Louise Strong." August 1946, in Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung. Vol.4 (Beijing. Foreign Language Press,1961). p.99.
63 Chen Jian, China's Road to the Korean War: The Making of Si no-American Confrontation (New York: Columbia University Press, 1994).
64 Chen Jian. China's Road to the Korean War: The Making of Sino-American Confrontation (New York: Columbia University Press, 1994). Page number is not available. What I consulted is the digital edition available at a document-sharing sub-site sponsored by one of China's most popular portals www.sina.com.cn.
65 任晓伟：《1945-1949年毛泽东对美苏关系认识的演变中国共产党外交重心调整》,载《陕西师范大学学报(哲学社会科学版)》,第38卷,第3期。第103
66 By the end of 1947, the United States, given that the Guomindang would face an inevitable failure in the Chinese Revolution, considered to leave China, but the Soviet Union and the Communist Information Bureau tried to make greater efforts to exert theoretical influences on. and put political control over, the CCP.参见任晓伟：《1945-1949年毛泽东对美苏关系认识的演变与中国共产党外交重心调整》,载《陕西师范大学学报(哲学社会科学版)》,第38卷,第3期。第103页
67 Mao Zedong, http://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/mao/works/red-book/ch06.htm (accessed December 25, 2012).
68 Warren Cohen, America's Response to China (New York: Columbia University Press, 2010), p.205.
69 Ibid.
70 毛泽东：《在莫斯科共产党和工人党代表会议上的讲话》(1957年11月18日),载《毛泽东选集·第七卷》,人民出版社1999年版,第343页。
71 毛泽东：《在莫斯科共产党和工人党代表会议.上的讲话》(1957年11月18日),载《毛泽东选集·第七卷》,人民出版社1999年版,第344页。
72 Odd Arne Westad, "History, Memory, and the Languages of Alliance-Making," in Odd Arne Westad, Chen Jian, Stein Tonnesson, Nguyen Vu Tungand and James G. hershberg, eds.,77 Conversations between Chinese and Foreign Leaders on the Wars in Indochina, 1964-1977 (Washington D.C.:Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, 1998), p.9.
73 Mao Zedong, "Statement Supporting the Afro-Americans in Their Just Struggle against Racial Discrimination by U.S. Imperialism (August 8, 1963)," People of the World, Unite and Defeat the U.S. Aggressors and All Their Lackeys, 2nd ed., enlarged. (Peking: Foreign Languages Press, 1967), pp.3-4.
74 Mao Zedong, "Interview With The Japanese Socialists On The Theory Of The Intermediate Zone," August 11, 1964, http://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/mao/selected-works/volume-9/mswv9_26.htm (accessed May 5, 2013)亦可参见：《中间地带国家的性质各不相同》(1962年1月3日),《毛泽东外交文选》,第487页；《中间地带有两个》(1963年9月28日),《毛泽东外交文选》,第507页：《全世界一切反对美帝国主义的力量联合起来》,《人民日报》,1964年1月12日。
75 [苏]麦德维杰夫：《赫鲁晓夫传》,中国文联出版公司1998年版,第312页。
76 参见：唐洲雁：《毛泽东的美国观》,博十论文,复旦大学,2006年,第205页。
77 参见：金冲及：《毛泽东为何搞“文革”：天下大乱达到天下大治》,2011年4月2日,http://history.people.com.cn/GB/205396/14305549.html (accessed May 4, 2013).
78 Odd Arne Westad, "History, Memory, and the Languages of Alliance-Making," in Odd Arne Westad, Chen Jian, Stein Tonnesson, Nguyen Vu Tungand and James G. hershberg, eds., 77 Conversations between Chinese and Foreign Leaders on the Wars in Indochina, 1964-1977 (Washington D.C.:Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, 1998), p.11.
79 Ibid.
80 Stein Tonneson, "Tracking Multi-Directional Dominoes." in Odd Arne Westad. Chen Jian. Stein Tonnesson. Nguyen Vu Tungand and James G. hershberg. eds., 77 Conversations between Chinese and Foreign Leaders on the Wars in Indochina, 1964-1977 (Washington D.C.:Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, 1998), p.36.
81 Ibid.
82 Ibid.
83 Harry Truman, "Address in New York City at the Opening Session of the United Nations General Assembly," October 23, 1946. http://trumanlibrary.org/calen(lar/viewpapers.php?pid=914 (accessed April 17, 2013).
84 Harry Truman, "Special Message to the Congress on Greece and Turkey: The Truman Doctrine," March 12, 1947.
85 Jutta Weldes, "Constructing National Interests," European Journal of International Relations, Vol.2, No.2 (1996), p.283. Cited in Evelyn Goh, Constructing the U.S. Rapprochement with China,1961-1974 (New York, Cambridge University Press, 2005), p.19, n.7.
86 陶文钊：《中美关系史》上卷(1911-1949),上海人民出版社2004年版,第176页。
87 Harry Truman, "Statement by the President: United States Policy Toward China," December 15, 1945, http://www.trumanlibrary.org/publicpapers/index.php?pid=506 (accessed April 19, 2013).
88 Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung, Vol. IV (Beijing, Foreign Language Press, 1961). p.109, http://www.marx2mao.com/PDFs/MaoSW4.pdf (accessed April 18, 2013).
87 《毛泽东文集》第四卷,人民出版社1991年版,第1259-1260页。
88 贺艳青、肖瑜：《新中国外交事业的开端——西柏坡时期中共外交政策与外交工作述论》,载《中共党史研究》,2013年第2期,第69页。
91 Mao Zedong, "On the People's Democratic Dictaiorship." June 30,1949 http://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/mao selected-works/volume-4/mswv4_65.htm (accessed December 10, 2012).
92 Mao Zedong. "The Present Situation and Our Tasks." December 25.1947. in Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung, Vol.4 (Beijing. Foreign Language Press, 1961). p.172.
91 Michael M. Sheng, "The Psychology of the Korean War: The Role of Ideology and Perception in China's Entry in to the War." The Journal of Conflict Studies. Vol.22, No.1 (Spring 2002). http://iournals.hil.unb.ca/index.php/ics/article/view/367(?) (accessed April 19, 2013).
94 《斯大林全集》第12卷,人民出版社1955年版,第213-223页。
95 Zhihua Shen, trans. Neil Silver. Mao, Stalin and the Korean War: Trilateral Communist Relations in the 1950s (New York: Routledge, 2012). A preview is, http://books.google.com.hk/books?id=Gr9iGVLrrAcgC&pg=PTT26&lpg=PT26&dq=Stalin%E2%80%99s+theory+o f+imperialisl+war&source=bl&ots=RieehcSSg9&sig=5(?)FdRLHHPcTIS5za7zNxzho&hl=en&sa=X&ei=SfbH UKvhCYi0iQflm4DQCw&ved=0CFcQ6AEwBw(accessed December 12, 2012).
96 According to Mao Zedong. "The correct thesis that'the Chinese revolution is part of" the world revolution'was put forward as early as 1924-27 during the period of China's First Great Revolution." See Mao Zedong. "On New-Democracy."http://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/mao/selected-works/volume-2/mswv226.htm#p4 (accessed December 12.2012).
97 Zhihua Shen, trans. Neil Silver. Mao. Stalin and the Korean War:Trilateral Communist Relations in the 1950s (New York:Routledge,2012).
98 Mao Zedong, "On New Democracy." http://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/mao/selected-works/volume-2/mswv226.htm#p4 (accessed December 12,2012).
99 项晨光：《共产国际对(新民主主义论>中几个观点形成的影响：兼评毛泽东对(新民主主义论)进行修正的根源》,载《党史研究与教学》,2006年第2期(总第189期),第25-26页。
100 项晨光：《共产国际对(新民主主义论>中几个观点形成的影响：兼评毛泽东对(新民主主义论>进行修正的根源》,载《党史研究与教学》,2006年第2期(总第189期),第25-26页。
101 Mao Zedong, "On New Democracy."
102 Zhihua Shen, trans. Neil Silver. Mao, Stalin and the Korean War:Trilateral Communist Relations in the 1950s (New York:Routledge,2012).
103 张盛发：《战后初期斯大林对中国革命的态度和立场》,载《中共党史研究》,2000年第1期,第57页。
104 张盛发：《战后初期斯大林对中国革命的态度和立场》,载《中共党史研究》,2000年第1期,第62页。
105 Chen Jian, Mao s China and the Cold War (Chapel Hill:University of North Carolina Press,2001). p.9.
106 See Chen Jian, Mao's China and the Cold War, p.3.
107 The CCP leadership's assessment of the "American threat", according to Chen Jian. "underwent some changes: During the first two years of the 1946-1949 civil war, the CCP leadership acted on the assumption that direct American intervention was unlikely. Mao and his comrades believed that because American strategic emphasis lay in Europe and that the "reactionary American ruling class"'was in nature, vulnerable, it would be difficult for Washington to send significant numbers of military forces to China to support the GMD. Nearing complete victory in late 1948 and early 1949, however, CCP leaders began to demonstrate great concerns about direct American intervention in China's civil war. During the January 1949 enlarged Politburo meeting. American intervention was a central topic. In spring 1949, CCP leaders and military planners continued to emphasize the danger involved if Washington should decide to send its troops to China to rescue the GMD regime." See Chen Jian, China's Road to the Korean War:The Making of Sino-American Confrontation (New York:Columbia University Press,1994).
108 Chen Jian, China's Road to the Korean War:The Making of Sino-American Confrontation (New York: Columbia University Press,1994).
109 Ibid.
110 Ibid.
111 Ibid.
112 Ibid.
113 Chen Jian, China's Road to the Korean War:The Making of Sino-American Confrontation (New York: Columbia University Press.1994).
14 Warren Cohen, America's Response to China (New York:Columbia University Press,2010), p.189.
115 Shuguang Zhang, "Threat Perception and Chinese Communist Foreign Policy," in Melvyn P. Leffler and David S. Painter, eds.. The Origins of the Cold War:An International History (New York:Routledge,1994). pp.289-299.
116 Ibid., p.289.
117 David S. McLellan, "Dean Acheson and the Korean War," Political Science Quarterly, Vol.83, No.1 (March, 1968), p.18.
118 Ibid., p.20.
119 Ibid., p.39.
120 Mao made this statement when receiving a delegation of the South Vietnam National Front for Liberation in Beijing. See Mao Zedong, "Statement Opposing Aggression Against Southern Vietnam and Slaughter of Its People by the U.S.-Ngo Dinh Diem Clique (August 8,1963)," People of the World, Unite and Defeat the U.S. Aggressors and All Their Lackeys,2nd ed., enlarged (Peking:Foreign Languages Press,1967), p.6.
121 Mao Zedong, "Statement Supporting the Panamanian People's Just Patriotic Struggle Against U.S. Imperialism (January 12,1964)," People of the World, Unite and Defeat the U.S. Aggressors and All Their Lackeys,2nd ed., enlarged (Peking:Foreign Languages Press.1967), p.8.
122 Ibid., p.9.
123 Ibid.
124 Mao Zedong,"Statement Supporting the People of the Congo (L.) Against U.S. aggression (November 28, 1964)," People of the World, Unite and Defeat the U.S. Aggressors and All Their Lackeys,2nd ed., enlarged (Peking:Foreign Languages Press,1967), p.14.
125 Mao Zedong,''Statement Supporting the Dominican People's Resistance to U.S. Armed Aggression (May 12, 1965)," People of the World, Unite and Defeat the U.S. Aggressors and All Their Lackeys,2nd ed., enlarged (Peking:Foreign Languages Press,1967), p.16.
126 Lo Jui-Ching (Luo Ruiqing), Commemorate the Victory over German Fascism! Carry the Struggle Against U.S. Imperialism through to the End! (Peking:Foreign Language Press,1965), p.5.
127 Ibid., p.17.
128 Ibid.
129 Stein Tonneson,"Tracking Multi-Directional Dominoes," in Odd Arne Westad, Chen Jian. Stein Tonnesson, Nguyen Vu Tungand and James G. hershberg. eds..77 Conversations between Chinese and Foreign Leaders on the Wars in Indochina,1964-1977 (Washington D.C.:Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars.1998). p.33.
130 Ibid., p.42.
131 袁明：《新中国成立前后的美国对华政策观》,载《历史研究》,1987年第3期,第33页。
132 "Taiwan Crisis," Cold War Museum, http://www.coldwar.org/articles/50s/taiwan crisis.asp (accessed December 13.2012).
133 The excerpts of his speech are, http://web.viu.ca/davies/H323Vietnam/Acheson.htm (accessed December 13, 2012). It is widely believed that North Korea invaded South Korea believing that the U.S. would not intervene based on this speech by Acheson.
134 See http://www.sparknotes.com/historv/american/koreanwar/section2.rhtml (accessed December 7,2012).
135 议宣：《1950年美国为什么把朝鲜中国的台湾划在远东防御战略线之外?》,2003年7月31日,http://club.kdnet.net/dispbbs.asp?id=567315&boardid=1(accessed December 13,2012).
136 The voting result was:three in favor (India, Yugoslavia, U.S.S.R.), six against (China, Cuba, Ecuador, Egypt, France, United States) and two abstaining (Norway. United Kingdom). Malik immediately left the meeting, declaring that the United States was "encouraging lawlessness" by refusing to recognize the "illegal presence" of the Nationalist Chinese representatives. He concluded that "even the most convinced reactionaries" had to recognize the justness of the Soviet resolution, and he vowed that the Soviet Union would not be bound by any decisions made by the Security Council if the Nationalist Chinese representative remained. Hoping to forestall any future Security Council action. Malik announced that the Soviet Union would no longer attend its meetings. See: "Soviets boycott United Nations Security Council," http://www.historv.com/this-day-in-history/soviets-boycott-united-nations-securitv-council (accessed December 13, 2012); Myres S. McDougal and Goodman, Richard M., "Chinese Participation in the United Nations:The Legal Imperative of a Negotiated Solution" (1966), Faculty Scholarship Series, Paper 2604, http://digitalcommons.law.vale.edu/fss papers/2604 (accessed December 13,2012).
137 "Soviet Intentions and Capabilities," February 20.1950, p.17.
138 王立新：《意识形态与美国对华政策：以艾奇逊和“承认问题”为中心的再研究》,载《中国社会科学》,2005年第3期,第177-179页。
139 John King Fairbank, The United States and China,4th rev. ed. (Cambridge, MA:Harvard University Press. 1983), p.455.
140 National Security Council. U.S. Policy towards Communist China, FRUS,1952-1954, Vol.14, p.279, http://digicoll.library.wisc.edu/cgi-bin/FRUS/FRUS-idx?type=turn&entity=FRUS.FRUS195254v14p1.p0307&id= FRUS.FRUS195254vl4p1&isize=M (accessed December 25.2012).
141 National Security Council. U.S. Policy towards Communist China. FRUS,1952-1954. Vol.14, p.280, http://digicoll.library.wisc.edu/cgi-bin/FRUS/FRUS-idx?type=goto&id=FRUS.FRUS195254v 14p1&isize=M&sub mit=Go+to+page&page=280 (accessed December 25,2012).
142 "Soviet Atomic Bomb Test," Cold War Museum. http://www.coldwar.org/articles/40s/soviet_atomic_bomb_test.asp (accessed December 14,2012).
143 See Bryan Hubbard, "Civil Defense:More than Duck and Cover," http://www.military.com/Content/MoreContentl/?file=cw_cd_story (accessed April 18,2013).
144 袁明：《新中国成立前后的美国对华政策观》,载《历史研究》,1987年第3期,第33页。
145 James Peck. Washington's China:The National Security World, the Cold War, and the Origins of Globalism (Amherst. MA:University of Massachusetts Press,2006).
146 Warren Cohen, America's Response to China, p.194.
147 John Foster Dulles, cited in Gordon H. Chang, Friends and Enemies:The United States, China and the Soviet Union,1948-1972 (Stanford, CA:Stanford University Press,1990), p.83.
148 Dean Rusk, "American Friendship for the Peoples of China," speech at the China Institute, New York, May 18, 1951, American Foreign Policy,1950-5, Vol.2, pp.2473-4, http://www.archive.org/stream/americanforeignp003382mbp/americanforeignp003382mbp_jvu.txt (accessed December 19,2012). His original words are as follows:"The Peiping regime may be a colonial Russian government & Slavic Manchukuo on a larger scale. It is not the Government of China. It does not pass the first test. It is not Chinese.''
149 Gordon H. Chang. Friends and Enemies:The United States, China and the Soviet Union,1948-1972 (Stanford, CA:Stanford University Press,1990), p.2.
150 Ibid. However, Dulles seemed to be inclined to "view the Chinese Communists as independent of Soviet control and determined to strengthen their country along nationalist lines" before the outbreak of the Korean War.
"In his eyes the Chinese Communists became virtually irredeemable puppets against whom he seriously considered using atomic weapons."See Nancy Bernkopf Tucker, "John Foster Dulles and the Taiwan Roots of the 'Two Chinas'Policy," in Richard H. Immerman, ed., John Foster Dulles and the Diplomacy of the Cold War (Princeton:Princeton University Press,1990), p.237.
151 Frank Murray, "China and the United States:An Awkward Era, its Consequences and Future Implications," International Journal of Academic Research in Business and Social Sciences, Vol.2, No.10 (October 2012), p.6.
152 James I. Matray, "Revisiting Korea:Exposing Myths of the Forgotten War." Prologue, Vol.34, No.2 (Summer 2002), http://www.archives.gov/publications/prologue/2002/summer/korean-mvths-l.html (accessed December 14, 2012).
'"'Harold Sprout and Margaret Sprout, "Environmental Factors in the Study of International Polities'" in James N. Rosenau, ed., International Politics and Foreign Policy:A Reader in Research and Theory (New York:Free Press, 1961), p.49.
154 Sergei N. Goncharov, John W. Lewis, and Xue Litai, Uncertain Partners:Stalin, Mao, and the Korean War (Stanford, CA:Stanford University Press,1993), p.viii.
155 General MacArthur, without authorization from Truman, flew to Taipei, met with Chiang and promised to coordinate his military efforts with Chiang's. Moreover, he sent three squadrons of jet fighters to Taiwan. See Warren Cohen, Americas Response to China, pp.187-188.
156 Ibid.
157 Warren Cohen, Americas Response to China, p.191.
158 Warren Cohen, America's Response to China,5th ed. (Mew York:Columbia University Press,2010), p.148.
159 Ibid., p.149.
160 Ibid.
161 Ibid.
162 Ibid.
163 Ibid., p.150.
164 Ibid.
155 Ibid., p.151.
166 Ibid., p.151.
167 Ibid., p.152.
168 Ibid., p.153.
160 The Truth about Communism in China (New York:West Meets East Committee.1939). http://www.archive.org/stream/TheTruthAboutCommunismlnChina/TCC divu.txt (accessed December 16,2012).
170 Warren Cohen, America s Response to China, p.154.
171 Ibid.
172 Dean Acheson, "United States Position on China. August 1949," http://www.fordham.edu/halsall/mod/1949-acheson-china.html (accessed December 16.2012).
173 John G. Blair, E-mail to the author. December 19,2012.
174 Dean Acheson, "United States Position on China, August 1949."
Warren Cohen, America s Response to China, pp.193-194.
Warren Cohen. America's Response to China, p.194.
177 See Warren Cohen, America's Response to China, p.185.
178 Gordon H. Chang. Friends and Enemies:The United States, China and the Soviet Union,1948-1972 (Stanford, CA:Stanford University Press,1990). pp.11-12.
179 Gordon H. Chang. Friends and Enemies:The United States, China and the Soviet Union,1948-1972 (Stanford, CA:Stanford University Press,1990), p.83.
180 Warren Cohen, America's Response to China, p.199.
181 Ibid.
182 Warren Cohen, America's Response to China, p.193.
183 Dwight D. Eisenhower has often been portrayed as a president who did not personally direct the activities of his administration but merely preside over them. But Bennett C. Rushkoff argues that this notion might not be true. See Bennett C. Rushkoff, "Eisenhower, Dulles and the Quemoy-Matsu Crisis,1954-1955," Political Science Quarterly, Vol.96, No.3 (Fall 1981), pp.465-480. However, because of his close ties to the President and his even closer relationship with his brother. CIA Director Allen Dulles, John Foster Dulles was second in importance only to the President at any NSC meeting. President Eisenhower often dominated the discussions, but Dulles remained his most influential foreign policy adviser. See "A Short History of the Department of State," http://history.state.gov/departmenthistory/short-history/containmentandcoldwar (accessed December 19,2012).
184 Nancy Bernkopf Tucker, "John Foster Dulles and the Taiwan Roots of the'Two Chinas'Policy," in Richard H. Immerman, ed., John Foster Dulles and the Diplomacy of the Cold War (Princeton:Princeton University Press, 1990), p.235.
185 Ibid., pp.237-238.
186 Ibid., p.199.
187 "A Short History of the Department of State,' http://history.state.gov/departmenthistory/short-history/containmentandcoldwar (accessed December 19,2012).
188 Robin Hutcheon, China-Yellow (Hong Kong:Chinese University Press,1996), p.392.
189 Evelyn Goh, Constructing the U.S. Rapprochement with China,1961-1974 (New York, Cambridge University Press,2005), p.21. The primary sources are as follows:John Foster Dulles, "Our Policies toward Communism in China," speech to the Lions International Club, San Francisco, June 28,1957, FRUS 1955-7, Vol.3, pp.558,564. The "passing phase" phrase appears on pp.566,559, http://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1955-57v03/d268 (accessed April 30,2013). See also Miami Sunday News-Jun 28,1957 http://news.google.com/newspapers?nid=2454&dat=19570628&id=TsMyAAAAIBAJ&sjid=0eoFAAAAIBAJ&pg = 1052,5504941 (accessed December 19,2012).
190 John Foster Dulles. "Indochina-Views of the United States on the Eve of the Geneva Conference:Address by the Secretary of State. March 29.1954." http://avalon.law.yale.edu/20th century/inchO19.asp#1 (accessed December 19,2012). Dulles made this speech at the Overseas Press Club. New York and the transcript can be found in Department of State Bulletin, Apr.12.1954, pp.539-542.
191 John King Fairbank, The United States and China,4th rev. ed. (Cambridge, MA:Harvard University Press, 1983), p.455.
192 "Sino-Soviet Relations," http://countrvstudies.us/china/128.htm (accessed December 1,2012).
l9j Warren Cohen, America's Response to China, p.207.
194 "John F. Kennedy," http://www.sparknotes.com/bioaraphy/ifk/section4.rhtm) (accessed December 20,2012).
195 Ibid.
196 John F. Kennedy, "Inaugural Address,20 January 1961,' http://www.ifklibrary.org/Asset-Viewer/BqXIEM9F4024ntF17SVAiA.aspx (accessed May 4,2013).
197 John F. Kennedy, State of the Union Address. January 301961. http://wvvw.infoplease.com/t/hist/state-of-the-union/174.html (accessed May 4,2013).
198 Thomas G. Paterson, "Bearing the Burden:A Critical Look At JFK's Foreign Policy," The Virginia Quarterly Review, Vol.54. No.2 (Spring 1978), pp.193-212. https://www.vqronline.org/articles/1978/spring/paterson-bearing-burden/(accessed May 4,2013).
199 Evelyn Goh. Constructing the U.S. Rapprochement with China,1961-1974 (New York, Cambridge University Press,2005), p.4.
200 Jim Thomson, Memo to Ben Reed, "U.S. Policy Toward Communist China and Taiwan," September 1,1960, http://www.jfklibrary.org/Asset-Viewer/Archives/JFKCAMP1960-0993-021.aspx (accessed April 19,2013).
201 Chester Bowles, "The' China Problem'Reconsidered," Foreign Affairs, Vol.38, No.3 (April 1960), p.483.
202 See James C. Thomson Jr., recorded interview by Sheldon Stern, March 19,1980, John F. Kennedy Library Oral History Program, p.32, http://archivel.jfklibrary.org/JFKOH/Thomson,%20James%20C/JFK.OH-JCT-02/JFKOH-JCT-02-TR.pdf (accessed April 19,2013).
203 Warren Cohen, America's Response to China, p.208.
204 Chester Bowles, "The-China Problem'Reconsidered,"Foreign Affairs, Vol.38, No.3 (April 1960), pp.484-485.
205 Evelyn Goh, Constructing the U.S. Rapprochement with China,1961-1974 (New York. Cambridge University Press.2005), p.21.
206 Ibid., p.22.
207 Ibid.
208 James C. Thomson Jr., recorded interview by Sheldon Stern, March 19,1980, p.9, John F. Kennedy Library Oral History Program.
209 Evelyn Goh, Constructing the U.S. Rapprochement with China,1961-1974, p.23.
210 Warren Cohen, America's Response to China, p.209.
211 Ibid.
12 Evelyn Goh, Constructing the U.S. Rapprochement with China,1961-1974, p.24.
211 Ibid.,p.25.
214 Ibid.
215 Claude Arpi, "Why New Delhi Wants to Forget 1962?" March 17,2013. http://www.indiandefencereview.com/news/why-new-delhi-wants-to-forget-1962/(accessed April 22.2013).
216 "When John F Kennedy Almost Nuked China over India," The Indian Express, December 24,2012, http://www.indianexpress.com/storv-print/1049574/(accessed April 22.2013).
217 Evelyn Goh, Constructing the U.S. Rapprochement with China,1961-1974 (New York, Cambridge University Press,2005), pp.25-26.
218 http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/amex/china/timeline/timeline4.html (accessed December 24.2012).
219 Evelyn Goh, Constructing the U.S. Rapprochement with China,1961-1974, pp.26-27.
220 Ibid., p.27.
221 Ibid.
222 Warren Cohen, America's Response to China, p.213.
223 CIA, "Communist China's Foreign Policy,"National Intelligence Estimate,No.13-9-65(May 5,1965).pp.1-2. www.foia.cia.gov/docs/DOC 0001085117/DOC_0001085117.pdf (accessed Januan'18.2013).
224 Norman A. Graebner, Richard Dean Burns, Joseph M. Siracusa, America and the Cold War,1941-1991:A Realist Interpretation, Volume 1 (Santa Barbara. CA:Praeger.2010), p.295.
225 One example is Luo Ruiqing's"Commemorate the Victory over German Fascism! Carry the Struggle against U.S. Imperialism through to the End!", Peking Review, Vol.8, No.20 (May 14,1965), pp.7-15.
226 Norman A. Graebner, Richard Dean Burns, Joseph M. Siracusa, America and the Cold War,1941-1991:A Realist Interpretation, Volume 1 (Santa Barbara, CA:Praeger,2010), p.296.
227 According to Chen Jian, the CCP leadership's concept of revolution, especially its understanding of the relations between their own and the world proletarian revolution, evolved during the Chinese Civil War. "Mao and his comrades had consistently viewed the Chinese revolution as part of a world proletarian revolutionary movement initiated by Russian Bolsheviks. As the Chinese revolution progressed, however, a different model from that of the Russian revolution emerged:instead of concentrating on urban areas the Chinese revolution was largely rural-oriented. Mao and the CCP leadership now had second thoughts about the nature and significance of the Chinese revolution. During 1948-49, they began to think in terms of a much broader anti-imperialist Asian and world revolution. They had come to believe that their model of revolution transcended China. They concluded, first, that the Chinese revolution offered an example of universal significance to other peoples struggling for national liberation and, second, that the victory of the Chinese revolution was the beginning of a new high tide of revolutionary movements of oppressed peoples in Asia and in the world. Consequently, Mao and his comrades believed it their duty to assist Communist revolutionaries and national liberation movements in other countries in order to promote a worldwide revolution." See Chen Jian. China's Road to the Korean War:The Making of Sino-American Confrontation (New York:Columbia University Press,1994).
228 See Xinhua yuebao (New China Monthly), Vol.1, No.2 (1949), p.440; see also Liu Shaoqi, "On Internationalism and Nationalism"; Si Mu, "The International Significance of the Victory of the Chinese People's Revolutionary War," Shijie zhishi (World Knowledge), Vol.21, No.1 (December 1949), pp.19-21; Lu Dingyi, "The Worldwide Significance of the Chinese Revolution," Lu Dingyi wenji (A Collection of Lu Dingyi's Works, Beijing: People's Press,1992), pp.432-439. Cited in Chen Jian, China's Road to the Korean War:The Making of Sino-American Confrontation (New York:Columbia University Press,1994), Chapter 2. Note 40.
229 Alan Lawrance, China's Foreign Relations Since 1949 (Boston:Routledge and Kegan Paul,1975), p.181.
230 Norman A. Graebner, Richard Dean Burns, Joseph M. Siracusa, America and the Cold War,1941-1991:A Realist Interpretation, Volume 1 (Santa Barbara, CA:Praeger,2010), p.296.
231 Ibid.
232 Dean Rusk, cited in David Scott, China Stands Up:The PRC and the International System (New York: Routledge,2007), p.53.
233 Norman A. Graebner, Richard Dean Burns, Joseph M. Siracusa, America and the Cold War,1941-1991:A Realist Interpretation, Volume 1 (Santa Barbara, CA:Praeger,2010), p.297
234 D.P. Mozingo and T.W. Robinson, Lin Piao on "People's War":China Takes A Second Look at Vietnam (Santa Monica, CA:The RAND Corporation,1965), p.v, http://www.rand.org/content/dam/rand/pubs/research memoranda/2008/RM4814.pdf (accessed December 21. 2012).
235 Ibid.
236 Gordon H. Chang, Friends and Enemies:The United States, China and the Soviet Union,1948-1972 (Stanford, CA:Stanford University Press,1990), p.165.
237 Chen Jian. Mao's China and the Cold War (Chapel Hill:University of North Carolina Press,2001), p.207. Chapter 8 of this book gives a description of China's support for North Vietnam during this period.
238 Mao Zedong, cited in Chen Jian, Mao's China and the Cold War (Chapel Hill:University of North Carolina Press,2001), p.207.
239 Robert Garson, "Lyndon B. Johnson and the China Enigma," Journal of Contemporary History, Vol.32, No.1 (January 1997), pp.75-76. The report of the Special State-Defense Study Group is entitled "Communist China-Long Range Study." See also James Peck, Washington s China:the National Security World, the Cold War, and the Origins of Globalism (Boston:University of Massachusetts Press,2006), pp.226-232.
240 http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/amex/china/timeline/timeline5.html (accessed December 24,2012).
241 James Peck,Washington's China:the National Security World, the Cold War, and the Origins of Gloablism (Boston:University of Massachusetts Press,2006). p.233.
242 Tim Weiner, Legacy of Ashes:The History of the CIA (New York:Doubleday,2007), p.285.
243 Ibid., p.286. "But the CIA never found a shred of evidence that linked the leaders of the American left or the black-power movement to foreign governments (p.287).'
244 沈志华：《求之不易的会面：中苏两党领导人之间的试探与沟通——关于中苏同盟建立之背景和基础的再讨论(之一)》,载《华东师范大学学报(哲学社会科学版)》,2009年第1期,第3页。
245 沈志华：《求之不易的会面：中苏两党领导人之间的试探与沟通——关于中苏同盟建立之背景和基础的再讨论(之一)》,载《华东师范大学学报(哲学社会科学版)》,2009年第1期,第4页。
246 Mao Zedong, Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung, Vol. IV, (Beijing, Foreign Language Press,1961), pp.158-159.
247 沈志华：《从西柏坡到莫斯科：毛泽东宣布向苏联“一边倒”——关于中苏同盟建立之背景和基础的再讨论(之二)》,载《中共党史研究》,2009年第4期,第29页。
248 Chen Jian, Mao's China and the Cold War (Chapel Hill:University of North Carolina Press,2001). p.43. The five articles are:"Cast Away Illusions, Prepare for Struggle," "Farewell, Leighton Stuart!" "Why It Is Necessary to Discuss the White Paper," "Friendship' or Aggression?" and "The Bankruptcy of the Idealist Conception of History." See Mao Zedong, Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung, Vol. IV, (Beijing, Foreign Language Press,1961),op.425-450.中文参见：《毛泽东选集》第4卷,人民出版社1991年版,第1483-1517页。
249 He Di, "The Most Respected Enemy:Mao Zedong's Perception of the United States," The China Quarterly, No.137 (March,1994). p.148.
250 Chen Jian, China's Road to the Korean War(New York:Columbia University Press,1994). p.93.
251 Shuguang Zhang, "Threat Perception and Chinese Communist Foreign Policy," in Melvyn P. Leffler and David S. Painter, eds., The Origins of the Cold War:An International History (New York:Routledge,1994), p.277.
252 参见：唐洲雁：《毛泽东的美国观》,博十论文,复旦大学,2006年,第167页。
253 Mao Zedong, "The Chinese People Cannot Be Cowed by the Atom Bomb." Remarks in a conversation with Carl-Johan (Cay) Sundstrom, the first Finnish Ambassador to China when he presented his credentials on January 28,1955, http://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/mao/selected-works/volume-5/ms\vv5_40.htm (accessed May 5,2013)中文参见：毛泽东：《原子弹吓不倒中国人民》,载《毛泽东选集》第五卷,人民出版社1977年4月第1版,第136-137贞。亦可参见：《关于发展原子能事业、反对使用核武器文献选载(一九五五年一月——一九六五年五月)》,载《党的文献》,1994年第3期,第13页。
254 Mao Zedong, "U.S. Imperialism Is The Most Ferocious Enemy Of The World's People," January 12,1964, http://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/mao/selected-works/volume-9/mswv91 1.htm (accessed May 5,2013).
255 Frank Murray, "China and the United States:An Awkward Era, its Consequences and Future Implications," International Journal of Academic Research in Business and Social Sciences, Vol.2, No.10 (October 2012), p.3, http://www.hrmars.com/admin/pics/1316.pdf (accessed December 22,2012).
256 Frank Murray, "China and the United States:An Awkward Era, its Consequences and Future Implications," International Journal of Academic Research in Business and Social Sciences, Vol.2. No.10 (October 2012), p.3.
257 Frank Murray, "China and the United States:An Awkward Era, its Consequences and Future Implications," International Journal of Academic Research in Business and Social Sciences, Vol.2. No.10 (October 2012), p.5.
158 Harry Truman, "Statement by the President:United States Policy Toward China," December 15,1945. http://www.trumanlibrary.org/publicpapers/index.php?pid=306 (accessed April 19,2013).
259 Warren Cohen, America's Response to China (New York:Columbia University Press,2010). p.191.
260 Secretary of Defense, "A Report to the National Security Council on Courses of Action Relative to Communist China and Korea," (NSC-101), January 12,1951. http://www.trumanlibrary.org/whistlestop/study collections/korea/large/documents/pdfs/ci-5-1.pdf#zoom=100 (accessed April 19.2013).
261 Arnold A. Offner, "President Truman and the Origins of the Cold War," http://www.bbc.co.uk/history/worldwars/wwtwo/truman 01.shtml (accessed December 23,2012).
252 Frank Murray, "China and the United States:An Awkward Era, its Consequences and Future Implications,' International Journal of Academic Research in Business and Social Sciences, Vol.2. No.10 (October 2012). p.6.
263 http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/amex/china/timeline/index.html (accessed December 24,2012).
264 "Acheson Assails Consul's Arrest By Red China,"Edwardsville Intelligencer, November 16,1949 (Wednesday), http://newspaperarchive.com/edwardsville-intelligencer/1949-11-16 (accessed December 23,2012).
265 June Grasso, Truman's Two China Policy 1948-1950 (New York:M. E. Sharpe Inc.,1987), p.8. However, according to Shi Yinhong, the Ward Incident was used as an excuse to stop other countries from granting diplomatic recognition to the People's Public. See时殷弘：《论美国承认新中国问题(1949-1950)》,载《世界历史》,1991年第1期,第107页。
266 June Grasso, Truman's Two China Policy 1948-1950, p.57.
267 "American President:Harry S. Truman (1884-1972):Foreign Affairs,' http://millercenter.org/president/truman/essavs/biographv/5 (accessed December 23,2012).
268 Ibid.
269 Frank Murray, "China and the United States:An Awkward Era, its Consequences and Future Implications, International Journal of Academic Research in Business and Social Sciences, Vol.2, No.10 (October 2012), p.9.
270 Warren Cohen, America's Response to China, p.199.
271 http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/amex/china/timeline/index.html (accessed December 24,2012).
272 June Grasso, Truman's Two China Policy 1948-1950, p.80.
273 Frank Murray, "China and the United States:An Awkward Era, its Consequences and Future Implications," International Journal of Academic Research in Business and Social Sciences, Vol.2, No.10 (October 2012), p.8.
274 See Andrew Jon Rotter, The Path to Vietnam:Origins of the American Commitment to South-East Asia (Ithaca: Cornell University Press,1987), p.106.
'Cited in Chen Jian, China's Road to the Korean War:The Making of Sino-American Confrontation (New York: Columbia University Press,1994).
216 James S. Lay, Jr. (Executive Secretary), "A Report to the National Security Council on U.S. Action to Counter Chinese Communist Aggression (NSC-101/1)," January 15,1951, http://www.trumanlibrary.org/whistlestop/study collections/korea/large/documents/pdfs/ci-5-2.pdf#zoom=100 (accessed April 19,2013).
277 Keith S. Petersen, "Non-Recognition of Red China:Reasons and Rationalizations," Arkansas Academy of Science, Vol.7 (1954), p.76, http://libinfo.uark.edu/aas/issues/1954v7/v7a20.pdf (accessed December 23,2012).
278 See United States Department of State, Foreign Relations of the United States (FRUS),1951, Vol.7 pp.1671-1672, http://digicoll.library. wisc.edu/cgi-bin/FRUS/FRUS-idx?type=turn&entity=FRUS.FRUS1951v07p2.p0213&id=F RUS.FRUS 1951 v07p2&isize=M&q l=Slavic%20Manchukuo and http://digicoll.library.wisc.edu/cgi-bin/FRUS/FRUS-idx?type=turn&entity=FRUS.FRUS1951v07p2.p0214&id=F RUS.FRUS1951v07p2&isize=M&q1=Slavic%20Manchukuo. (accessed December 23,2012).
279 http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/amex/china/timeline/timeline2.html (accessed December 24.2012).
280 Keith S. Petersen, "Non-Recognition of Red China:Reasons and Rationalizations," Arkansas Academy of Science, Vol.7 (1954), p.77.
281 Ibid.
282 Harry Harding and Yuan Ming. Sino-American Relations,1945-1955:A Joint Reassessment of a Critical Decade (Wilmington:Scholarly Resources Inc.,1989), p.311.
283 A. Doak Barnett,China and the Major Powers in East Asia (Washington DC:Brookings Institute Press,1977). p.178.
284 http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/amex/china/timeline/timeline2.html (accessed December 24,2012).
285 June Grasso, Truman's Two China Policy 1948-1950 (New York:M. E. Sharpe Inc.,1987), p.142.
286 June Grasso, Truman's Two China Policy 1948-1950 (New York:M. E. Sharpe Inc.,1987), p.142. On February 1,1951. at the urging of the United States, the U.N. General Assembly adopted a resolution branding China an aggressor in the Korea conflict. See http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/amex/china/timeline/timeline2.html (accessed December 24.2012).
287 June Grasso, Truman's Two China Policy 1948-1950 (New York:M. E. Sharpe Inc.,1987), p.162.
288 http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/amex/china/timeline/timeline2.html (accessed December 24,2012). Kennedy was not the first to publish an essay in Foreign Affairs. On April 8,1955, in an article in Foreign Affairs, Arthur H. Dean, a U.S. negotiator in the Korean armistice talks and former law partner of Secretary of State Dulles, advocated U.S. recognition of Communist China.
289 Frank Murray. "China and the United States:An Awkward Era, its Consequences and Future Implications," International Journal of Academic Research in Business and Social Sciences, Vol.2. No.10 (October 2012), p.13.
290 Nancy Bernkopf Tucker, "John Foster Dulles and the Taiwan Roots of the "Two Chinas'Policy," in Richard H. Immerman, ed., John Foster Dulles and the Diplomacy of the Cold War (Princeton:Princeton University Press, 1990), p.255.
291 Warren Cohen, America's Response to China ("New York:Columbia University Press,2010), p.199.
292 http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/amex/china/timeline/timeline4.html (accessed December 24,2012).
293 http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/amex/china/timeline/timeline3.html (accessed December 24,2012).
294 Warren Cohen, America's Response to China (New York:Columbia University Press,2010), p.208.
295 Ibid., pp.208-9.
296 Ibid., p.209.
297 http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/amex/china/timeline/timeline4.html (accessed December 24.2012).
298 http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/amex/china/timeline/timeline5.html (accessed December 24,2012).
299 http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/amex/china/timeline/timeline5.html (accessed December 24.2012).
300 As Robert G. Sutter comments, "Maoist China sacrificed conventional diplomacy in pursuing revolutionary fervor during the early years of the Cultural Revolution. The foreign minister and much of the senior foreign policy elite were purged. Ambassadors were recalled and forced to undergo extensive ideological retraining". See Robert G. Sutter, U.S.-Chinese Relations:Perilous Past, Pragmatic Present (Lanham. MD:Rowman & Littlefield Publishers,2010), p.62.
301 Robert G. Sutter, U.S.-Chinese Relations:Perilous Past, Pragmatic Present (Lanham, MD:Rowman & Littlefield Publishers,2010), p.51.
302 Gordon H. Chang, Friends and Enemies:The United States, China and the Soviet Union,1948-1972 (Stanford, CA:Stanford University Press,1990), pp.72-3.
303 Ibid., p.73.
304 National Security Council, NSC 41. February 28,1949, FRUS,1949, Vol.9, p.827, http://images.library.wisc.edu/FRUS/EFacs/1949v09/reference/frus.frus1949v09.i0010.pdf (accessed December 25, 2012).
305 Ibid., p.833.
306 Memorandum by the Executive Secretary of the National Security Council (Souers) to the Council, March 3, 1949, FRUS,1949, Vol.9, p.834.
307 Memorandum of Conversation, by Mr. Stephen C. Brown of the Office of Chinese Affairs. March 9,1950. FRUS,1950, Vol.6, pp.622-3. http://images.library.wisc.edu/FRUS/EFacs2/1950v06/reference/frus.frus 1950v06.i0009.pdf (accessed December 25,2012). It is stated in the memo that "our decision had been made in the light of our knowledge and understanding of the difficulties under which they [the companies] were operating in China. We did not wish to embarrass them in their efforts to protect company properties, continue operations on a minimum basis, and secure exit permits for key personnel," From this, it can be said that the State Department's decision to give permission to the shipping was largely due to pressure from these companies. As is known. American businesses have been affecting American foreign policies since the earliest days of the United States.
308 http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/amex/china/timeline/timeline2.html (accessed December 25,2012).
309 http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/amex/china/timeline/timeline2.html (accessed December 24,2012).
310 Shu Guang Zhang, Economic Cold War:America s Embargo Against China and the Sino-Soviet Alliance, 1949-1963 (Washington, D.C.:Woodrow Wilson Center Press,2001). In this book, the author examines how and why the United States and its allies instituted economic sanctions against the People's Republic of China in the 1950s, and how the embargo affected Chinese domestic policy and the Sino-Soviet alliance. See Tao Peng. "Economic Cold War:America's Embargo against China and the Sino-Soviet Alliance.1949-1963 (review)," Journal of Cold War Studies, Vol.8. No.2 (Spring 2006), p.144, http://www.fas.harvard.edu/-hpcws/Vo18EconomicColdWar.doc (accessed December 25,2012).
311 Warren Cohen, America's Response to China (New York:Columbia University Press,2010), p.199.
312 Tao Peng, "Economic Cold War:America's Embargo against China and the Sino-Soviet Alliance,1949-1963 (review)," Journal of Cold War Studies, Vol.8, No.2 (Spring 2006), p.145.
313 See for example, Nancy Bernkopf Tucker, Patterns in the Dust (New York:Columbia University Press,1983).
314 James S. Lay, Jr. (Executive Secretary), "A Report to the National Security Council on U.S. Action to Counter Chinese Communist Aggression (NSC-101/1)," January 15,1951.
315 http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/amex/china/timeline/timeline2.html (accessed December 25,2012).
316 Warren Cohen, America's Response to China (New York:Columbia University Press,2010), p.199.
317 赵学功：《制约美国在朝鲜战争中使用核武器的若干因素》,载《史学月刊》2011年第4期,第75页。
318 Harry Truman, "The President's News Conference." November 30,1950, http://trumanlibrary.org/publicpapers/viewpapers.php?pid=985 (accessed May 6,2013).
319 Robert J. McMahon, "US national security policy from Eisenhower to Kennedy," p.297.
320 See Section 2.7.5 for details.
321 Jim Mann, "U.S. Considered'64 Bombing to Keep China Nuclear-Free," September 27,1998, http://articles.latimes.com/1998/sep/27/news/mn-26986 (accessed May 6,2013).
322 See Sean Matthew Turner."Containment and Engagement:U.S. China Policy in the Kennedy and Johnson Administration," PhD diss., University of Adelaide,2008, p.2.
323 Gary D. Rawnsley, "'The Great Movement to Resist America and Assist Korea':How Beijing Sold the Korean War," Media, War& Conflict, Vol.2, No.3 (December 2009), p.285.
324 Chen Jian, Mao s China and the Cold War (Chapel Hill:University of North Carolina Press,2001), p.87.
325 For details, see Chen Jian. Mao's China and the Cold War (Chapel Hill:University of North Carolina Press. 2001), p.87.
327 Chen Jian, "Mao and Sino-American Relations," in Melvyn P. Leffler, David S. Painter, The Origins Of The Cold War:An International History,2nd ed. (New York:Routledge,1994), p.293.
328 Mao Tsetung, "Our Great Victory in the War to Resist US Aggression and Aid Korea and Our Future Tasks" (Sept,12,1953), in Selected Works of Mao Tsetung, Vol.5 (Beijing,1977), p.115, http;//www.marxists.org/reference/archive/mao/selected-works/volume-5/mswv5_34.htm (accessed January 5. 2013).
329 See http://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/mao/works/red-book/ch06.htm (accessed January 6,2013).
330 Gary D. Rawnsley, "The Great Movement to Resist America and Assist Korea':How Beijing Sold the Korean War," Media, War & Conflict. Vol.2. No.3 (December 2009), p.296.
331 Chen Jian, China's Road to the Korean War (New York:Columbia University Press,1994), p.155.
332 Gary D. Rawnsley,"The Great Movement to Resist America and Assist Korea':How Beijing Sold the Korean War," Media, War A Conflict, Vol.2. No.3 (December 2009), p.309.
333 章百家：《1945-1955年中美关系史学术讨论会述评》,载《历史研究》,1987年第3期,第43页。
334 Steven M. Goldstein,"The United States and the Republic of China,1949-1978:Suspicious Allies," Taiwan Security Research, February 2000, p.6, http://iis-db.stanford.edu/pubs/10125/Goldstein.pdf (accessed January 5, 2013).
335 Alan M. Wachman, Why Taiwan? Geostrategic Rationales for China's Territorial Integrity (Singapore:NUS Press,2008), p.112.
336 Alan M. Wachman, Why Taiwan? Geostrategic Rationales for China's Territorial Integrity (Singapore:NUS Press,2008), p.110.
337 Zhou Enlai,"Resisting US Aggression, Aiding Korea and Defending Peace," Selected Works of Zhou Enlai, Volume Ⅱ, http://www.china.org.cn/e-America/historical/zhou.htm (accessed January 6,2013).
338 Ibid.
339 On July 23,1953, an editorial entitled "Taiwan Must Be Liberated" was published in People s Daily.
340 According to the interpretations of some American scholars, Eisenhower's statement in his February 1953
State of the Union speech was more out of political considerations than out of military considerations, and such a policy was meant to subject China to more pressure in the ceasefire negotiation over the Korean War.参见章百家：《1945-1955年中美关系史学术讨论会述评》,载《历史研究》,1987年第3期,第43-44页。Another scholar also held that Eisenhower's statement did not signify American acceptance of Chiang's mission to return to the mainland. Instead, it was intended as a signal to China of the need for closure in the Korean War, and as a sop to conservative Republicans at home. See Steven M. Goldstein, "The United States and the Republic of China, 1949-1978:Suspicious Allies." Taiwan Security Research, February 2000, p.7.
341 Gordon H. Chang, Friends and Enemies:The United States, China and the Soviet Union,1948-1972 (Stanford: Stanford University Press,1990), p.117.
342 Gordon H. Chang, Friends and Enemies:The United States, China and the Soviet Union,1948-1972 (Stanford: Stanford University Press,1990), p.118中文文献参见：装坚章主编：《中华人民共和国外交史》第一卷(1949-1956),世界知识出版社1994年版,第337页：王炳南：《中美会谈九年回顾》,世界知识出版社1985年版,第41-42页。
343 He Di, "The Most Respected Enemy:Mao Zedong's Perception of the United States." The China Quarterly, No.137 (March 1994). p.151.
344 Gordon H. Chang. Friends and Enemies:The United States, China and the Soviet Union.1948-1972 (Stanford: Stanford University Press,1990), p.120.
345 Chen jian, Mao's China and the Cold War (Chapel Hill:University of North Carolina Press,2001), p.167.
346 戴超武：《敌对与危机的年代：1954-1958年的中美关系》,社会科学文献出版社2003年版,第122-126页。
347 Steven M. Goldstein, "The United States and the Republic of China,1949-1978:Suspicious Allies," Taiwan Security Research, February 2000, p.7.
148 He Di,"The Most Respected Enemy:Mao Zedong's Perception of the United States," The China Quarterly, No.137 (March,1994), p.152.
349 参见吴冷西：《忆毛主席——我亲身经历的若干重大历史事件片断》,新华出版社1995年版,第74-75页。
350 吴冷西：《忆毛主席——我亲身经历的若干重大历史事件片断》,新华出版社1995年版,第74页。The English translation is taken from Chen Jian's book Mao's China and the Cold War, p.182.
351 Michael M. Sheng, "Mao and China's Relations with the Superpowers in the 1950s:A New Look at the Taiwan Strait Crises and the Sino-Soviet Split," Modern China, Vol.34 No.4 (October 2008), p.478.
352 Gordon H. Chang, Friends and Enemies:The United States, China and the Soviet Union,1948-1972 (Stanford. CA:Stanford University Press,1990), pp.183-84.
353 贾庆国：《未实现的和解：中美关系的隔阂与危机》,文化艺术出版社1998年版,第247页。
354 Steven M. Goldstein, "The United States and the Republic of China,1949-1978:Suspicious Allies," Taiwan Security Research, February 2000. p.8.
355 Marshall Green, "Working with Dulles:An Insider's Account of the Taiwan Straits Crisis," Foreign Service Journal (May 1989), p.46.
356 Ibid.
357 Chen Jian, Mao's China and the Cold War (Chapel Hill:University of North Carolina Press,2001), p.207.
358 Ibid.
359 Ibid., p.211.
360 Ibid.
361 Jung Chang and Jon Halliday, Mao:The Unknown Story, (New York:Alfred A. Knopf,2005). p.482.
362 Bob Seals, "Chinese Support for North Vietnam during the Vietnam War:The Decisive Edge," (September 23, 2008), http://www.militaryhistorvonline.com/20thcentury/articles/chinesesupport.aspx (accessed January 7,2013).
363 Jung Chang and Jon Halliday. Mao:The Unknown Stoiy, (New York:Alfred A. Knopf,2005), p.357.
364 Chen Jian, Mao s China and the Cold War (Chapel Hill:University of North Carolina Press,2001), Chap.8, pp.205-37.
1 Harry Harding. A Fragile Relationship:The United States and China since 1972 (Washington, D.C.:The Brookings Institution,1992). p.1.
2 "The Nixon Visit (February 21-28.1972)."http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/amex/china/sfeature/nixon.html (accessed January 13,2013). 3 Harry Harding. A Fragile Relationship:The United States and China since 1972 (Washington, D.C.:The
Brookings Institution,1992), pp.1-2.
4 "1972 Year in Review:Nixon Goes to China," http://www.upi.com/Audio/Year_in_Review/Events-of-1972/Nixon-Goes-to-China/12305688736666-5/(accessed January 13,2013).
5 James C. Thomson, Jr., "On the Making of U.S. China Policy,1961-9:A Study in Bureaucratic Politics," The China Quarterly, No.50 (April-June,1972), p.220.
6 Richard K. Betts, "U.S. National Security Strategy:Lens and Landmarks," Paper presented for the launch conference of the Princeton Project "Toward a New National Security Strategy," November 2004 (Originally presented May 2004), pp.17-18. http://www.princeton.edu/--ppns/papers/betts.pdf (accessed January 30,2013).
7 "Joint Resolution of Congress H.J. RES 1145,"August 7,1964, http://avalon.law.yale.edu/20th_century/tonkin-g.asp (accessed April 24,2013).
8 "Vietnam War," International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences,2008, http://www.encyclopedia.com/doc/1G2-3045302901.html; "Vietnam War Time Table," http://www.u-s-history.com/pages/h1959.html# 1968 (accessed April 24,2913).
9 Jean A. Garrison. Making China Policy:From Nixon to G.W. Bush (Boulder. CO:Lynnc Rienner Publishers, 2005), p.12.
10 Henry Kissinger. White House Years [e-book] (Weidenteld & Nicolson History,2000), p.275.
11 This section is based on the following article:"Sino-Soviet Border Disputes (March 1969)," http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/amex/china/peopleevents/pande06.html (accessed April 22,2013).
12 陈能宽：《中国为什么下决心搞原子弹》,载《神剑》,2005年第2期,第26-27页。
13 See William Burr and Jeffrey T. Richelson,"Whether To'Strangle the Baby in the Cradle":The United States and the Chinese Nuclear Program,1960-64," International Security, Vol.25. No.3 (Winter 2000/01), pp.54-99.参见：詹欣：《美国对中国核武器研制的评估与对策(1961-1964)》,载《当代中国史研究》第8卷第3期(2001年5月),第86-94页；聂文婷：《中国第一颗原子弹研制历程与重大意义研究综述》,载《西北工业大学学报(社会科学版)》,第32卷第1期(2012年3月),第38-44页。
14 See Raymond E. Zickel. ed.. The Soviet Union-A Country Study (Washington. D. C.:Federal Research Division of the Library of Congress.1989). http://www.shsu.edu/-his_ncp/Soviet2.html (accessed April 22,2013).
15 参见：石啸冲：《苏联争霸的全球战略与国际联合反霸》,载《社会科学》1980年第6期,第147-152页。
16 See Raymond E. Zickel, ed.. The Soviet Union-A Country Study (Washington, D. C.:Federal Research Division of the Library of Congress,1989), http://www.shsu.edu/-his ncp/Soviet2.html (accessed April 22,2013).
17 See Kenneth W. Rea, "Peking and the Brezhnev Doctrine." Asian Affairs. Vol.3, No.1 (September-October, 1975), pp.22-30.
18 Donna Urschel, "Foreign Affairs In the Nixon Era:Historical Witnesses Discuss Transatlantic Relations," Library of Congress Information Bulletin, Vol.62, No.7 (July/August 2003). http://www.loc.gov/loc/lcib/0307-8/policy.html (accessed April 30,2013).
19 Donna Urschel, "Foreign Affairs In the Nixon Era:Historical Witnesses Discuss Transatlantic Relations."
20 Colon Associates. Ltd., United States Foreign Policy:Asia (Washington:Government Printing Office,1959), p.119.
21 Nancy Bernkopf Tucker. "Taiwan Expendable? Nixon and Kissinger Go to China." The Journal of American History, Vol.92, No.l (June 2005), p.112. www3.nccu.edu.tw/-lorenzo/Tucker%20Taiwan%20Expendable.pdf (accessed January 22,2013).
22 Colon Associates, Ltd., United States Foreign Policy:Asia (Washington:Government Printing Office,1959). Its digital version is available at: http://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?u=1:num=148;seq=160;view=lup;size=100;id=mdp.39015035840498;page=root: orient=0#page/nO/mode/lup (accessed January 13,2013)中文相关文献参见：美国康伦公司《美国对亚洲的外交政策》,北京：书报简讯社1960年2月版；资中筠：《缓慢的解冻：中美关系打开之前十几年间美国对华舆论的转变过程》,载《美国研究》,1987年第2期,第7-35页：苏格：《(康伦报告)的战略构想》,载 《美国研究》,1997年第4期,第129-133页。
23 The two approaches are:1) Containment through isolation; 2) Normalization of relations.
24 Colon Associates, Ltd., United States Foreign Policy:Asia (Washington:Government Printing Office,1959), p.153.
2S Colon Associates, Ltd., United States Foreign Policy:Asia (Washington:Government Printing Office,1959), pp.153-154.
26 资中筠：《缓慢的解冻：中美关系打开之前十几年间美国对华舆论的转变过程》,载《美国研究》,1987年第2期,第11页：苏格：《<康伦报告)的战略构想》,载《美国研究》,1997年第4期,第132页。
27 Congressional Record:Proceedings and Debates of the 88th Congress, Second Session, Vol.110, No.56 (Mar.25, 1964). http://scipio.uark.edu/cdm4/item_viewer.php?CISOROOT=/Fulbright&CISOPTR=54&CISOBOX=1&REC=l (accessed January 14,2013).
28 Ibid.
29 Ibid.
30 资中筠：《缓慢的解冻：中美关系打开之前十几年间美国对华舆论的转变过程》,载《美国研究》,1987年第2期,第16页。
31 John Fairbank was consulted by Roger Hillsman, then Assistant Secretary of State for Far Eastern Affairs in January 1964, two months before he resigned because he disagreed with President Johnson's Vietnam policy. That was John Fairbank' first visit to Washington since 1950, but the meeting, which was mostly symbolic, was not held in a public office but in the residence of John Rockefeller.参见：资中筠：《缓慢的解冻：中美关系打开之前十几年间美国对华舆论的转变过程》,载《美国研究》,1987年第2期,第16-17页。
32 资中筠：《缓慢的解冻：中美关系打开之前十几年间美国对华舆论的转变过程》,载《美国研究》,1987年第2期,第17-18页。
33 The Committee for One Million (COM) was created in 1953 to collect signatures on a petition opposing the admission of the People's Republic of China to the United Nations, and was reorganized in 1955 as the Committee of One Million with the assistance of Marvin Liebman. an advertising entrepreneur. One of its leaders was Representative Walter Judd. It is possible that the CIA may have played a role in the Committee. See Stanley D. Bachrack, The Committee of One Million:"China Lobby" Politics,1953-1971 (New York:Columbia University Press,1976).
34 参见：资中筠：《缓慢的解冻：中美关系打开之前十几年间美国对华舆论的转变过程》,载《美国研究》,1987年第2期,第18页。
35 Minutes, China Panel Meeting. October 24,1967, Record Group 59:General Records of the Department of State, Subject Files of the Office of the Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs, lot 73D8, box 20, "China Advisory Panel Meeting. October 23-24,1967," National Archives Ⅱ, College Park, Maryland. Cited in Sean Matthew Turner, "Containment and Engagement:U.S. China Policy in the Kennedy and Johnson Administrations," PhD Diss., University of Adelaide,2008, p.l.
36 James C. Thomson, Jr., "On the Making of U.S. China Policy,1961-9:A Study in Bureaucratic Politics," The China Quarterly, No.50 (April-June,1972), p.220.
37 Ibid., p.221.
38 Ibid.,p.222.
39 James C. Thomson, Jr., "'On the Making of U.S. China Policy,1961-9:A Study in Bureaucratic Politics," The China Ouarterly. No.50 (April-June,1972), p.222.
40 Ibid., pp.222-223.
41 Ibid., p.225.
42 Ibid., p.226.
41 Ibid., p.227.
44 参阅：资中筠：《缓慢的解冻：中美关系打开之前十几年间美国对华舆论的转变过程》,载《美国研究》,1987年第2期,第33页,注7。
45 Kevin Quigley, "A Lost Opportunity:A Reappraisal of the Kennedy Administration's China Policy in 1963," Diplomacy & Statecraft, Vol.13. No.3 (September 2002), p.178, p.181.
46 James C. Thomson, Jr., "On the Making of U.S. China Policy,1961-9:A Study in Bureaucratic Politics," The China Quarterly, No.50 (April-June,1972), p.229.
47 Kevin Quigley,"A Lost Opportunity:A Reappraisal of the Kennedy Administration's China Policy in 1963." p.183. "Thomson was the son of missionaries who had been based in China. He shared their love of China and the Chinese. He had worked with Chester Bowles, the former US Ambassador to India, who became Undersecretary of State in 1961, during the 1956 presidential election and became his assistant when Bowles became a member of the House of Representatives in 1958. He followed him to the State Department. Thomson had also received a doctorate from Harvard, where his supervisor had been John King Fairbank and his subject the activities of Americans in China during the 1930s. From the beginning of his time in government his primary interest was China policy (pp.183-4)." Such a background made Thomson one of "the three main figures" in the process of reassessing and changing China policy, with the other two being Averall Harriman and Roger Hilsman (p.177).
48 James C. Thomson. Jr.. "On the Making of U.S. China Policy,1961-9:A Study in Bureaucratic Politics," The China Quarterly,No.50 (April-June,1972). p.229. 49 Ibid., p.230.
50 Ibid.
51 Kevin Quigley,"A Lost Opportunity:A Reappraisal of the Kennedy Administration's China Policy in 1963," p.185.
52 The Department of State Bulletin, Vol. L, No.1280, January,1964, p.17; See also James C. Thomson, Jr., "On the Making of'U.S. China Policy,1961-9:A Study in Bureaucratic Politics." The China Quarterly, No.50 (April-June,1972), p.230 and Roger Hilsman. To Move a Nation:The Politics of Foreign Policy in the Administration of John F. Kennedy (Garden City, N.Y.:Doubleday,1967), p.352.
53 Kevin Quigley,"A Lost Opportunity:A Reappraisal of the Kennedy Administration's China Policy in 1963," p.187.
54 Ibid.
55 James C. Thomson, Jr., "On the Making of U.S. China Policy,1961-9:A Study in Bureaucratic Politics," The China Quarterly, No.50 (April-June,1972), p.230.
56 Kevin Quigley, "A Lost Opportunity:A Reappraisal of the Kennedy Administration's China Policy in 1963,' p.176.
57 Ibid., p.187.
58 See Kevin Quigley, "A Lost Opportunity:A Reappraisal of the Kennedy Administration's China Policy in 1963," p.175. According to him,"Reaction to the speech at the time was generally favourable and suggested that the US public was becoming more willing to tolerate a discussion on what US China policy should be."
59 Kevin Quigley, "A Lost Opportunity:A Reappraisal of the Kennedy Administration's China Policy in 1963,' p.194.
60 Ibid.
61 Ibid., p.193.
62 Sean Matthew Turner, "Containment and Engagement:U.S. China Policy in the Kennedy and Johnson Administrations," PhD Diss., University of Adelaide (February 2008), p.v.
63 James C. Thomson. Jr. "Watching the China-Watchers," Foreign Policy. No.4 (Autumn 1971), pp.138-140. However, Warren Cohen, the biographer of Dean Rusk, argues that the hard line against China in the early 1960s was more a result of Kennedy's obsessions than Rusk's intractability. See Warren I. Cohen, Dean Rusk (Totowa, N.J.:Cooper Square,1980), p.172. p.281.
64 Nancy Bernkopf Tucker, "Threats, Opportunities, and Frustrations in East Asia,"'in Nancy Bernkopf Tucker and Warren 1. Cohen, eds., Lyndon Johnson Confronts the World:American Foreign Policy,1963-1968 (New York: Cambridge University Press,1994). p.106.
65 Gordon Chang, Friends and Enemies:the United States, China and the Soviet Union,1948-1972 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press,1990), p.272.
66 Ibid.
67 Evelyn Goh, Constructing the U.S. Rapprochement with China,1961-1974:From "Red Menace" to "Tacit Ally" (New York:Cambridge University Press,2005), p.42.
68 Ibid. However, it was a little bit inaccurate to talk about "membership" because "China" was a member of the United Nations and one of the five members of the Security Council. As James Thomson puts it, "the question is clearly one of representation-who shall sit in China's seat-not of membership." See James C. Thomson, Jr., "Watching the China-Watchers," Foreign Policy, No.4 (Autumn 1971), p.141.
69 Nancy Bernkopf Tucker, "Threats, Opportunities, and Frustrations in East Asia," in Lyndon Johnson Confronts the World:American Foreign Policy,1963-1968, ed. Nancy Bernkopf Tucker and Warren I. Cohen (New York: Cambridge University Press,1994). p.134.
70 Nancy Bernkopf Tucker's view. Cited in Sean Matthew Turner, "Containment and Engagement:U.S. China Policy in the Kennedy and Johnson Administrations," PhD Diss., University of Adelaide (February 2008), p.8.
71 Robert Garson, "Lyndon B. Johnson and the China Enigma," Journal of Contemporary History, Vol.32, No.1 (January 1997), p.63.
72 Warren Cohen. "Kennedy's China," review of A Conflict Perpetuated, by Noam Kochavi, Diplomatic History, No.28 (January 2004), p.157.
73 Kevin Quigley. "A Lost Opportunity:A Reappraisal of the Kennedy Administration's China Policy in 1963," Diplomacy & Statecraft, Vol.13. No.3 (September 2002), pp.193-4.
74 James C. Thomson, Jr. "Watching the China-Watchers," Foreign Policy, No.4 (Autumn 1971), p.138. As James C. Thomson summarizes, "For American China-watchers, amateur and professional,1971 has been a very big year, the biggest in two decades. Ever since Chou En-lai decreed'a new page'in Sino-American relations, things have begun to happen thick and fast. It was startling enough that athletes, journalists, and even academics began to come and go, that the trade ban was eased, and that scores of other Americans scrambled to get on the visa list. But then came the secret Chou-Kissinger meeting and the bomb-shell announcement on July 15 of a Nixon-Mao summit. Before long, Peking's diplomats will be living in New York, perhaps in Washington as well."
75 Richard Nixon, "Address by Richard M. Nixon to the Bohemian Club." San Francisco, July 29.1967. http://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1969-76v01/d2 (accessed January 19.2013).
76 Yukinori Komine. Secrecy in US Foreign Policy:Nixon. Kissinger and the Rapprochement with China (Burlington, VT:Ashgate,2008). p.30.
77 Henry Kissinger. "Central Issues of American Foreign Policy." FRUS,1969-1976. Vol.1. pp.21-48. http://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1969-76v01/d4 (accessed January 19,2013).
78 Yukinori Komine, Secrecy in US Foreign Policy:Nixon, Kissinger and the Rapprochement with China (Burlington, VT:Ashgate,2008). p.31.
79 Henry Kissinger. "Central Issues of American Foreign Policy.'
80 Yukinori Komine. Secrecy in US Foreign Policy:Nixon, Kissinger and the Rapprochement with China, p.31.
81 Henry Kissinger, "Central Issues of American Foreign Policy.'
82 Ibid.
83 Ibid.
84 Henry Kissinger, White House Years [e-book] (Weidenfeld & Nicolson History,2000), p.79. http://gendocs.rn/docs/19/18153/conv_1/file1.pdf (accessed September 08,2012).
85 Henry Kissinger, Diplomacy (New York:Simon & Schuster.1994), pp.703-704.
86 Henry R. Nau, "Conservative Internationalism:Jefferson to Polk to Truman to Reagan," Policy Review, No.150 (July 30,2008). http://www.hoover.org/publications/policy-review/article/5799(Accessed December 10.2012).
87 Henry Kissinger. Diplomacy (New York:Simon & Schuster,1994). p.705.
88 On the opening to China, Kissinger has such comments:"There was a marginal difference in our perspectives. Nixon saw in the opening to China a somewhat greater opportunity than I to squeeze the Soviet Union into short-term help on Vietnam; I was more concerned with the policy's impact on the structure of international relations. Nixon tended to believe that ending the isolation of 800 million Chinese itself removed a great threat to peace. To me a China active in foreign policy would call for very skillful diplomacy to calibrate our policies in the more complicated context that would evolve and that would alter all international relationships. But these differences rested on the same fundamental judgment:that if relations could be developed with both the Soviet Union and China the triangular relationship would give us a great strategic opportunity for peace," See Henry Kissinger, White House Years [e-book], p.204.
89 Yukinori Komine, Secrecy in US Foreign Policy:Nixon, Kissinger and the Rapprochement with China, p.33.
90 This section is based on Yukinori Komine, Secrecy in US Foreign Policy:Nixon, Kissinger and the Rapprochement with China (Burlington. VT:Ashgate,2008), p.31.
91 Richard Nixon, "US Foreign Policy for the 1970s:A New Strategy for Peace," February 18,1970, FRUS, 1969-1976, Vol.1, Report by President Nixon to Congress, http://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1969-76v01/d60 (accessed January 20,2013).
92 Richard Nixon, "Address to the Nation on the War in Vietnam (November 3,1969)," http://www.nixonlibrary.gov/forkids/speechesforkids/silentmajority/silentmajority_transcript.pdf (accessed January 20,2013).
93 Robert S. Litwak. Detente and the Nixon Doctrine:American Foreign Policy and the Pursuit of Stability, 1969-1976 (New York:Cambridge University Press,1984), p.146.
94 Richard Nixon, "Address by Richard M. Nixon to the Bohemian Club," San Francisco. July 29.1967.
95 Henry Kissinger. Diplomacy, p.706.
6 Henry Kissinger, "Central Issue of American Foreign Policy,'
Hanns W. Maull, "Hegemony reconstructed? America's role conception and its' leadership' within its core alliances," in Sebastian Harnisch, Cornelia Frank & Hanns W. Maull. eds.. Role Theory in International Relations (New York:Routledge,2011). p.168.
98 Donna Urschel, "Foreign Affairs In the Nixon Era:Historical Witnesses Discuss Transatlantic Relations.'
99 Cited in Henry Kissinger. Diplomacy. p.705.
100 Henry Kissinger, Diplomacy, p.706.
101 Donna Urschel, "Foreign Affairs In the Nixon Era:Historical Witnesses Discuss Transatlantic Relations.'
102 Robert S. Litwak, Detente and the Nixon Doctrine:American Foreign Policy and the Pursuit of Stability, 1969-1976 (New York:Cambridge University Press,1984), p.146.
103 See Frank N. Trager, "The Nixon Doctrine and Asian Policy," Southeast Asian Perspectives, No.6 (June 1972), p.4.
104 Richard Nixon, First Inaugural Address. January 20,1969, http://avalon.law.yale.edu/20th_century/nixonl.asp (accessed January 22,2013).
105 Ibid. Kissinger also expressed his conservations about American foreign policy since 1945. "The containment strategy of the early postwar period had projected America into the front line of every international crisis; the soaring rhetoric of the Kennedy period had set goals that were beyond America's physical and emotional capabilities." See Kissinger, Diplomacy, p.707.
106 Evelyn Goh, Constructing the U.S. Rapprochement with China,1961-1974:From "Red Menace" to "Tacit Ally",p.114.
107 Henry Kissinger, On China, p.85.
108 Henry Kissinger, Diplomacy, p.720.
109 Henry Kissinger, On China, p.86. Also see Kissinger, Diplomacy, pp.721-722. Elliot Richardson stated,"In the case of Communist China, longrun improvement in our relations is in our own national interest. We do not seek to exploit for our own advantage the hostility between the Soviet Union and the People's Republic. Ideological differences between the two Communist giants are not our affair. We could not fail to be deeply concerned, however, with an escalation of this quarrel into a massive breach of international peace and security." See Henry Kissinger, White House Years [e-book], p.225.
110 Henry Kissinger, On China, p.86.
111 Henry Kissinger, Diplomacy, p.713.
112 Henry Kissinger,Dilomacy.p723.
113 Jean A.Garrison.Making China Policy:From Nixon to G.W.Bush,p.11.
114 Richard Nixon,"Asia after Viet Nam,"Foreign Sffairs,Vol.46,No.1(1967).pp119-121.
115 Jean A.Garrison.Making China Policy: Form Nixon to G.W.Bush,pp.11.12.
116 Evelyn Goh, Constructing the U.S. Rapprochement with China,1961-1974:From "Red Menace " to "Tacit Ally", p.109.
117 Winston Lord recalled this. See Nancy Bernkopf Tucker, China Confidential" American Diplomats and Sino-US Relations since 1945 (New York:Columbia University Press,2001), p.226.
118 National Archives, Nixon Presidential Materials NSC Files, Box 365. Subject Files, NSSMs 1-42. Secret. See Even M. Duncan, ed. Foreign Relations of the United States,1969-1976, Volume V, United Nations,1969-1972 (Washington:United States Government Printing Office,2004), p.481. Also available at: http://static.history.state.gov/frus/frus1969-76v17/medium/0063.png (accessed January 20,2013). The Study report responded to the Memorandum dated February 5,1969 was published on August 8.1969.
119 According to Shuguang Zhang, it might be due to the bureaucratic struggle between NSC and the State Department over initiative over China policy.参见：张曙光：《接触外交：尼克松政府与解冻中美关系》,世界知识出版社2009年版,第43页。
120 The subject is "Next Steps Toward the People's Republic of China." This document begins with the following words:"The President has directed a study of possible diplomatic initiatives which the United States might take toward the People's Republic of China (PRC) with the objective of furthering the improvement of relations. These initiatives should explore the degree to which it is possible to build on recent progress. They should be put into the context of our relations towards other countries, especially the USSR and Japan." See National Security Study Memorandum 124, http://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frusl969-76v17/d117 (accessed January 21.2013).
121 Foreign Relations of the United States,1969-1976, Volume XVII, China.1969-1972. Document 105. http://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frusl969-76v17/d105 (accessed January 20,2013).
122 "Nixon's View of the World-From Informal Talks," in U.S. News and World Report, Vol.LXV, No.12 (September 16,1968). p.48. Cited in Henry Kissinger. Diplomacy, p.721.
l23 "Memorandum From President Nixon to his Assistant for National Security Affairs (Kissinger)," Washington, February 1,1969. http://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1969-76vl7/d3 (accessed January 22,2013). Also see Henry Kissinger. White House Years [e-book], p.210.
124 Response to National Security Study Memorandum 124, http://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frusl969-76vl7/d129 (accessed January 21,2013).
125 张曙光：《基辛格与中美”解冻”序幕的拉开：兼论外交决策者个人因素》,载《历史研究》,2007年第5期,第162页。
126 As for how Kissinger made this a reality and his role in normalizing Sino-US relations, see张曙光：《基辛格与中美”解冻”序幕的拉开：兼论外交决策者个人因素》,载《历史研究》,2007年第5期,第159-162页。亦可参见：张曙光：《接触外交：尼克松政府与解冻中美关系》,世界知识出版社2009年版,第二章”重新策划美国冷战战略”,第19-47贞。
127 Jean A. Garrison, Making China Policy:From Nixon to G. W. Bush, p.11.
128 John Lewis Gaddis, Strategies of Containment:A Critical Appraisal of American National Security Policy during the Cold War, revised and expanded edition (New York:Oxford University Press,2005), p.280.
129 http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/amex/china/filmmore/description.html (accessed January 22.2013).
130 Richard Nixon, "First Annual Report to the Congress on United States Foreign Policy for the 1970's.,' February 18,1970. Online by Gerhard Peters and John T. Woolley,The American Presidency Project. http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=2835 (accessed January 20.2013).
131 According to Evelyn Goh. this report was written by Kissinger and his NSC staff. See Evelyn Goh, Constructing the U.S. Rapprochement with China,1961-1974:From "Red Menace" to "Tacit Ally", p.117. Kissinger himself later wrote that the report was drafted by NSC staff and him, and the report reflected Nixon's views and were issued in Nixon's name. See Kissinger. Diplomacy, p.711.
132 Henry Kissinger. "Central Issues of American Foreign Policy."
133 Henry Kissinger, Diplomacy, p.711.
134 Ibid.
135 Ibid., p.714.
136 Robert Dallek, Nixon and Kissinger:Partners in Power (New York:HarperCollins Publishers,2007), p.290.
137 Evelyn Goh, Constructing the U.S. Rapprochement with China,1961-1974:From "Red Menace" to "Tacit Ally", p.122.
138 Jean A. Garrison. Making China Policy:From Nixon to G. W. Bush, p.13.
139 According to Niu Jun, the "fighting with two fists" strategy cannot correctly describe China's foreign relations strategy during the 1960s. The reality is that Chinese leaders still wanted to stabilize Sino-Soviet Relations so as to concentrate forces to deal with the armed intervention of Vietnam by the United States. He argues that the key factor which determined China's foreign relations strategy was the fact that the Chinese leaders had two fundamental notions in assessing world situation. The first one was the United States, both in terms of world revolution and China's national security, was the most dangerous enemy of China; the second one was the U.S.-Soviet collusion. So his opinion is that China's foreign relations strategy did not change fundamentally until the Zhenbao Island Incident in March 1969. See牛军：《1969年中苏边界冲突与中国外交战略的调整》,载《当代中国史研究》,1999年第1期,第67-70页。
140 He Di. "The Most Respected Enemy:Mao Zedong's Perception of the United States." The China Quarterly, No.137 (March.1994). p.154.
141 Ibid.
142 参见：杨明伟：《“以阶级斗争为纲”错误口号的由来》,载《炎黄春秋》1998年第8期,第8-13页。
143 See http://english.gov.cn/2005-08/06/content 24233.htm (accessed April 22,2013).
144 参见：刘明钢：《王稼祥与“三和一少”》,载《党史博览》,1999年第1期,第42-45贞。
145 李捷：《物极必反：60年代的中国国内政治与中美关系》,载姜长斌、[美]罗伯特·罗斯主编：《从对峙走向缓和：冷战时期中美关系再探讨》,世界知识出版社2000年版,第511页。
146 Kuisong Yang & Yafeng Xia, "Vacillating between Revolution and Detente:Mao's Changing Psyche and Policy toward the United States,1969-1976," Diplomatic History. Vol.34, No.2 (April 2010). p.396. As for Chinese sources, see李捷：《物极必反：60年代的中国国内政治与中美关系》,第509-510页。
147 李捷：《物极必反：60年代的中国国内政治与中美关系》,第512页。Li Jie. "Changes in China's Domestic Situation in the 1960s and Sino-U.S. Relations," in Robert S. Ross and Jiang Changbin. eds., Reexamining the Cold War:US-China Diplomacy,1954-1973 (Cambridge:Harvard University Press,2001). p.304. Cited in Henry Kissinger, On China, pp.79-80.
148 Kuisong Yang & Yafeng Xia, "Vacillating between Revolution and Detente:Mao's Changing Psyche and Policy toward the United States,1969-1976," Diplomatic History, Vol.34. No.2 (April 2010). p.396.
149 李捷：《物极必反：60年代的中国国内政治与中美关系》,第512-513页。
150 http://academic.mu.edu/meissnerd/cr.htm (accessed January 23,2013)
151 Chen Jian, Mao's China and the Cold War (Chapel Hill, NC:University of North Carolina Press,2001), p.243.
152 Leonid Brezhnev made the doctrine clear in a speech at the Fifth Congress of the Polish United Workers' Party on November 13,1968, which stated:"When forces that are hostile to socialism try to turn the development of some socialist country towards capitalism, it becomes not only a problem of the country concerned, but a common problem and concern of all socialist countries." See Ralph R. Reiland, "Budapest:October 23,1956, http://spectator.org/archives/2006/10/23/budapest-october-23-1956 (accessed April 24,2013).
153 Allen S. Whiting, "Sino-Soviet Hostilities and Implications for U.S. Policy," August 16,1969, http://www.gwu.edu/～nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB49/sino.sov.9.pdf (accessed April 23,2013).
154 Chen Jian, Mao's China and the Cold War (Chapel Hill, NC:University of North Carolina Press,2001), p.245.参见：宫力：《从中美缓和到实行“一条线”的战略：20世纪60年代末、70年代初中国对外战略的转变》,载《中国中央党校学报》,第6卷第2期(2002年5月),第74页,注②：陈少铭：《一九六九年“国际形势座谈会”及其历史贡献》,载《中共党史研究》,2008年第1期,第77页。
155 Kuisong Yang & Yafeng Xia. "Vacillating between Revolution and Detente:Mao's Changing Psyche and Policy toward the United States.1969-1976." Diplomatic History. Vol.34, No.2 (April 2010). p.400.
156 Henry Kissinger, On China, p.82.
157 See Joseph Yu-Shek Cheng & Franklin Wankun Zhang. "Chinese Foreign Relations Strategies Under Mao and Deng:A Systematic and Comparative Analysis," Kasarinlan:Philippine Journal of Third World Studies, Vol.14, No.3 (1999). http://journals.upd.edu.ph/index.php/kasarinlan/article/view/l415/pdf_59 (accessed January 23, 2013).
158 Richard Nixon, "The President's News Conference," March 14,1969. Online by Gerhard Peters and John T. Woolley, The American Presidency Project. http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/7pid=951 (accessed January 23, 2013).
159Ibid参见：熊向晖：《打开中美关系的前奏：1969年四位老帅对国际形势研究和建议的前前后后》,载《瞭望周刊》,1992年第35期,第23页。
160 Henry Kissinger, White House Years., p.212.
161 熊向晖：《打开中美关系的前奏：1969年四位老帅对国际形势研究和建议的前前后后》,载《瞭望周刊》,1992年第35期,第23页As for the time of Mao's instructions, there is another version which states that it was one a meeting on February 1969 that Mao suggested that the four marshals have a study of international issues, and later after the Zhenbao Island Incident he mentioned it again and during the Ninth Congress he mentioned it the third time. But Xiong Xianghui did not mention this参见：王永钦：《1969年——中美关系的转折点》,载《党的文献》1995年第6期,第78页：李捷：《物极必反：60年代的中国国内政治与中美关系》,第522-523贞。Chen Jian also has a different timeline when he details the four Marshals'study efforts, which seems to support Wang Yongqin and Li.Jie's account. See Chen Jian, Mao s China and the Cold War, pp.246-249. My understanding is that, it might be true that Mao proposed that the four marshals should study international issues, but no actions were taken, so he urged them to do that after the Zhenbao Island Incident in March and the Ninth Congress in April. However, it was after the third time when Mao mentioned this that Zhou Enlai took it seriously and sincerely talked the four marshals into carrying out Mao's instructions because the four marshals had a lot of misgivings about such a task. It is true that some sources indicate that the four marshals compared notes with each other on their understanding of the Zhenbao Island Incident. But in their account, they all use "Symposium on International Situation," but this is confusing. According to Xiong Xianghui, only the discussions starting from June 7,1969 and ended on October 11,1969 can be referred to as the "Symposium on International Situation参见：熊向晖：《我的情报与外交生涯》,中共党史出版社2006年版,第183页,
162 Yafeng Xia, "China's Elite Politics and Sino-American Rapprochement. January 1969-February 1972." Journal of Cold War Studies. Vol.8. No.4 (Fall 2006). pp.6-8.
163 Ibid.
164 This idea was exemplified in Lin Biao's essay Long Live the Victory of People s War! Lin announced that just as the CCP had built its strength in the countryside to encircle and eventually conquer China's metropolitan centers, so the revolutionary upheavals of Asia, Africa, and Latin America (the "rural areas") would eventually destroy North American and European imperialism (the "cities"). See Gordon Chang, Friends and Enemies:the United States, China and the Soviet Union,1948-1972 (Stanford, CA:Stanford University Press,1990), p.269.
165 Gordon Chang, Friends and Enemies:the United States, China and the Soviet Union,1948-1972 (Stanford, CA:Stanford University Press,1990), p.260.
166 Chen Jian. Mao's China and the Cold War (Chapel Hill, NC:University of North Carolina Press,2001), p.207.
167 Ibid., p.232.
168 Raymond Whitaker & David Usborne, "Peking embassy siege veterans recall the Red Guards'summer of hate,' August 17,1997. http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/peking-embassy-siege-veterans-recall-the-red-guards-summer-of-hate-1 245933.html (accessed January 23,2013). See also "Sir Whitney, http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/obituaries/politics-obituaries/9478296/Sir-Ray-Whitney.html (accessed January 23,2013).
169 李捷：《物极必反：60年代的中国国内政治与中美关系》,第516-517页：宫力：《从中美缓和到实行条线”的战略：20世纪60年代末、70年代初中国对外战略的转变》,载《中国中央党校学报》,第6卷第2期(2002年5月),第72页。
170 Henry Kissinger. On China, p.83.
171 Chen Jian. Mao's China and the Cold War (Chapel Hill. NC:University of North Carolina Press,2001), pp.242-3.
172 "Conversation between Mao Zedong and Beqir Balluku,1 October 1968" and "Conversation between Mao Zedong and E.F. Hill,28 November 1968." CWIHP Bulletin, No. II (Winter 1998), pp.156-161.
173 Tong Zhao,"Nuclear Signaling and China's Perception about Nuclear Threat:How China Handled Nuclear Threats in the Cold War," Paper presented at the annual meeting of the International Studies Association Annual Conference "Global Governance:Political Authority in Transition", Le Centre Sheraton Montreal Hotel, MONTREAL, QUEBEC, CANADA. Mar 16.2011. http://www.posse.gatech.edu/sites/posse.gatech.edu/files/Nuclear%20Signaling%20and%20China's%20Perception %20about%20Nuclear%20Threat%20-%20How%20China%20Handled%20Nuclear%20Threats%20in%20the%2 0Cold%20War.pdf (accessed January 13.2013).
174 王永钦：《1969年—中美关系的转折点》,载《党的文献》1995年第6期,第78页。
175 牛军：《1969年中苏边界冲突与中国外交战略的调整》,载《当代中国史研究》,1999年第1期,第74页。
176 《周恩来外交活动大事记,1949-1975》,世界知识出版社1993年版,第539页。参见：刘勇：《罗马尼亚渠道与中美关系的解冻》,载《中国青年政治学院学报》2005年第3期,第50-55页。
Henry Kissinger. White House Years, p.230.
178 For important documentation on Pakistan's role as a go-between in the Sino-American relationship, see F.S. Aijazuddin, From a Head, Through a Head, To a Head:The Back channel Between the US and China Through Pakistan (New York:Oxford University Press,2000)参见：郑华：《中美关系解冻过程中的巴基斯坦渠道》,载《史学集刊》2008年5月第3期,第72-77页。
179 See William Burr, ed.. The Sino-Soviet Border Conflict,1969:U.S. Reactions and Diplomatic Maneuvers [National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No.49], Published on June 12,2001. http://www.gwu.edu/-nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB49/(accessed April 23,2013).
180 Geoffrey Warner, "Nixon, Kissinger and the breakup of Pakistan,1971 (Review Article).''International Affairs. Vol.81. No.5 (2005). p.1100. http://www.chathamhouse.org/sites/delault/fiies/public/International%20Affairs/2005/inta81_5_1097.pdf (accessed January 20,2013).
181 See http://www.pbs.org/vvgbh/amex/china/peopleevents/pande01.html (accessed January 21,2013).
182 Richard Nixon,"Address Before the 24th Session of the General Assembly of the United Nations," September 18,1969. http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/vvs/?pid=2236 (accessed April 23,2013).
183 See http://www.gwu.edu/-nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB66/(accessed April 23,2013).
184 Richard Nixon, "First Annual Report to the Congress on United States Foreign Policy for the 1970's., February 18,1970.
185 Ibid.
186 Richard Nixon, "Second Annual Report to the Congress on United States Foreign Policy," February 25,1971. Online by Gerhard Peters and John T. Woolley. The American Presidency Project. http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=3324 (accessed January 20,2013).
187 Nixon's first use of the People's Republic of China was in a toast to Ceausescu three months before, on October 26,1970. Even at that time, Nixon wanted to send a positive signal to Beijing. As Kissinger describes, "At the state dinner, Nixon toasted the many common interests of the United States and Romania, listing prominently that of good relations, such as Romania had, with the United States, the Soviet Union, and the'People's Republic of China.'It was the first use of China's official name by an American President. And just to make sure that the Romanians got the message, I reiterated Nixon's themes and language in a private conversation with Ceausescu at Blair House on October 27." See Henry Kissinger, White House Years, p.828. But it was the first time that the phrase "the People's Republic of China" had appeared in an American official document. See陶文钊：《中美关系史(1949-1972)》,上海人民出版社2004年版,第332页。
188 Richard Nixon, "Second Annual Report to the Congress on United States Foreign Policy," February 25,1971.
189 Ibid.
190 Ibid.
191 This section is based on Jean A. Garrison, Making China Policy:From Nixon to G. W. Bush, p.35.
192 Warren Cohen, America's Response to China:A History of Sino-American Relations.5th ed. (New York: Columbia University Press,2010). p.217.
193 Henry Kissinger, On China (New York:The Penguin Press,2011), p.86.
194 参见：朱明权：《尼克松关于对外战略的构想与基辛格的“破冰之旅”》,朱明权主编：《尼克松时期的美国对华政策(1969-1972)》,上海人民出版社2011年版,第23-26页。
195 Henry Kissinger, Diplomacy, p.723.
196 陶文钊：《中美关系史[1949-1972)》,上海人民出版社2004年版,第328页
157 Carroll Kilpatrick, "U.S. Ends Ban on China Trade; Items Are Listed," The Washington Post, June 11,1971. http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/inatl/longterm/flash/june/china71.htm (accessed January 25,2013). For details of the five measures in Chinese, see陶文钊：《中美关系史(1949-1972)》,上海人民出版社2004年版,第336页。
198 Carroll Kilpatrick, "U.S. Ends Ban on China Trade; Items Are Listed," The Washington Post, June 11,1971.
199 牛军：《1969年中苏边界冲突与中国外交战略的调整》,载《当代中国史研究》,1999年第1期,第76页。
200 王永钦：《1969年—中美关系的转折点》,载《党的文献》1995年第6期,第80页。
201 罗斯玛丽·福特：《60年代美国国内政局与中美关系—重新定义：美国国内因素与对华政策》,载姜长斌、[美]罗伯特·罗斯主编：《从对峙走向缓和：冷战时期中美关系再探讨》,世界知识出版社2000年版,第562页；戚尔达；《中美关系正常化的最初步骤：以1969年-1972年为中心的考察》,载《国际问题研究》,2010年,第11期(总第445期),第213页。
202 A. Doak Barnett, China and the Major Powers in East Asia (Washington D.C.:The Brookings Institution, 1977), p.233.
203 Henry Kissinger, White House Years, p.839.
204 http://blog.nixonfoundation.org/2010/07/7-15-71-rn-accepts-invitation-to-china/(accessed January 22,2013). It was also announced in Beijing simultaneously.
205 James C. Thomson. Jr.. "Watching the China-Watchers," Foreign Policy, No.4 (Autumn 1971), p.140.
206 Nancy Bernkopf Tucker, "Taiwan Expendable? Nixon and Kissinger Go to China," The Journal of American History. Vol.92. No.1 (June 2005),p.127.
207 Warren Cohen, America s Response to China:A History of Sino-American Relations, p.218.
208 Nancy Bernkopf Tucker, "Taiwan Expendable? Nixon and Kissinger Go to China," The Journal of American History, Vol.92, No.I (June 2005),p.129.
209 Ibid., p.130.
210 Nixon, Rogers, and Kissinger, conversation 581-6. September 30,1971, Nixon White House Tapes (National Security Archive), transcript by Chamberlain, cited in Nancy Bernkopf Tucker, "Taiwan Expendable? Nixon and Kissinger Go to China,"The Journal of American History, Vol.92, No.1 (June 2005). p.130.
211 John W. Garver, The Sino-American Alliance:Nationalist China and American Cold War Strategy in Asia (ArmonkNY:ME. Sharpe,1997), p.261.
212 Ibid, p.262.
213 Warren I. Cohen, "The United States and China during the Cold War," http://www.gilderlehrman.org/history-by-era/seventies/essays/united-states-and-china-during-cold-war (accessed December 24.2012).
214 http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/amex/china/timeline/timeline4.html (accessed December 24,2012).
215 http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/amex/china/timeline/timeline5.html (accessed December 24,2012).
216 http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/amex/china/timeline/timeline5.html (accessed December 24,2012).
217 Donna Urschel,"Foreign Affairs In the Nixon Era:Historical Witnesses Discuss Transatlantic Relations,"
218 张曙光：《接触外交：尼克松政府与解冻中美关系》,世界知识出版社2009年版,第28页。
219 张曙光：《接触外交：尼克松政府与解冻中美关系》,世界知识出版社2009年版,第28-29页。
220 张曙光：《接触外交：尼克松政府与解冻中美关系》,世界知识出版社2009年版,第46页。
221 朱明权：《尼克松关于对外战略的构想与基辛格的“破冰之旅”》,朱明权主编：《尼克松时期的美国对华政策(1969-1972)》,上海人民出版社2011年版,第90页。
222 张曙光：《基辛格与中美“解冻”序幕的拉开：兼论外交决策者个人因素》,载《历史研究》,2007年第5期,第160页。
223 Henry Kissinger, On China (New York:The Penguin Press,2011). p.84. What I used is an e-book.
224 According to Shuguang Zhang, the new approach did not mean that the United States had fundamentally changed the perception of China threat. But what I want to argue here is that the change of America's China identity or perception of China on the part of Nixon and Kissinger occurred before the new approach. For Shuguang Zhang's view, see张曙光：《接触外交：尼克松政府与解冻中美关系》,世界知识出版社2009年版,第46页。
225 Richard Nixon, "Asia after Viet Nam."
226 Lee Kuan Yew, "How the United States Should Engage Asia in the Post-Cold War Period," acceptance speech on receiving the Architect of the New Century Award, Nixon Center for Peace and Freedom. Washington, DC, November 11,1996. Reprinted in The Straits Times, November 13.1996. This is in line with Nixon's own words. In his memoirs, Nixon points to his April 1967 trip to Europe, East Asia, and Southeast Asia as the time when his views on a new policy toward China began to coalesce. See Richard Nixon. RN:The Memoirs of Richard Nixon, vol. 1 (New York:Grosset & Dunlap,1978), pp.280-285. http://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frusl969-76v17/d3 (accessed January 22,2013). See also Gordon Chang, Friends and Enemies:the United States, China and the Soviet Union,1948-1972 (Stanford. CA:Stanford University Press,1990). p.283.
227 Evelyn Goh, Constructing the U.S. Rapprochement with China,1961-1974:From "RedMenace" to "Tacit Ally", p.112.
228 Nancy Bern kopf Tucker. "Taiwan Expendable? Nixon and Kissinger Go to China." The Journal of American History, Vol.92, No.1(June 2005), p.116.
229 James W. Featherstone, "Cloud Nine:A Problem in Intelligence Production," https://www.cia.gov/library/center-for-the-study-of-intelligence/kent-csi/vol13no4/pdf/v13i4a02p.pdf (accessed January 21,2013).
230 Jean A. Garrison, Making China Policy:From Nixon to G. W. Bush, p.21.
231 Henry Kissinger, White House Years [e-book], p.222. See also Henry Kissinger, Diplomacy, p.723.
232 Henry Kissinger, Diplomacy, p.723.
233 李捷：《物极必反：60年代的中国国内政治与中美关系》,第513页。
234 Henry Kissinger, On China, p.81.
235 Ibid.
236 Ibid.
237 Ibid.
238 Gordon Chang, Friends and Enemies:the United States, China and the Soviet Union,1948-1972 (Stanford, CA:Stanford University Press,1990). p.272.
239 Chen Jian, Mao s China and the Cold War, p.245.
240 Chen Jian, "China, the Vietnam War and the Sino-American Rapprochement.1968-1973," in Odd Arne Westad, Sophie Quinn-Judge. eds. The Third Indochina War:Conflict Between China, Vietnam and Cambodia,1972-79 (New York:Routledge,2006). p.43.
241 "Reports by four Chinese marshals to the Central Committee,'A Preliminary Evaluation of the War Situation', July 11,1969, CWIHP Bulletin,No, 11 (Winter 1998), p.166.
242 Ibid.
243 Kuisong Yang & Yafeng Xia, "Vacillating between Revolution and Detente:Mao's Changing Psyche and Policy toward the United States,1969-1976," Diplomatic History. Vol.34, No.2 (April 2010), p.399.
244 Ibid., p.401. 245 Henry Kissinger, White House Years, p.235.
246 See http://www.gwu.edu/-nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB49/(accessed April 23.2013).
247 Henry Kissinger, White House Years, p.220.
248 See "Sino-U.S. Ambassadorial Talks," November 17,2000, http://www.fmprc.gov.cn/eng/ziliao/3602/3604/t18054.htm (accessed April 13,2013).
249 See Chen Jian, Mao's China and the Cold War, p.251.
250 郑华：《中美关系解冻过程中的巴基斯坦渠道》,载《史学集刊》2008年5月第3期,第53页。参见：陶文钊：《中美关系史(1949-1972)》,上海人民出版社2004年版,第339页。
251 See Chen Jian, Mao s China and the Cold War, p.254.
2>2 Henry Kissinger, On China, p.88.
253 参见：中华人民共和国外交部、中共中央文献研究室编：《毛泽东外交文选》,中央文献出版社、世界知识出版社1994年版,第592-594页。
254 Richard Nixon, Memoirs of Richard Nixon (New York:Grosset & Dunlap,1978). p.547.
255 See Chen J ian, Mao s China and the Cold War. p.251.
256 Kissinger to Nixon, "Chinese Communist Initiative." c.10 December 1970, enclosing draft Note Verbal and message from Zhou Enlai, as conveyed by Hilaly,with comments by Yahya, Top Secret/Sensitive. Source:box 1031, Exchanges Leading Up to HAK Trip to China-December 1969-July 1971 (1). http://www.gwu.edu/-nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB66/ch-06.pdf (accessed April 23.2013).
257 Kissinger to Nixon. "Chinese Communist Initiative." c.10 December 1970, enclosing draft Note Verbal and message from Zhou Enlai, as conveyed by Hilaly, with comments by Yahya, Top Secret/Sensitive. Source:box 1031, Exchanges Leading Up to HAK Trip to China-December 1969-July 1971 (1). http://www.gwu.edu/-nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB66/ch-06.pdf (accessed April 23.2013).
258 Memo by Hilaly, Record of a Discussion with Mr. Henry Kissinger On [sic] the White House on 16th December 1970. Source:box 1031, Exchanges Leading Up to HAK Trip to China-December 1969-July 1971 (1). http://www.gwu.edu/-nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB66/ch-07.pdf (accessed April 23.2013)参见：王永钦：《1966-1976年中美苏关系纪事(连载二)》,载《当代中国史研究》1997年第5期,第116页。
259 This section is based on the following:1) Chen Jian. Mao's China and the Cold War, pp.257-262; 2) "Ping-Pong Diplomacy (April 6-17,1971),"http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/amex/china/peopleevents/pande07.html (accessed Apri123,2013); 3)陶文钊：《中美关系史》中卷(1949-1972),上海人民出版社2004年版,第333-337页。
1 Many scholars argue that the Cold War ended with the dismantling of the Berlin Wall. It is also the understanding of the White House, "The collapse of the Soviet domination in Eastern Europe means that the Cold war is over, its core issue resolved."See National Security Strategy of the United States (Washington D.C.:the White House,1991), p.1. Walter Laqueur writes, "When the Cold War came to an end in 1989 with the dismantling of the Berlin Wall," See Walter Laqueur, "After the Cold War," in Bureau of International Information Programs of U.S. Department of State, "Significant Events in U.S. Foreign Relations,1900-2001," eJournal USA:Foreign Policy Agenda (April 2006), http://www.america.gov/media/pdf/eis/iipe0406.pdf (accessed January 31,2013). However, some scholars hold the view that "the Cold War ended differently in different places." See David Wolff, "Cold War Endpoints?:Beginning the Debate," Cold War International History Project Bulletin 10. pp.183-184 and Thomas Blanton, "When did the Cold War End?". Cold War International History Project Bulletin 10, pp. 184-191. http://www.wilsoncenter.org/sites/default/files/CWIHPBulletin10_p5.pdf (accessed January 30,2013). John Prados identifies five events, each of which can be regarded as marking the end of confrontation:June 1988: ratification of the treaty between the USSR and the U.S. on the elimination of their intermediate-range and shorter-range missiles:December 1988:Gorbachev's announcement from the UN rostrum of the unilateral withdrawal of Soviet troops from Eastern Europe and a change in Soviet military doctrine:November 1989:the fall of the Berlin Wall and the vanishing of communist regimes in Eastern Europe:August 1990:the USSR for the first time joined the U.S. to counter Saddam Hussein's aggression against Kuwait; and August 1991, the abortive coup in Moscow. See:John Prados, How the Cold War Ended:Debating and Doing History (Washington D.C.: Potomac Books,2011). p.20.
2 Richard K. Betts, "U.S. National Security Strategy:Lens and Landmarks," Paper presented for the launch conference of the Princeton Project "Toward a New National Security Strategy," November 2004 (Originally presented May 2004). pp.23-24.
3 According to John Prados. there are no winners or losers in the Cold War and that all sides gained from the end of the confrontation. See John Prados, How the Cold War Ended:Debating and Doing History (Washington D.C.: Potomac Books,2011).
4 The White House, The National Security Strategy of the United States (Washington D.C.:the White House. 1990), p.v.
5 Ibid., p.2.
6 Ibid., p.7. The original sentence is:"How can we ensure continued international stability as U.S-Soviet bipolarity gives way to global interdependence and multipolarity?"
7 参阅：潘锐：《冷战后的美国外交政策：从老布什到小布什》,时事出版社2004年版,第59-67页。
8 The White House, The National Security Strategy of the United States (Washington D.C.:the White House, 1990), p.9.
9 苏格：《中美关系综论》,载《外交学院学报》,1996年第2期,第22页。
10 According to Robert D. Schulzinger, "Under this vague system [of a new world order], the democracies of Western Europe, Japan, and the former Communist nations of Eastern Europe and the collapsing Soviet Union would work with the United States, directly and through the United Nations, to harmonize international relations.' However, "In the eighteen months after the Iraq war, however, hopes for the new world order faded quickly. Bush retired the phrase, which by then was used only derisively by his critics," See Robert D. Schulzinger. American Diplomacy in the Twentieth Century,3rd ed., (New York:Oxford University Press,1994), p.356.
11 George H. W. Bush, Address before a Joint Session of Congress on September 11,1990, http://millercenter.org/president/spceches/detail/3425 (accessed May 6,2013).
12 The White House, The National Security Strategy of the United States of America (Washington D.C.: the White House,1991), p.v.
13 Moreover, the New World Order was "a useful slogan to serve the US hegemonic agenda. In this vein, the US used its political weight to influence the members of the UN Security Council (UNSC) to pass Resolution 678, and to ensure support from its NATO allies." See Khamis Mohamed Itbega, "US Strategy between the Two Falls:from the Fall of the Berlin Wall to Baghdad," PhD diss., Durham University,2010, p.118.
14 Ibid.
15 George H.W. Bush, "Statement on the 1991 National Security Strategy Report," http://bushlibrary.tamu.edu/research/public_papers.php?id=3299&year=1991&month=8 (accessed January 31, 2013).
16 朱跃：《冷战后中美关系的变化及美国对华政策的调整》,载《湛江师范学院学报(哲学社会科学版)》,第18卷第2期(1997年6月),第1页。
17 It is argued that "Bush's foreign policy was not visionless but was a grand strategy designed to establish a post-Cold War Pax Americana." See Khamis Mohamed Itbega,"US Strategy between the Two Falls:from the Fall of the Berlin Wall to Baghdad," (PhD diss., Durham University,2010), p.113.
18 Barton Gellman, "Keeping the U.S. First:Pentagon Would Preclude a Rival Superpower," The Washington Post, March 11,1992, p.A1.
l9http://www.historycommons.org/context.jsp?item=us international relations 41#us international relations 41 (accessed January 30,2013).
20 This version was partly declassified in 2008. http://www.archives.gov/declassification/iscap/pdf/2008-003-docsl-12.pdf (accessed January 30,2013).
21 Richard K. Betts. "U.S. National Security Strategy:Lens and Landmarks," p.24.
22 "Excerpts From Pentagon's Plan:'Prevent the Re-Emergence of a New Rival'," New York Times, March 8,1992, p.A.14.
23 Ibid.
24 Charles Krauthammer, "The Unipolar Moment," Foreign Affairs, Vol.70, No.1 (1990/1991), p.23.
25 It should be noted that by the time when the Defense Planning Guidance was drafted, "hopes for the new world order faded quickly" and President Bush "retired the phrase," See Robert D. Schulzinger, American Diplomacy in the Twentieth Century,3rd ed.. (New York:Oxford University Press.1994), p.356.
26 The White House. The National Security Strategy of the United States (Washington D.C.:The White House. 1993),p.i.
27 Antony Lake,"From Containment to Enlargement," speech delivered at Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies. September 21.1993. http://www.fas.org/news/usa/1993/usa-930921.htm (accessed January 31,2013).
28 "Excerpts from President-Elect's News Conference in Arkansas," New York Times. November 13,1992, p. A 18.
29 Les Aspin. Report on the Bottom-Up Review (October 1993). p.iii.
30 Ibid., p.1.
31 Ibid., p.2.
32 Ibid.
33 Ibid., p.3.
34 Ibid.
35 Antony Lake, "From Containment to Enlargement," speech delivered at Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies, September 21,1993.
36 Ibid.
37 David M. Lampton, Same Bed, Different Dreams:Managing U.S-China Relations,1989-2000 (Berkley: University of California Press,2001), p.261.
38 The White House. A National Security Strategy of Enlargement and Enlargement (Washington D.C:the White House,1994), p.1.
39 Ibid., p.2.
40 Robert Sutter, U.S.-Chinese Relations:Perilous Past, Pragmatic Present (Lanham. MD:Rowman & Littlefield Publishing Group,2010), p.78.
41 Ibid., pp.80-81.
42 Ibid., p.99.
43 Michel Oksenberg, "The China Problem." Foreign Affairs, Vol.70. No.3 (Summer,1991), p.2.
44 Matthew S. Hirshberg, "Consistency and Change in American Perceptions of China," Political Behavior, Vol.15, No.3 (Sep.,1993). pp.252-253. According to the author, the American patriotic schema serves as the central cognitive framework for national self-perception in American culture. The idea is that most Americans assume there to be close, positive relationships between the United States, freedom, democracy, good, and themselves. The American patriotic schema consists of these five conceptual elements and the positive relationships among them.
45 Warren Cohen, America s Response to China.5th ed. (New York:Columbia University Press,2010), p.234.
46 Ibid., p.239.
47 Ibid., p.240.
48 David M. Lampton, Same Bed, Different Dreams:Managing U.S-China Relations,1989-2000 (Berkley: University of California Press,2001), p.68.
49 Ibid.
50 Ibid., pp.134-5.
51 Harry Harding, A Fragile Relationship:The United States and China since 1972 (Washington D.C:The Brookings Institution.1992). p.169.
52 Harry Harding, "Crises in Communist Reform:Lessons from Tiananmen," The Brookings Review. Vol.8, No.3 (Summer,1990), p.47.
53 James Mann, "Framing China," in Robert H. Giles. Robert W. Snyder, Lisa DeLisle. eds.. Covering China (New Brunswick, NJ:Transaction Publishers.2001). pp.103-104.
54 Harry Harding, A Fragile Relationship:The United States and China since 1972. p.169.
55 Ibid., p.170.
55 Warren Christopher, "China's Market Reforms," New York Times. November 28,1984. A.27.
57 Harry Harding, A Fragile Relationship:The United States and China since 1972. p.224.
58 Nancy Bemkopf Tucker, China Confidential:American Diplomats and Sino-U.S. Relations since 1945 (New York:Columbia University Press,2001). p.437.
59 David M. Lampton. Same Bed, Different Dreams:Managing U.S-China Relations.1989-2000 (Berkley: University of California Press,2001), p.31.
60 Nicholas D. Kristof, "Ominous Embers from the Fire of 1989," New York Times, April 15,1990, p.A1.
61 Fox Butterfield, "China's Economy:Pushed and Pulled toward the Edge," New York Times, June 25,1989. p.A1.
62 Ibid.
63 Sheryl WuDunn, "Turmoil in China:Hard-liners Seem to Control Politics, But the Economy is Another Matter," New York Times, June 14,1989. p.A16.
64 Harry Harding, "Neither Friend nor Foe:A China Policy for the Nineties," The Brookings Review, Vol.10, No.2 (Spring,1992), p.7.
65 Antony Lake, "From Containment to Enlargement."
66 Harry Harding, "Neither Friend nor Foe:A China Policy for the Nineties," The Brookings Review, Vol.10, No.2 (Spring,1992), p.7.
67 Michel Oksenberg, "The China Problem," Foreign Affairs. Vol.70. No.3 (Summer.1991). p.2.
68 Harry Harding, "Crises in Communist Reform:Lessons from Tiananmen," The Brookings Review, Vol.8. No.3 (Summer,1990). p.47.
69 Michel Oksenberg. "The China Problem." Foreign Affairs. Vol.70. No.3 (Summer,1991). p.3.
70 James Mann, About Face:A History of America's Curious Relationship with China, from Nixon to Clinton (New York:Vintage Books.2000). pp.228-29. For Robert Gates'statement, see James Mann. "U.S. Sours on Beijing, Takes Tougher Stance," Los Angeles Time, October 1,1991, p.1. http://articles.latimes.com/1991-10-01/news/mn-35081 china-james-r-lilley/2 (accessed February 7,2013).
71 Winston Lord,"China and America:Beyond the Big Chill," Foreign Affairs, Vol.68, No.4 (Fall,1989), pp. 1-7.
72 Winston Lord, prepared testimony before Senate Judiciary Committee, January 23,1990. Cited in James Mann, About Face:A History of America s Curious Relationship with China, from Nixon to Clinton (New York:Vintage Books,2000), p.229.
73 David M. Lampton, Same Bed, Different Dreams:hdanaging U.S-China Relations,1989-2000 (Berkley: University of California Press.2001), p.136.
74 David Shambaugh, "China in 1990:The Year of Damage Control." Asian Survey. Vol.31. No.1 (January,1991). pp.48-49. However, he expressed his own view explicitly in January 1992:"My own senses is that CCP rule is not about to collapse or be overthrown because of its grip on the key levers of institutional power, the lack of a viable political alternative and organized opposition, the sheer political inertia of China's 800 million peasants, and the fact that China does not have an economy of scarcity or extreme deprivation." See David Shambaugh, "China in 1991:Living Cautiously," Asian Survey, Vol.32, No.l, (January,1991), p.31.
75 Michael Swaine. "China Faces the 1990's:A System in Crisis." Problems of Communism (May-June 1990). p.20.
76 Ibid., pp.20-21.
77 Nicholas D. Kristof,"Ominous Embers from the Fire of 1989." New York Times, April 15.1990, p.Al.
78 Roger W. Sullivan, "Discarding the China Card," Foreign Policy, No.86 (Spring,1992), p.19.
79 Ibid.
80Ibid., p.21中文文献参见：王曰庠等：《中美关系向何处去：克林顿对华政策趋势》,四川人民出版社1993年版,第56页。
81 Roderick MacFarquhar, "The Anatomy of Collapse," New York Review of Books, September 26,1991. http://www.chinafile.com/anatomy-collapse (accessed February 4,2013). In 2006, he argued that the CCP would not be able to sustain itself in a debate. See "Refraining China Policy," The Carnegie Debates, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace,October 5,2006. For more details about this event and his viewpoint, see http://www.carnegieendowment.org/2006/10/05/is-communist-party-rule-sustainable-in-china/exe (accessed February 4,2013).
82 Roderick MacFarquhar, "The End of Chinese Revolution," New York Review of Books, July 20,1989. http://www.chinafile.com/end-chinese-revolution (accessed February 4,2013).
83 David M. Lampton, Same Bed, Different Dreams:Managing U.S-China Relations,1989-2000 (Berkley: University of California Press,2001), p.31.
84 Thomas Lum, Human Rights in China and U.S. Policy (Washington D.C.:Congressional Research Service, 2011), p.3. http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/row/RL34729.pdf (accessed February 5,2013).
85 Henry Kissinger, On China (New York:The Penguin Press,2011), p.161. [PDF edition]
86 A. M. Rosenthal, "Clinton should slow growth of Communist China dictatorship." The Duke Chronicle, April 9, 1993. http://www.dukechronicle.coin/article/clinton-should-slow-growth-communist-china-dictato (accessed Februarys.2013).
87 Warren Christopher,"Statement at Senate Confirmation Hearing." http://dosfan.lib.uic.edu/ERC/briefing/dossec/1993/9301/930113dossec.html(accessed February 5,2013). Also see Warren Christopher, In the Stream of History:Shaping Foreign Policy for a New Era (Stanford:Stanford University Press,1998), p.31. Henry Kissinger comments that "Christopher's reference to "peaceful evolution" revived, whether intentionally or not, the term used by John Foster Dulles to project the eventual collapse of Communist states."'See Henry Kissinger, On China (New York:The Penguin Press,2011), p.163.
88 David M. Lampton, Same Bed, Different Dreams:Managing U.S-China Relations,1989-2000 (Berkley: University of California Press.2001), p.116.
89 See section 4.2.3 above.
90 James Mann, The China Fantasy:How Our Leaders Explain away Chinese Repression (New York:Viking Penguin,2007), p.80.
91 Wendell L. Willkie, Ⅱ. "Why Does MFN Dominate America's China Policy?" The Heritage Lectures. No.486 (Washington D.C.:The Heritage Foundation.1994). p.4. http://thf media.s3.amazonaws.com/1994/pdf/hl486.pdf (accessed February 6,2013).
92 Warren Cohen. America's Response to China, fifth edition, (New York:Columbia University Press,2010). p.245.
93 See James Mann. About Face:A History of America s Curious Relationship with China, from Nixon to Clinton (New York:Vintage Books,2000), p.226.
94 National Security Strategy of the United States (Washington D.C.:The White House,1990), p.12.
95 This notion was put forward by Henry Kissinger who warned in July 1989 that "'The United States needs China as a possible counterweight to Soviet aspirations in Asia, and needs China to remain relevant in Japanese eyes as a key shaper of Asian events. China needs the United States as a counterweight to perceived ambitions from the Soviets and Japan." See Henry Kissinger. "Turmoil on Top:A World of Changing Leaders, Struggling. Governments and Strange Bedfellows," Los Angles Times, July 30,1989. Opinion section, p.1. http://articles.latimes.com/1989-07-30/opinion/op-6381 united-states (accessed February 7,2013). According to James Mann. Bush "seemed to suggest that the United States needed China as a counterweight not to Soviet Union but to the growing power of Japan" in a January 1990 news conference. He stated that "I think there are some real reasons-Asian reasons, if you will. Cambodia and Japan-that we should retain relations with China.... I want to retain contact because, as you look around the world - take a look at Cambodia, take a look at Japan, take a look at a lot of countries in the Pacific-China is a key player." See James Mann. About Face, p.227; George Bush, "The President's News Conference." January 24.1990. Online by Gerhard Peters and John T. Woolley, The American Presidency Project, http://www.presidency,ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=18058 (accessed February 7,2013).
96 National Security Strategy of the United States (Washington D.C.:The White House,1991), p.9.
97 Roger W. Sullivan, "Discarding the China Card," Foreign Policy, No.86 (Spring,1992), p.13.
98 Harry Harding, A Fragile Relationship:The United States and China since 1972, p.250.
99 George Bush, "Remarks at the Yale University Commencement Ceremony in New Haven, Connecticut," May 27,1991. Online by Gerhard Peters and John T. Woolley. The American Presidency Project. http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid= 19629. (accessed February 5,2013).
100 George Bush, "Remarks to The Asia Society in New York City," November 12.1991. Online by Gerhard Peters and John T. Woolley, The American Presidency Project. http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=20216 (accessed February 5,2013).
101 Nancy Bernkopf Tucker. China Confidential:American Diplomats andSino-U.S. Relations since 1945 (New York:Columbia University Press.2001), pp.446-7.
102 George Bush, "Remarks and a Question-and-Answer Session With Newspaper Editors," December 11,1989. Online by Gerhard Peters and John T. Woolley, The American Presidency Project. http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid= 17929 (accessed February 6.2013).
103 National Security Strategy of the United States (Washington D.C.:The White House.1993), p.1.8.19.
104 David M. Lampton, Same Bed, Different Dreams:Managing U.S-China Relations,1989-2000 (Berkley: University of California Press.2001). p.34.
105 Ibid., p.36.
106 Thomas L. Friedman. "Clinton Says Bush Made China Gains,'" New York Times. November 20,1992, p.Al.
107 As for how this group carried out the job, see David M. Lampton. Same Bed, Different Dreams:Managing U.S-China Relations,1989-2000 (Berkley:University of California Press,2001), pp.37-41.
108 陶文钊：《中美关系史下卷(1972-2000)》,上海人民出版社2004年版,第238-39页。
109 The remaining five conditions pertain to the following:1) the observance of the UN Declaration of Human Rights; 2) protection of Tibet's distinctive culture:3) the humane treatment of prisoners:4) allowance of international radio and television broadcasts; and 5) the release and accounting of prisoners held for the nonviolent expression of political and religious beliefs. See David M. Lampton, Same Bed, Different Dreams:Managing U.S-China Relations,1989-2000 (Berkley:University of California Press.2001), p.41.
110 William J. Clinton. "Statement on Most-Favored-Nation Trade Status for China," May 28,1993. Online by Gerhard Peters and John T. Woolley. The American Presidency Project. http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=46632 (accessed February 6,2013).
111 David M. Lampton, Same Bed, Different Dreams:Managing U.S-China Relations,1989-2000 (Berkley: University of California Press.2001), pp.135-6.
112 Ibid.
113 David M. Lampton argues that President Clinton, by linking MFN with human right record, made five critical errors. For details, see David M. Lampton, Same Bed, Different Dreams:Managing U.S-China Relations, 1989-2000 (Berkley:University of California Press,2001), p.41.
114 William J. Clinton,-The President's News Conference,"May 26,1994. Online by Gerhard Peters and John T. Woolley, The American Presidency Project, http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=50241 (accessed February 6, 2013).
115 According to Winston Lord, Bill Clinton wanted a broader framework for dealing with China. See David M. Lampton. Same Bed, Different Dreams:Managing U.S-China Relations,1989-2000 (Berkley:University of California Press,2001), p.135.
116 A National Security Strategy of Engagement and Enlargement (Washington D.C.:the White House,1994), p.24.
117 According to James Mann, it was the exile leaders of the Chinese student movement who first suggested, in a fateful meeting held at Harvard University in early January 1990, that China's MFN status should be the next target in their efforts to further the causes of human rights and political change and this would keep Congress's attention focused upon China. One of the student leaders, Zhao Haiqing, admitted that he hadn't even known what the letter MFN stood for until the end of 1989. In the early skirmish in Congress over China's MFN benefits, the Chinese students were a strong influence in Congress. On May 16.1990 the first congressional hearings on curbing China's MFN benefits were held, marking the beginning of the politicization of the MFN issue and indicating more pressure would be on the way. See James Mann, About Face:A History of America's Curious Relationship with China, from Nixon to Clinton (New York:Vintage Books,2000), pp.229-31.
118 1972年7月24日毛泽东同周恩来、姬鹏飞等的谈话。参见：王永钦：《1969年：中美关系的转折点》,载《党的文献》,1996年第6期,第80页,注释⑦。
119 "Henry Kissinger and Mao Zedong "Memorandum of Conversation'," February 17-18,1973,11:30pm-1:20am, p.12, http://china.usc.edu/App_lmages//Memcon%20ot%20Kissinger's%20Conversation%20with%20Mao,%202-l7-19 73.pdf (accessed February 7.2013). Henry Kissinger comments about Mao's "horizontal line" concept in his 2011 book. See Henry Kissinger. On China (New York:The Penguin Press,2011), p.106. [PDF edition]
120 Henry Kissinger and Mao Zedong "Memorandum of Conversation," February 17-18,1973,11:30pm-1:20am. P.4. The Chinese leadership had misgivings about Japan before. According to Kissinger, in his secret trip to Beijing in July 1971. the Chinese leaders professed considerable suspicions about U.S.-Japanese collusion and in October 1971. Zhou Enlai stressed that "Japan's feathers have grown on its wings and it is about to take off." During Nixon's China visit, he told the Chinese leaders that Japan would be much more problematical if isolated than as part of an international order, including an alliance with the United States. By November 1973, Mao had accepted that point of view. See Henry Kissinger. On China, p.105 [PDF edition]参阅：宫力：《从中美缓和到实行“一条线”的战略——20世纪60年代末、70年代初中国对外战略的转变》,载《中共中央党校学报》,第6卷第2期(2002年5月),第75页。
121 迟爱萍：《毛泽东国际战略思想的演变》,载《党的文献》,1994年第3期,第50页。亦可参阅：宫力：《从中美缓和到实行“一条线”的战略——20世纪60年代末、70年代初中国对外战略的转变》,载《中共中央党校学报》,第6卷第2期(2002年5月),第75页；宫力：《毛泽东“一条线”构想的形成及战略意图》,载《毛泽东邓小平理论研究》,2012年第5期,第67-68页。
122 "Chairman Mao Zedong's Theory on the Division of the Three World and the Strategy of Forming an Alliance Against an opponent," http://www.fmprc.gov.cn/eng/ziliao/3602/3604/tl8008.htm (accessed February 8,2013).
123 Deng Xiaoping, "Speech By Chairman of the Delegation of the People's Republic of China, Teng Hsiao-Ping, At the Special Session of the U.N. General Assembly," April 10.1974. http://www.marxists.ore/reference/archive/deng-xiaoping/1974/04/10.htm (accessed February 8,2013). For the Chinese version, see《邓小平在联大第六届特别会议上的发言》,http://www.people.com.cn/GB/shizheng/252/6688/6715/20011023/588430.html (accessed February 8,2013).
124 Michael Yahuda, "Deng Xiaoping:The Statesman," The China Quarterly, No.135. Special Issue:Deng Xiaoping:An Assessment (September 1993). p.561.
125 刘连第汪大为编著：《中美关系的轨迹：建交以来大事纵览》,时事出版社1995年版,第34页
126 孔寒冰：《走出苏联：中苏关系及其对中国发展的影响》,新华出版社2011年版,第368贞。
127 孔寒冰：《走出苏联：中苏关系及其对中国发展的影响》,新华出版社2011年版,第371页。
128 孔寒冰：《走出苏联：中苏关系及其对中国发展的影响》,新华出版社2011年版,第384贞。
129 孔寒冰：《走出苏联：中苏关系及其对中国发展的影响》,新华出版社2011年版,第389页。
130 For more information about Hu Yaobang's report, see Vladimir Petrov. "China Goes It Alone." Asian Survey.
Vol.23. No.5 (May,1983), pp.580-597参阅：胡耀邦：《全面开创社会主义现代化建设的新局面——在中国共产党第十二次全国代表大会上的报告》(一九八二年九月一日)http://www.cssn.cn/news/136247.htm (accessed February 7,2013)
131 Carol Lee Hamrin, "China Reassesses the Superpowers." Pacific Affairs, Vol.56, No.2 (Summer,1983), p.210. This article traced the shift of foreign policy strategy in China and concluded that"Chinese uncertainty about international trends, particularly U.S. policy toward China, has spurred continuing debate in the leadership over foreign policy in recent years [1980-1982]. China's new stress on "independence" represents a consensus position (p.229)."
132 Michael Yahuda, "Deng Xiaoping: The Statesman," The China Quarterly, No.135. Special Issue:Deng Xiaoping:An Assessment (September 1993), p.561.
133 Deng Xiaoping, "Opening Speech at the Twelfth National Congress of the Communist Party of China," September 1,1982. http://english.peopledaily.com.cn/dengxp/vol3/text/c1010.html (accessed February 7,2013).
134 曲星：《邓小平外交思想的现实意义》,载《世界经济与政治》,2004年第11期,第17页。Michael Yahuda also argues that "The essence of the policy of independence was that China would not ally itself with any major power and that undoubtedly suited the broader Chinese psychological outlook on international affairs." See Michael Yahuda, "Deng Xiaoping:The Statesman," The China Quarterly, No.135, Special Issue:Deng Xiaoping: An Assessment (September 1993), p.561.
135 宋以敏：《胡耀邦在对外关系上的拨乱反正》,载《炎黄春秋》2009年第5期,第17负。
136 宋以敏：《胡耀邦在对外关系上的拨乱反正》,载《炎黄春秋》2009年第5期,第18页。
137 宋以敏：《胡耀邦在对外关系上的拨乱反正》,载《炎黄春秋》2009年第5期,第18页。
138 曲星：《邓小平外交思想的现实意义》,载《世界经济与政治》,2004年第11期,第15页。
139 Michael Yahuda, "Deng Xiaoping:The Statesman," The China Quarterly, No.135, Special Issue:Deng Xiaoping:An Assessment (September 1993), p.560.
140 宋以敏：《胡耀邦在对外关系上的拨乱反正》,载《炎黄春秋》2009年第5期,第18页。
141 Deng Xiaoping, "We Regard Reform as a Revolution," October 10,1984, http://www.newsod.com/specials/deng100thbirthanniversary/dengtheory/200407290010.htm (accessed April 15, 2013).
142 宋以敏：《胡耀邦在对外关系上的拨乱反正》,载《炎黄春秋》2009年第5期,第18页。
143 Deng Xiaoping, "Speech at An Enlarged Meeting of the Military Commission of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China." June 4.1985. http://www.archive.org/stream/SelectedWorksOtDengXiaopingVol.3/Deng03 djvu.txt (accessed April 15,2013).
144 Michael Yahuda. "Deng Xiaoping:The Statesman," The China Quarterly. No.135. Special Issue:Deng Xiaoping:An Assessment (September 1993), p.561.
145 George H. W. Bush and Brent Scowcroft. A World Transformed (New York:Alfred A. Knopf,1998), pp.95-96.
146 After it was announced that Mikhail Gorbachev was to visit Beijing in May,1989, according to Bush and Brent Scowcroft. they "wanted very much to meet with the Chinese leaders to review and enhance Sino-American relations before Gorbachev had a chance to speak with them'" and they "anticipated that he might attempt a rapprochement between Moscow and Beijing, and would have liked to be certain it did not come" at the expense of the United States. See George H. W, Bush and Brent Scowcroft, A World Transformed (New York:Alfred A. Knopf,1998), p.91.
147 Michael Yahuda, "Deng Xiaoping:The Statesman." The China Quarterly. No.135. Special Issue:Deng Xiaoping:An Assessment (September 1993). p.563.
148 Deng Xiaoping, "With Stable Policies of Reform and Opening to the Outside World, China Can Have Great Hopes for the Future," September 4,1989, http://english.peopledaily.com.en/dengxp/vol3/text/d 1020.html (accessed February 7.2013).
149 Deng Xiaoping, "The International Situation and Economic Problems," March 3,1990, http://english.peopledailv.com.cn/dengxp/vol3/text/d1130.html (accessed February 11,2013).
150 Ibid.
151 Deng Xiaoping, "Seize the Opportunity to Develop the Economy," December 24,1990, http://english.peopledaily.com.cn/dengxp/vo13/text/d1170.html (accessed February 7,2013).
152 This is mainly based on Henry Kissinger's translation:"Observe carefully; secure our position; cope with affairs calmly; hide our capacities and bide our time; be good at maintaining a low profile; and never claim leadership." The last four characters are not translated. See Henry Kissinger, On China, p.155. [PDF edition]. For other versions of translation, see Quansheng Zhao, "Chinese Foreign Policy in the Post-Cold War Era," World Affairs, Vol.159, No.3 (Winter 1997), p.114; Michael Yahuda translates the strategy as follows:"Observe the development soberly, maintain our position, meet the challenge calmly, hid our capacities, bide our time, remain free of ambitions, and never claim leadership." The last phrase is not translated.
153 曲星：《试论东欧巨变和苏联解体后的中国对外政策》,载《外交学院学报》,1994年第4期,第19页；Quansheng Zhao, "Chinese Foreign Policy in the Post-Cold War Era." World Affairs. Vol.159, No.3 (Winter 1997), pp.114-5.
154 王玉林：《邓小平时代观为中国和平发展之路指明了基本思路》,载《天府新论》2007年12月S2期,第1页。亦可参见：赵存生、宇文利：《邓小平与中国的和平发展之路——兼论邓小平的爱国主义与国际主义》,载《北京大学学报(哲学社会科学版)》,第41卷,第5期(2004年9月),第12-19页。
155 邓小平：《邓小平文选》(第3卷),人民出版社1993年版,第82页。
156 Michael Yahuda, "Deng Xiaoping:The Statesman." The China Quarterly, No.135. Special Issue:Deng Xiaoping:An Assessment (September 1993). pp.558-9.
157 宫力：《邓小平对美政策思想与中美关系》,载《国际问题研究》,2004年第6期,第15负。
158 Quansheng Zhao, "Chinese Foreign Policy in the Post-Cold War Era," World Affairs. Vol.159, No.3 (Winter 1997), p.125.
159 Deng Xiaoping, "The United States Should Take the Initiative in Putting an End to the Strains in Sino-American Relations." October 31,1989. http://english.peopledaily.com.cn/dengxp/vol3/text/d1060.html (accessed February 11.2013).
160 Ibid.
161 Harry Harding. "Neither Friend nor Foe:A China Policy for the Nineties." The Brookings Review, Vol.10, No.2 (Spring,1992), p.9. Also see:Harry Harding, A Fragile Relationship:The United States and China since 1972, pp.236-7.
162 Harry Harding, "China's American Dilemma." Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Vol.519 (January,1992), p.13.
163 Harry Harding.//Fragile Relationship:The United States and China since 1972. p.235.
164 Harry Harding, "China's American Dilemma," Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Vol.519 (January,1992), pp.14-16.
165 宫力：《邓小平与美国》,中共党史出版社2004年版,第544页。
166 柴璐、楚树龙：《中国对美战略的历史演变与未来趋势》,载《现代国际关系》,2006年第6期,第19页。
167 Deng Xiaoping, "Sino-U.S. Relations Must Be Improved," December 10,1989. http://english.peopledaily.com.cn/dengxp/vol3/text/d1110.html (accessed February 12,2013).
168 Ding Xinghao, "Managing Sino-American Relations in a Changing World," Asian Survey, Vol.31, No.12 (December,1991), p.1159.
169 参见：钱其琛：《外交十记》,世界知识出版社2003年版,第182-184页。
170 参见：钱其琛：《外交十记》,世界知识出版社2003年版,第185-186页。
171 Ibid., p.186.
172 South China Morning Post (Hong Kong), April 4,1991, p.11. in FBIS-Chi, April 4,1991, p.3. Citied in Harry Harding, "China's American Dilemma," Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Vol.519 (January,1992), p.21. The name of Bo Yibo was not identified in this article but in Harry Harding's book later. See Harry Harding, A Fragile Relationship:The United States and China since 1972, p.274.
173 Harry Harding, "China's American Dilemma," Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Vol.519 (January,1992), p.21.
174 宫力：《邓小平与美国》,中共党史出版社2004年版,第633页。See Quansheng Zhao, "Chinese Foreign Policy in the Post-Cold War Era," World Affairs, Vol.159, No.3 (Winter 1997), p.126.
175 See Nicholas D. Kristof. "The Rise of China." Foreign Affairs, Vol.72, "No.5 (November-December,1993). pp.59-74.
176 参见：潘锐：《冷战后的美国外交政策——从老布什到小布什》,时事出版社2004年版,第238页。
177 Harry Harding, ""Neither Friend nor Foe:A China Policy for the Nineties," The Brookings Review, Vol.10, No.2 (Spring,1992), p.9.
178 Robert Sutter, U.S.-Chinese Relations:Perilous Past, Pragmatic Present (Lanham, MD:Rowman & Littlefield Publishing Group,2010), p.116.
179 Ding Xinghao, "Managing Sino-American Relations in a Changing World." Asian Survey. Vol.31, No.12 (December,1991), p.1159.
180 钱其琛：《外交十记》,世界知识出版社2003年版,第186页。
181 Ding Xinghao, "Managing Sino-American Relations in a Changing World." Asian Survey, Vol.31, No.12 (December.1991). p.1159.
182 钱其琛：《外交十记》,世界知识出版社2003年版,第187页。
l8j Harry Harding, A Fragile Relationship:The United Slates and China since 1972. p.272.
184 Warren Cohen. America's Response to China,5th ed. (New York:Columbia University Press.2010). p.246.
185 Ibid.
186 James Mann. About Face:A History of Americas Curious Relationship with China, from Nixon to Clinton (New York:Vintage Books,2000). pp.229-31.
187 Ding Xinghao, "Managing Sino-American Relations in a Changing World." Asian Survey. Vol.31, No.12 (December,1991). p.1160.
188 Harry Harding, A Fragile Relationship:The United States and China since 1972.p.264.
189 Harry Harding.//Fragile Relationship:The United States and China since 1972,p.263.
190 Ibid., p.264.
191 See Harry Harding. A Fragile Relationship:The United States and China since 1972. p.279.
192 Robert Sutter. U.S.-Chinese Relations:Perilous Past, Pragmatic Present, p.118.
193 Warren Christopher. In the Stream of History:Shaping Foreign Policy for a New Era (Stanford CA:Stanford University Press.1998). p.153.
194 Ibid., p.155.
195 According to Henry Kissinger, Jiang Zemin observed, in 1990, that China had "adopted a lot of measures" because they desired to improve relations with the United States. See Henry Kissinger, On China, p.159. [PDF edition]
196 Henry Kissinger. On China, p.164. [PDF edition]
1 For details about this crisis, see Andrew Scobell, "Show of Force:The PLA and the 1995-1996 Taiwan Strait Crisis," January 1999. http://iis-db.stanford.edu/pubs/10091/Scobell.pdf (accessed February 26,2013); "Taiwan Strait:21 July 1995 to 23 March 1996." http://www.globalsecurity.org/militarv/ops/taiwan strait.htm (accessed February 26,2013).
2吴心伯：《反应与调整：1996年台海危机与美国对台政策》,载《复旦学报(社会科学版)》,2004年第2期,第57页。
3 Jean A. Garrison, Making China Policy:From Nixon to G. W. Bush (Boulder, CO:Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2005), p.145.
4 Ibid.,p.146.
5 Antony Lake, "Remarks to the Japan-America Society, Washington D.C.," October 23,1996, http://clinton3.nara.gov/WH/EOP/NSC/html/speeches/19961023.html (accessed February 26,2013).
6 Ibid.
7 Jean A. Garrison, Making China Policy:From Nixon to G. W. Bush, p.148.
8 Memo from Undersecretary Spero to the Secretary of State, October 17,1996, Post-Publication File, available in the National Security Archives Collection, "China and the United States:From Hostility to Engagement, 1960-1998," Washington, D.C.. Cited in Jean A. Garrison, "Managing the U.S.-China Foreign Economic Dialogue: Building Greater Coordination and New Habits of Consultation," Asia Policy. No.4 (July 2007), p.173.
9 Robert L. Suettinger, Beyond Tiananmen:The Politics ofU.S.-China Relations,1989-2000 (Washington D.C. Brookings Institution Press.2003), p.324.
10 《外交部发言人答记者问时说江主席此次访美非常成功》,载《人民日报》,1997年11月5日第四版,http://www.people.com.en/item/ldhd/Jiangzm/1998/chufang/1997meiguo/cf0049.html (accessed February 27, 2013).
11 Secretary of State Madeleine Albright restated Taiwan policy in a way that later became known as the "three noes." She stated in a news conference on April 30,1998 "we have no change in our China policy.... We have a one-China policy-not a'two China,'not a'one China and one Taiwan' policy - and we do not support Taiwan independence or their membership in international organizations that are based on statehood." See Robert L. Suettinger. Beyond Tiananmen: The Politics of U.S.-China Relations,1989-2000, p.342.
12 When the administration submitted its PNTR legislation in March 2000, Clinton argued that China's entry into the WTO was "the most significant opportunity that we have had to create positive change in China since the 1970s, when President Nixon first went there and later in the decade when President Carter normalized relations" The United States could either use the WTO to influence China's future choices in the "right" direction or "turn our backs and almost certainly push it in the wrong direction" and "The WTO agreement will move China in the right direction. It will advance the goals America has worked for in China for the past three decades."See William J. Clinton, "Remarks by President Bill Clinton on China," remarks at the Paul Nitze School of Advanced International Studies. March 8.2000. http://www.gpo.gov/fdsvs/pkg/PPP-2000-bookl/html/PPP-2000-book1-doc-pg404.htm (accessed February 26, 2013).
13 Jean A. Garrison, Making China Policy:From Nixon to G. W. Bush, p.148.
14 NATO's military intervention in Kosovo in March 1999 led to "the Great Peace and Development Debate of 1999" in China, "much of the debate was driven by long-simmering Chinese concerns about U.S. strategic intentions and policies in the post-Cold War world order in general and towards China in particular." See David Finkelstein, China Reconsiders Its National Security:"The Great Peace and Development Debate of 1999" (Alexandria, VA:The CAN Corporation,2000), http://www.cna.org/sites/default/files/D0014464.Al.pdf (accessed February 27,2013).
15 According to Warren Cohen. Jiang Zemin's strategy for managing China's relationship with the United States came under fierce attack and some analysts argued that American policy had become hostile to China and called for the creation of an anti-hegemony coalition, an alliance of anti-American states, but Jiang Zemin stubbornly held his ground until the debate faded away a few months after the bombing. See Warren Cohen, America's Response to China, pp.256-266.
16 Jean A. Garrison, Making China Policy:From Nixon to G. W. Bush, pp.156-157.
17 GOP Debate on the Larry King Show,15 February 2000. http://transcripts.cnn.com/TRANSCRIPTS/0002/15/lk1.00.html (accessed February 26,2013).
18 Condoleezza Rice, "Promoting the National Interest," Foreign Affairs, Vol.79, No.1 (January-February,2000). p.56.
19 Jean A. Garrison, Making China Policy:From Nixon to G. IV. Bush, pp.156-157.
20 Warren Cohen, America's Response to China, p.267.
21 "Bush vows' whatever it takes'to defend Taiwan." April 25,2001, http://articles.cnn.com/2001-04-25/politics/bush.taiwan.031 chinese-attack-taiwan-strait-china-and-taiwan? s=P M:ALLPOLITICS (accessed February 26.2013).
22 "Confirmation Hearing by Secretary-Designate Colin L. Powell," January 17,2001. http://2001-2009.state.gov/secretary/former/powell/remarks/2001/443.htm (accessed February 26,2013).
23 Jean A. Garrison, Making China Policy:From Nixon to G. W. Bush, p.169. President Bush also declared the relationship between China and the United States the "best ever" in December 2006. See Warren Cohen, America's Response to China,5th ed.. p.276.
24 Jean A. Garrison, Making China Policy:From Nixon to G. W. Bush, p.165.
25 Henry Kissinger, On China (New York:The Penguin Press,2011), p.171. [PDF edition]
26 James Goldgeier. "Twenty Years after the Fall," The Washington Post. November 8,2009, http://www.washingtontimes.com/news/2009/nov/8/twenty-years-after-the-fall/(accessed April 1.2013).
27 Henry Kissinger, On China (New York:The Penguin Press,2011). p.171. [PDF edition]
28 The U.S. government announced that it was placing the East Turkestan Islamic Movement on the U.S. list of terrorist groups on August 26.2002.
29 "Powell Says US-China Ties Best Since 1972," http://english.peopledaily.com.cn/200309/07/eng20030907123883.shtml (accessed February 26,2013).
30 Robert Sutter, U.S.-Chinese Relations:Perilous Past, Pragmatic Present, p.124.
31 Flynt Leverett & Jeffrey Bader. "Managing China-U.S. Energy Competition in the Middle East," The Washington Quarterly. Vol.29. No.1 (winter 2005-06). p.187.
32 Bonnie S. Glaser and Jane Skanderup, "U.S.-China Relations: Disharmony Signals End to Post-Sept.11 Honeymoon," Comparative Connections, Vol.7, No.2 (July 2005), http://csis.org/files/media/csis/pubs/0502qus_china.pdf (accessed April 2.2013). According to Yu Bin. a Sino-Russo eight-day joint war game named "Peace Mission 2005" in August 2005 seemed to mark the end of Russia and China's post-9/11 "honeymoon" with the Bush administration, see Yu Bin, "Russia and China Together Again, Gingerly," YaleGlobal, September 6 2005. http://yaleglobal.yale.edu/content/russia-and-china-together-again-gingerly (accessed April 2,2013); Also see Warren Cohen, America's Response to China, p.273. A series of events in early June 2005 could be said to mark the end of the Sino-US honeymoon:Secretary of Defense Rumsfeld commented in Singapore that China's military buildup was a threat to Asian security on June 4,2005. The hearing entitled "The Emergence of China Throughout Asia:Security and Economic Consequences of the United States" was held in the Capitol Hill on June 7,2005. For the transcript of the hearings, see http://www.gpo.gov/fdsys/pkg/CHRG-109shrg25358/pdf/CHRG-109shrg25358.pdf (accessed March 18,2013);参见：《中美“蜜月期”可能结束》,2005年06月13日http://news.sina.com.cn/w/2005-06-13/15376159757s.shtml (accessed March 17,2013).
33 The contributors of this special issue include Suisheng Zhao, Evan S. Medeiros.Kurt Campbell and Richard Weitz, Flynt Leverett and Jeffrey Bader. See http://csis.org/files/media/csis/pubs/pr0532.pdf (accessed April 2, 2013).
'4 Robert B. Zoellick. "Whither China:From Membership to Responsibility?" Remarks to National Committee on U.S.-China Relations, September 21,2005. http://2001-2009.state.gov/s/d/former/zoellick/rem/53682.htm (accessed February 26,2013).
35 Jonathan Czin, "Dragon-slayer or Panda-hugger? Chinese Perspectives on'Responsible Stakeholder' Diplomacy." Yale Journal of International Affairs (Spring/Summer 2007),p.102.
36 Jonathan Czin. "Dragon-slayer or Panda-hugger? Chinese Perspectives on "Responsible Stakeholder' Diplomacy,"Yale Journal of International Affairs (Spring/Summer 2007), p.102.
37 National Strategy of the United States of America (Washington D.C.:the White House,2006), p.40.
'8 U.S. U.S. Department of Defense. Quadrennial Defense Review Report. February 2006, p.29.
■*'Aaron L. Friedberg, "What Does It Take for China to Be a "Responsible Stakeholder'?" p.83. http://www.nids.go.ip/english/event/symposium/pdf/2006/e2006_10.pdf (accessed February 27,2013).
40 Two camps emerged in the debate:those who embraced Zoellick's stakeholder terminology with varying degrees of wariness, and skeptics who saw the term as a discursive weapon for criticizing China. See Jonathan Czin, "Dragon-slayer or Panda-hugger? Chinese Perspectives on "Responsible Stakeholder'Diplomacy," Yale Journal of International Affairs (Spring/Summer 2007). pp.100-112.
41 宫力：《利益攸关方与建设性合作者——新世纪中美关系的定位与思考》,载《上海行政学院学报》,第9卷第2期(2008年3月),第77页。
42 刘卫东：《G2、“中美国”与中美关系的现实定位》,载《红旗文稿》,2009年第13期,第6页。
43 刘卫东：《G2、“中美国”与中美关系的现实定位》,载《红旗文稿》,2009年第13期,第6页。
44 Aaron L. Friedberg, "What Does It Take for China to Be a'Responsible Stakeholder'?" p.85.
45 Thomas J. Christensen, "China's Role in the World:Is China a Responsible Stakeholder?" Remarks Before the U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission. Washington. DC. August 3.2006. http://2001-2009.state.gov/p/eap/rls/rm/69899.htm (accessed February 27.2013).
46 参见：刘卫东：《G2、“中美国”与中美关系的现实定位》,载《红旗文稿》,2009年第13期,第6页。
47 Jonathan Czin, "Dragon-slayer or Panda-hugger? Chinese Perspectives on'Responsible Stakeholder' Diplomacy." Yale Journal of International Affairs (Spring/Summer 2007), p.102.
48 Kerry Dumbaugh, CRS lssue Brief 1B98018:China-US Relations, Congressional Research Service, Library of Congress, January 31,2003. http://www.au.af.mil/au/awc/awcgate/crs/ib98018.pdf (accessed February 27.2013).
49 Robert Sutter, U.S.-Chinese Relations:Perilous Past, Pragmatic Present, p.126.
50 Ibid.
51 David Shambaugh, "A New China Requires a New US Strategy," Current History (September 2010), p.220. According to James Przystup and Philip Saunders. Richard Armitage and Robert Zoellick are associated with two different conceptual approaches to the challenge of building a peaceful international order at the regional and global levels:one centered on Japan articulated by the former and the other on China by the latter. See James Przystup and Philip Saunders. "Visions of Order:Japan and China in U.S. Strategy." Strategic Forum, No.220 (June 2006), http://kms2.isn.ethz.ch/serviceengine/Files/ESDP/25500/ipublicationdocument singledocument/57alab4a-3939-4 46d-al11-c91b4a1fbf3d/en/SF220.pdf (accessed February 28,2013).
52 David Shambaugh, "A New China Requires a New US Strategy," Current History (September 2010), p.220.
53 Richard L. Armitage and Joseph S. Nye. U.S.-Japan Alliance:Getting Asia Right through 2020 (Washington D.C.:Center for Strategic and International Studies,2007), p.4 & p.6. According to these two authors. "Getting Asia right... does not mean the imposition of U.S. values on the region, but rather encouraging an environment in which the region's leaders define their own national success in terms that are consonant with U.S. political and economic objectives. That means economic prosperity based on market principles, free and open trade, and protection of intellectual property rights, labor rights, and the environment. It means greater political freedom with liberal institutions to reinforce the economic successes the region now enjoys. It means transparency in the military field and greater application of national assets to the common good in areas of humanitarian relief and reconstruction. It means a region where the major powers cooperate to focus on transnational threats such as avian influenza or terrorism. It means a region where leaders choose to address the internal and external problems arising from troubled states, like Burma, rather than turning a blind eye based on an outdated concept of noninterference in internal affairs.' It means a region where nationalism and patriotism are channeled into efforts to solve regional problems for the greater common good. It means collaborative efforts to extract and share natural resources rather than engage in mercantilist competition and geopolitical rivalry." See Richard L. Armitage and Joseph S. Nye, U.S.-Japan Alliance:Getting Asia Right through 2020. pp.1-2.
54 See Dan Twining, "Get China Right by Getting Asia Right," January 21.2010. http://shadow.foreignpolicv.com/posts/2010/01/21/get china right by getting asia right (accessed February 27, 2013); Michael Green. "Get Asia Right," Asia Policy, No.7 (January 2009), p.2.
55 Robert Sutter, U.S.-Chinese Relations:Perilous Past, Pragmatic Present, pp.143-144.
56 Condoleezza Rice, "Remarks at Sophia University," Tokyo, March 19,2005. http://2001-2009.state.gov/secretary/rm/2005/43655.htm (accessed February 27,2013).
57 Robert Sutter. U.S.-Chinese Relations:Perilous Past, Pragmatic Present, p.144.
58 National Security Strategy of the United States of America (Washington D.C.:the White House,2006). p.42.
59 Robert Sutter. U.S.-Chinese Relations:Perilous Past, Pragmatic Present, p.148.
60 The unemployment rate of the United States went up to 7.8%in January 2009 from 5.0%in January 2008. See http://data.bls.gov/timeseries/LNS14000000 (accessed March 18,2013).
61 Jeffrey Bader, Obama and China s Rise:An Insider's Account of America s Asia Strategy (Washington D.C.: Brookings Institution Press.2012). p.2.
62 Ibid.
63 Ibid., p.3.
64 "Barack Obama and Joe Biden:Protecting U.S. Interests and Advancing American Values in Our Relationship with China," https://doc-14-94-docsviewer.googleusercontent.com/viewer/securedownload/dsnlaovipa718461sfcf94nedi8q2p4u/ 259o18p79uujfreohq2hidv2e7cchgmu/1362041100000/Ymw=/AGZ5hq8BgbJYlgwaOYx83cPOdNw6/QURHRU VTaWIINW15RmdmTEluLTIUUUIuZWNIYVZEUzI5NIdCVINod115TTRPbTIKdHN3cFdPTIE4MWZmQ2FC TVNBc2JwRzExdVdKYTINVGRRRmlqZ2hZZUd6SDBucnk2ZDcxYmJBSnJFSDhfUF13WilraDhvVEtuaXFRS Gswazl2SXFTb05SN2JGYjl=?docid=1d8d5fD32ef9dblbclf4900b371fSce6&chan=EwAAADJMd/Fbwy%2B9q6 usGgT%2BLnfA39WiG7kwgzN1SaQITo/U&sec=AHSqidbZvwXgnFxkTFxgwQVi23UPfL6P JX5Lnoh7bX9fX CEu-wbEOOZDLCG0ftAY4Zv-F9fhh2O&a=gp&filename=103368 Obama+China+Policv.pdf&nonce=cam4vpv 6vs80k&user=AGZ5hq8BgbJY1ewaOYx83cPOdNw6&hash=hbtinlpceae2mo7k7mvgbikhok5ks54tt (accessed February 28.2013).
55 Fareed Zakaria. "The Challenge from China." The Washington Post, February 28.2013. http://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/fareed-zakaria-the-challenge-from-china/2013/02/27/debceef6-8100-11e 2-b99e-6baf4ebe42df story.htm) (accessed February 28.2013).
66 Jeffrey Bader, Obama and China's Rise:An Insiders Account of Americas Asia Strategy (Washington D.C.: Brookings Institution Press,2012), p.3.
67 Ibid., p.7.
68 It is argued that "If Obama has enjoyed foreign policy success-as even his critics concede-it lies more in his adoption of what Bush set in train than in his repudiation of it. His foreign policy is more a third Bush term than a revolution against it.'" See Timothy J. Lynch. "'Review article:Obama and the third Bush term:towards a typology of Obama studies." International Affairs, Vol.88, No.5 (2012), p.1102.
69 Jeffrey Bader. Obama and China s Rise:An Insider s Account of America s Asia Strategy (Washington D.C.: Brookings Institution Press.2012). p.69.
70 Fareed Zakaria. "The Challenge from China." The Washington Post. February 28.2013.
71 National Security Strategy of the United States (Washington D.C.:The White House,2010), p.i. http://www.whitehouse.gov/sites/default/files/rss_viewer/national security strategy.pdf (accessed August 30, 2012).
72 National Security Strategy of the United States (Washington D.C:The White House,2010), p.1.
73 National Security Strategy of the United States (Washington D.C:The White House,2010), p.7.
74 U.S. Department of Defense, Sustaining U.S. Global Leadership:Priorities for 21st Century Defense, January 5, 2012. http://www.defense.gov/news/Defense Strategic Guidance.pdf (accessed March 11,2013), p.1.
75 "PRESIDENT BARACK OBAMA'S 2013 STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS - AS DELIVERED," February 12,2013, http://www.whitehouse.gov/state-of-the-union-2013 (accessed April 2,2013).
76 Economic Report of the President, March 2013, http://www.whitehouse.gov/sites/default/files/docs/erp2013/full 2013 economic report of the president.pdf (accessed April 8,2013).
77 Barack Obama, "Text of President Obama's State of the Union Address," January 25,2011, http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2011/01/25/AR2011012506398 pf.html (accessed March 18,2013).
78 National Intelligence Council, Global Trends 2030:Alternative Worlds, p.v.
79 See Fareed Zakaria, The Post American World (New York:W. W. Norton & Company,2008), Chap.1.
80 Hillary Clinton, "America's Pacific Century," November 2011, http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2011/10/11/americas pacific century (accessed April 9,2013).
81 According to scholars at the Brookings Institution, there are four elements of this strategy:multilateral organization, economics and trade, security and democracy. See Martin S. Indyk, Kenneth G. Liberthal and Michael E. O'Hanlon, Beyond History:Barack Obatna's Foreign Policy (Washington D.C.:Brookings Institution Press,2012). pp.58-60.
82 National Intelligence Council. Global Trends 2030:Alternative Worlds, pp.ix-x.
83 National Intelligence Council, Global Trends 2030:Alternative Worlds, p.v.
84 Jeremy Rifkin,The End of Work:The Decline of the Global Labor Force and the Dawn of the Post-Market Era (New York:Putnam Publishing Group,1995).
85 Jeremy Rifkin. The Third Industrial Revolution:How Lateral Power Is Transforming Energy, The Economy, and the World (New York:Palgrave Macmillan,2011).
86 Jeremy Rifkin. "The Third Industrial Revolution:How the Internet, Green Electricity, and 3-D Printing are Ushering in a Sustainable Era of Distributed Capitalism,"http://www.worldfinancialreview.com/?p=547 (accessed April 9,2013). According to him, the five pillars of the Third Industrial Revolution are (1) shifting to renewable energy; (2) transforming the building stock of every continent into micro-power plants to collect renewable energies on-site:(3) deploying hydrogen and other storage technologies in every building and throughout the infrastructure to store intermittent energies; (4) using Internet technology to transform the power grid of every continent into an energy internet that acts just like the Internet (when millions of buildings are generating a small amount of renewable energy locally, on-site,they can sell surplus green electricity back to the grid and share it with their continental neighbors):and (5) transitioning the transport fleet to electric plug-in and fuel cell vehicles that can buy and sell green electricity on a smart, continental, interactive power grid.
87 Jeremy Rifken. San Antonio:Leading the Way Forward to the Third Industrial Revolution. September 28,2009, http://www,sanantonio.gov/oep/SustainabilityPlan/Appendices/Initiative%201/Atttachment%202-%20Leading%2 0the%20Third%20Industrial%20Revolution%20bv%20Jeremy%20Rifkin.pdf (accessed April 13,2013).
88 "The Third Industrial Revolution," The Economist, April 21,2012. http://www.economist.com/node/21553017/print (accessed April 9,2013).
89 See TJ McCue,"Additive Manufacturing Will Change in the Next 5-10 Years," May 2,2013, http://www.forbes.com/sites/tjmccue/2012/05/02/additive-manufacturing-will-change-in-the-next-5-10-years/ (accessed April 9.2013).
90 Scientists are even testing the feasibility of building a lunar base by using the terrestrial 3D printing technology which has produced entire structures. See Thomas Anderson, "How to build a lunar base with 3D printing," February 2,2013, http://www.tgdaily.com/space-features/69207-how-to-build-a-lunar-base-with-3d-printing#ICo76wpVE6IFuVOw. 99 (accessed May 13.2013):
91 Jason Pepper, "NASA experimenting with 3D printing for space exploration," Apri117,2013, http://news.cnet.com/8301-11386_3-57579626-76/nasa-experimenting-with-3d-printing-for-space-exploration/ (accessed May 13,2013).
92 Ibid.
93 Henrik Christensen. as quoted in Jeffrey R. Young."The New Industrial Revolution." March 25,2013, http://chronicle.com/article/The-New-Industrial-Revolution/138015/(accessed April 9.2013).
94 Jeffrey R. Young, "The New Industrial Revolution." March 25,2013.
95 A Roadmap for U.S. Robotics-From Internet to Robotics, May 21,2009. http://www.us-robotics.us/reports/CCC%20Report.pdf (accessed April 9.2013).
96 Fareed Zakaria, The Post-American World (New York:W. W. Norton & Company.2008), pp.1-2.
97 Simon Evenett,''When Should the West Worry About Its Decline?' http://stgallenmba.ch/2011/04/22/when-should-the-west-worry-about-its-decline/(accessed March 5,2013).
98 Fareed Zakaria, The Post-American World (New York:W. W. Norton & Company.2008).
99 Richard N. Haass, "The Age of Nonpolarity:What Will Follow U.S. Dominance." Foreign Affairs.Vcl.87. No. 3 (May/June 2008). According to him, "[t]hree factors have brought this about. First, some states have gained power in tandem with their increased economic clout. Second, globalization has weakened the role of all states by enabling other entities to amass substantial power. And, third. American foreign policy has accelerated the relative decline of the United States vis-a-vis others. The result is a world in which power is increasingly distributed rather than concentrated."See Richard N. Haass. "Living in a Non-Polar World," Apr.18.2008, http://www.proiect-syndicate.org/commentarv/living-in-a-non-polar-world (accessed March 21,2013).
100 It is stated in the 2010 National Security Strategy that "we must recognize that no one nation-no matter how powerful-can meet global challenges alone." See National Security Strategy (Washington D.C.:the White House. 2010), p.l.
101 Barack Obama. "Remarks by the President in State of the Union Address," January 27,2010. http://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/remarks-president-state-union-address (accessed March 10,2013).
102 Australian Broadcasting Corporation, "Face to face with Obama," April 14,2010, http://www.abc.net.au/7.30/content/2010/s2872726.htm (accessed February 16,2013).
ICb In a 2009 Pew Research Center poll, majorities or pluralities in thirteen of twenty-five countries believed that China would replace the United States as the world's leading superpower; the National Intelligence Council projected that the American dominance would be"much diminished" by 2025. See Joseph S. Nye, Jr., The Future of Power (New York:Public Affairs.2011), pp.xi-xii.
104 Henry A. Kissinger, "Power Shifts," Survival, Vol.52. No.6 (December 2010-January 2011), p.209.
105 Barack Obama. "Text of President Obama's State of the Union Address." http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dvn/content/article/2011/01/25/AR2011012506398 pf.html (accessed March 18,2013).
106 National Security Strategy (Washington D.C.:the White House,2010), p.7.
107 National Security Strategy (Washington D.C.:the White House.2010). p.1
108 U.S. Department of Defense. Sustaining U.S. Global Leadership:Priorities for 21st Century Defense, January 5,2012, p.1. http://www.defense.gov/news/Defense Strategic Guidance.pdf (accessed March 11.2013).
109 Barack Obama, "Text of President Obama's State of the Union Address," http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dvn/content/article/2011/O1/25/AR2011012506398 pf.html (accessed March 18,2013).
110 Fareed Zakaria. "Are America's Best Days behind US?", March 3.2013, http-.//fareedzakaria.com/2011/03/03/are-americas-best-days-behind-us/(accessed May 13.2013).
111 Joseph S. Nye, Jr., "Zakaria's World:Are America's best days really behind us?" March 8,2011, http://www.foreignpolicv.com/articles/201l/03/08/zakaria s world (accessed May 13.2013).
112 This is borrowed from Michael Beckley. See Michael Beckley, "China's Century? Why America's Edge Will Endure," International Security. Vol.36. No.3 (Winter 2011/12). p.56.
113 Joseph S. Nye, Jr., "The Twenty-First Century Will Not Be a'Post-American'World," International Studies Quarterly, Vol.56 (2012). p.215.
114 Samuel Huntington claimed that "In 1988 the United States reached the zenith of its fifth wave of declinism since the 1950s." See Samuel Huntington, "The U.S.:Decline or Renewal?" Foreign Affairs, Vol.67, No.2 (Winter,1988), p.76.
115 69 percent of Americans think that the United States is "in decline" (The Hill, October 2011); 54 percent think that the U.S. is not simply "experiencing the kind of tough times the country faces from time to time," but is at "the start of a longer-term decline where the U.S. is no longer the leading country in the world" (NBC News/Wall Street Journal, November 2011); 66 percent think that "U.S. power and influence in the world" have decreased since 9/11 (University of Maryland/Program on International Policy Attitudes. August 2011):57 percent think that "America is no longer unique," with 52 percent concluding that the world looks to China "to see where things are headed in the future" (Xavier University, March 2011); 39 percent think that "another nation will become as powerful" as the U.S. by 2060, and 25 percent expect "another nation [to] surpass" it (Chicago Council on Global Affairs, June 2010). See Ali Wyne, "America's "Que Sera, Sera" Declinism," April 6,2012. http://www.citywatchla.com/archive/2987-americas-que-sera-sera-declinism (accessed March 5,2013).
116 Paul Kennedy. The Rise and Fall of Great Power (New York:Vintage Books,1989).
117 Joseph S. Nye, Jr.,"Zakaria's World: Are America's best days really behind us?" March 8,2011.
118 Ali Wyne, "America's "Que Sera, Sera" Declinism," April 6,2012.
119 Robert Sutter. "Sun to Set on US Role in APAC?" http://apac2020.thediplomat.com/feature/sun-to-set-on-us-role-in-apac/#comment-49986 (accessed March 13, 2013).
120 Joseph S. Nye Jr., The Future of Power (New York:Public Affairs.2011), p.155.
121 Joseph S. Nye, Bound to Lead:The Changing Nature of American Power (New York:Basic Books,1990); The Future of Power (New York:Public Affairs.2011); Henry Nau, The Myth of America s Decline:Leading the World Economy into the 1990s (New York:Oxford University Press,1990):
122 Robert Kagan, "Not Fade Away," The New Republic, January 11.2012. http://www.newrepublic.com/article/politics/magazine/99521/america-world-power-declinism# (accessed March 6,2013).中文译文参见：岁伯特·卡根,谢皑(译)：《美国衰落的神话》,载《国外理论动态》,2012年第11期,第8-19页。
123 Josh Rogin, "Obama embraces Roinney advisor's theory on "The Myth of American Decline'," January 26, 2012. http://thecable. foreignpolicy.com/posts/2012/01/26/obama_embraces_romney_advisor_s_theory_on_the_myth_of american decline (accessed March 6,2013).
124 Barack Obama, "As Delivered:Obama's 2012 State of the Union Address." http://www.pbs.org/newshour/rundown/2012/01/as-prepared-for-delivery-prcsident-obamas-2012-state-of-the-unio n-address.html (accessed March 6.2013).
125 Robert Kagan, "Not Fade Away," January 11.2012.
129 Ibid.
130 John Dumbrell,-American Power:Crisis or Renewal?" Politics, Vol.30 (2010), p.17.
131 Derek Scissors, "The United States vs. China:Which Economy Is Bigger, Which Is Better," Backgrounder, No.2547 (Washington D.C.:the Heritage Foundation.2011), p.1, http://report.heritage.org/bg2547 (accessed March 22,2013).
132 Michael Beckley, "Don't Worry. America:China is Rising But Not Catching Up," Christian Science Monitor, December 14,2011, http://belfercenter.ksg.harvard.edu/publication/21624/dont worry america.html (accessed March 30,2013).
l33 Michael Beckley. "China's Century? Why America's Edge Will Endure," International Security. Vol.36, No.3 (Winter 2011/12),p.43.
136 Ibid., p.59.
137 Michael Beckley, "China's Century? Why America's Edge Will Endure,"pp.60-61. Alexander L. Vuving argues that "China will overtake the United States as the world's largest economy during the 2020s. But sheer economic size is not a good indicator of power, and economic primacy is both conceptually distinct and practically distant from strategic primacy" and "although the United States may lose its hard power advantage over China for a few decades starting from the 2030s. it may still be able to maintain its leadership of the international system due to its larger soft power capacity." See Alexander L. Vuving, Paper presented at the International Studies Association annual meeting, Panel on "How China's Rise is Changing Asia's Landscape and Seascape" San Diego, April 4,2012. http://ssrn.com/abstract=2035188 (accessed March 18,2013).
138 Michael Beckley, "China's Century? Why America's Edge Will Endure,"pp.60-61. This point is from Mark L. Haas, "A Geriatric Peace? The Future of U.S. Power in a World of Aging Populations," International Security, Vol.32, No.1 (Summer 2007), pp.138-140, http://live.belfercenter.org/files/is3201_pp112-147.pdf (accessed May 1, 2013).
139 Ibid., pp.62-63.
140 Ibid., pp.64-66.
144 Ibid., pp.72-73.
145 Ibid., p.74.
146 Ibid., p.75.
147 Richard F. Grimmett & Paul K. Kerr, "Conventional Arms Transfers to Developing Nations,2004-2011" Congressional Research Service, August 24,2012, p.7. http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/weapons/R42678.pdf (accessed March 18,2013).
148 Ibid., p.10.
149 Michael Beckley, "China's Century? Why America's Edge Will Endure," International Security, Vol.36, No.3 (Winter 2011/12), p.77.
lso Economic Report of the President, March 2013, p.38. http://www.whitehouse.gov/sites/default/files/docs/erp2013/full 2013 economic report of the president.pdf (accessed April 8,2013).
151 Ibid.
152 Ibid.
153 lbid.,p.2O4.
154 Ibid., p.202.
155 "U.S. Set to Become World's Largest Oil Producer by 2017," httD://www.energytrendsinsider.com/2012/11/13/u-s-set-to-become-worlds-largest-oil-producer-by-2017/(accessed April 13,2013).
156 金灿荣、段晧文：《后危机时代的大国关系格局与新动向》,载《湖北大学学报(哲学社会科学版)》,第40卷第1期(2013年1月),第61-62页.There is a minor mistake in the article. The reserve of shale gas in the United States is not 750 trillion cubic meters but 750 trillion cubic feet参见：李东超：《美“能源独立”将重塑国际格局》,载《第一财经日报》2012年12月24日,第A05版。
157 National Security Strategy (Washington D.C.:The White House.2010), p.30.
158 National Intelligence Council, Global Trends 2030:Alternative Worlds, p.v
159 Economic Report of the President. March 2013. p.202.
160 Roger C. Altman, "The Fall and Rise of the West:Why America and Europe Will Emerge Stronger From the Financial Crisis." Foreign Affairs, Vol.92, No.1 (January/February 2013). p.10.
161 Barack Obama. "Text of President Obama's State of the Union Address.' http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2011/01/25/AR2011012506398 pf.html (accessed March 18,2013).
162 Henry A. Kissinger, "The Future of U.S.-Chinese Relations," Foreign Affairs, Vol.90, No.2 (March/April 2012), http://www.henryakissinger.com/articles/fa0412.html (accessed May 1.2013).
163 See David A. Gabel, "American Scientists Make Great Leap in Battery Technology," February 29,2012, http://www.enn.com/enn_original_news/article/44064; "Electricity from Plastic:Breakthrough Technology from U.S. Scientists, February 20.2013, http://www.greendiary.com/electricity-from-plastic-breakthrough-technology-from-us-scientists.html (accessed March 28,2013).
164 National Security Strategy (Washington D.C.:The White House,2010), p.30.
165 National Security Strategy (Washington D.C.:The White House,2010), p.30.
165 Roger C. Altman. "The Fall and Rise of the West:Why America and Europe Will Emerge Stronger From the Financial Crisis," Foreign Affairs. Vol.92, No.1 (January/February 2013), p.8.
167 The Quadrennial Defense Review Independent Panel, The QDR in Perspective:Meeting America s National Security Needs In the 21st Century (Washington D.C.:United States Institute of Peace,2010), pp.26-28. http://www.usip.org/files/qdr/qdrreport.pdf (accessed April 9,2013).
165 National Intelligence Council, Global Trends 2025:A Transformed World (Washington D.C.:National Intelligence Council.2010), p.vi.
169 National Intelligence Council, Global Trends 2025. p. iv.
170 National Intelligence Council, Global Trends 2030:Alternative Worlds (Washington D.C.:National Intelligence Council.2012), p.ii.
171 Under the guidance of Condoleezza Rice in the capacity of Secretary of State, the Bush Jr. administration initiated the transformational diplomacy, which is aimed at advancing democratic reform and support basic rights throughout the greater Middle East. See Condoleezza Rice, "Princeton University's Celebration of the 75th Anniversary Of the Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs," http://2001-2009.state.gov/secretary/rm/2005/54176.htm (accessed March 22.2013).
172 Michael Evans, "Power and Paradox:Asia Geopolitics and Sino-American Relations in the 21s'Century,'' Orbis, Vol.55, No.1 (Winter 2011). p.85. https://www.fpri.org/docs/evans.asiangeopolitics.pdf (accessed March 26. 2013).
173 Thomas Donilon, "The United States and the Asia-Pacific in 2013." Remarks delivered at Asia Society New York on March 11.2013. http://asiasocietv.org/new-yorkycomplete-transcript-thomas-donilon-asia-society-new-york (accessed March 15, 2013).
174 According to Thomas Donilon. "We asked what the U.S. footprint and face to the world was and what it ought to be. We set out to identify the key national security interests that we needed to pursue. We looked around the world and asked:where are we over-weighted? Where are we underweighted?" See Thomas Donilon, "The United States and the Asia-Pacific in 2013." Remarks delivered at Asia Society New York on March 11,2013.
175 Thomas Donilon, "The United States and the Asia-Pacific in 2013." Remarks delivered at Asia Society New York on March 11.2013.
176 Ibid.
177 However, such an interpretation was subsequently denied by NSC spokesman Tommy Vietor - though he declined to make Brim ley available for interview. See John Barry, "Historic Shift in U.S. Defense Strategy Will Have Major Impact on Europe," April 2012. http://www.europeaninstitute.org/EA-April-2012/historic-shift-in-us-defense-strategy-will-have-major-impact-on-e urope.html (accessed March 22.2013).
178 Michele A. Flournoy and Shawn Brimley, "Introduction," in Michele A. Flournoy and Shawn Brimley eds. Finding Our Way:Debating American Grand Strategy (Washington D.C.:the Center for A New American Century,2008). p.19.
179 Leon E. Panetta. "Statement on Defense Strategic Guidance," January 5.2012. http://www.defense.eov/speeches/speech.aspx?speechid=1643 (accessed March 22,2013).
180 John Barry. "Historic Shift in U.S. Defense Strategy Will Have Major Impact on Europe." April 2012.
181 "Defense Strategic Guidance Briefing from the Pentagon," January 5.2012. http://www.defense.gov/Transcripts/Transcript.aspx?TranscriptID=4953 (accessed March 22,2013).
182 Ibid.
183 参见：刘卫东：《G2、“中美国”与中美关系的现实定位》,载《红旗文稿》,2009年第13期,第6页。
184 John L. Thornton, "Forward," in Yu Keping. Democracy Is A Good Thing:Essays on Politics, Society, and Culture in Contemporary China (Washington D.C.:The Brookings Institution Press,2009), p.viii.
185 参见：《陶文钊谈奥巴马访华：美国看到了中国的崛起不可阻挡》,http://news.xinhuanet.com/world/2009-11/11/content_12431017_3.htm (accessed March 22,2013). As early as 2005. it was reported that the mainstream opinion about China in the United States was that the rise of China was not stoppable and so the United States should think strategically about the question how China could play a constructive role参见：龙安云、黎萌：《美国高官为何密集访华“中国崛起”热透美国》,http://news.sohu.com/20051019/n227248330.shtml (accessed March 22,2013).
186 U.S. Department of Defense, Annual Report to Congress: Military Power of the People's Republic of China (Washington D.C.:U.S. Department of Defense,2006), p.7.
187 U.S.-China Relations:An Affirmative Agenda. A Responsible Course:Report of an Independent Task Force (New York:Council on Foreign Relations,2007), p.97. http://www.cfr.org/content/publications/attachments/ChinaTaskForce.pdf (accessed April 7,2013).
188 Robert B. Zoellick. "Whiter China:from Membership to Responsibility?" Remarks to National Committee on U.S.-China Relations. New York. September 21 2005. http://2001-2009.state.gov/s/d/former/zoellick/rem/53682.htm (accessed March 25.2013).
189 Editor's Notes to "Debating China's Future."China Security, Vol.4. No.2 (Spring 2008), p.3, http://www.chinasecurity.us/pdfs/cs10_1.pdf (accessed May 1.2013).
190 Ibid.,p.4.
191 U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission,2012 Report to Congress, November 2012, p.21.
192 "China's New Leadership and Implications for the United States," Hearing before the U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission. February 7,2013. http://origin.www.uscc.gov/sites/default/files/transcripts/February%207%2C%202013%20-%20Hearing%20Trans cript.pdf (accessed April 25,2013).
193 Laurence Knight, "Economist magazine bets professor over China's future," November 11,2012, http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/business-19897695 (accessed March 22,2013).
194 Ibid.
195 "Lardy vs. Pettis - Debating China's Economic Future," November 2,2012, http://blogs.wsj.com/chinarealtime/2012/11/02/lardy-vs-pettis-debating-chinas-economic-future/(accessed March 22,2013).
196 World Bank, China 2030:building a modern, harmonious, and creative society (Washington D.C.:The World Bank,2013), p.361. http://www-wds.worldbank.org/external/default/WDSContentServer/WDSP/1B/2013/03/27/000350881 20130327 163105/Rendered/PDF/762990PUB0china0Box374372B00PUBLIC0.pdf (accessed April 3,2013).
197 Ibid.
198 Ibid., p.363.
199 Robert Fogel, "$123,000,000,000,000," Foreign Policy, January/February,2010, http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2010/01/04/123000000000000?page=full (accessed March 22,2013).
200 Albert Keidel, "China's Economic Rise:Fact and Fiction," Policy Brief, No.61 (July 2008), p.1. http://www.carnegieendowment.org/files/pb61 keidel final.pdf (accessed March 22,2013).
201 Minxin Pei, "Think Again:Asia's Rise," Foreign Policy, July/August 2009. http://www.foreignpolicv.com/articles/2009/06/22/think again asias rise?page=full (accessed March 22,2013).
202 Derek Scissors. "Q&A with Derek Scissors on China's Economy." June 15.2009. http://www.foreignaffairs.com/discussions/interviews/qa-with-derek-scissors-on-chinas-economy# (accessed March 22,2013).
203 Derek Scissors, "The United States vs. China:Which Economy Is Bigger, Which Is Better," Backgrounder, No.2547 (Washington D.C.:the Heritage Foundation,2011), p.5.
204 Ibid., p.6.
205 Ibid.
206 U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission,2012 Report to Congress, November 2012, p.25. http://origin.www.uscc.gov/sites/default/files/annual reports/2012-Report-to-Congress.pdf (accessed April 25, 2013).
207 Ibid., p.28.
208 Lael Brainard,"Remarks on China at the Center for American Progress," July 18,2012, http://iipdigital.usembassy.gov/st/english/texttrans/2012/07/201207189295.html#axzz2RSOqxFRl (accessed April 25,2013).
209 Robert D. Hormats, "The View from the Obama Administration," Remarks at the Council on Foreign Relations on March 12.2012. http://www.cfr.org/united-states/view-obama-administration/p27646 (accessed April 25,2013).
210 U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission,2012 Report to Congress,November 2012, pp.35-37.
211 Ibid., p.34.
212 The Gini coefficient, a commonly used measure of income inequality, ranging from 0 to 1-representing perfect equality to maximal inequality respectively - is a telling sign. "A more recent survey conducted by a joint Chinese-American research team based on surveys of several thousand households concludes that China's Gini coefficient is 0.61. considerably higher than the official figure (only South Africa, with a Gini coefficient of 0.63, has a higher level of income inequality than China)." See Minxin Pei, "China's income gap solution; Too little, too late?" February 15,2013, http://management.fortune.cnn.com/2013/02/15/chinas-income-gap-solution-too-little-too-late/(accessed April 2, 2013).
213 "China's geographical inequality is extreme compared to other countries. Per capita urban incomes in China are more than three times that of rural residents, and coastal incomes are more than twice that of the interior." See Yukon Huang, "Fixing China's Harmful Inequality." February 21,2013, http://online.wsi.com/article/SB10001424127887323549204578317633183827770.html (accessed April 2,2013).
214 Tania Branigan, "China's Wen Jiabao signs off with growth warning," March 3,2013, http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2013/mar/05/china-wen-jiabao-growth-warning (accessed April 7,2013).
215 U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission,2012 Report to Congress, November 2012. p.26.
216 Mauric R. Greenberg made this point in "Additional and Dissenting Views", in U.S.-China Relations:An Affirmative Agenda, A Responsible Course:Report of an Independent Task Force (New York:The Council on Foreign Relations,2007), p.101.
217 "'No multi-party rule in China, only consultative democracy'," March 12.2013. http://articles.economictimes.indiatimes.com/2013-03-12/news/376511441 yu-zhengsheng-multi-party-new-lead er (accessed April 2,2013). The assertion that China will never adopt the Western-style multi-party system was made first by Li Shenming, vice president of CASS in 2003参见：文翰：《中国决不搞西方多党制》,2003年7月5日,http://paper.wenweipo.com/2003/07/05/CH0307050037.htm (accessed April 2.2013)亦可参见：房宁：《中国决不能搞西方的多党制》,载《人民日报》2009年2月14日,http://news.163.com/09/0214/13/5249HN0B00012O9L.html (accessed April 2.2013). In 2011. Wu Bangguo stressed the Five Nos:1) no multiple party system:2) no pluralism in ideology; 3) no checks and balances in power or bicameral parliament:4) no federal system:and 5) no privatization.
218 Joshua Kurlantzick & Perry Link, "China:Resilient, Sophisticated Authoritarianism," in Christopher Walker, ed., Undermining Democracy:21st Century Authoritarians (Washington D.C.:Freedom House,2009), p.13.
219 See James Mann, The China Fantasy:How Our Leaders Explain Away Chinese Repression (New York: Viking,2007).
220 Will Inboden, "The Reality of the'China Fantasy'," June 16,2010, http://shadow.foreignpolicy.com/posts/2010/06/16/the_reality_of_the_china_fantasy (accessed March 8,2013).
221 Arthur Kroeber, "The Underestimated Party-State," Financial Times, February 26,2007, http://www.ft.com/intl/cms/s/0/6325dcf8-c554-11db-b110-000b5df10621.html#axzz2PawOkr1T (accessed April 5, 2013).
222 Ibid.
223 Ibid.
224 J.J. Gould, "Chinese Democracy:Will It Ever Be More Than A Guns n'Roses Album?" July 2,2012, http://www.theatlantic.com/intern ational/archive/2012/07/chinese-democracy-will-it-ever-be-more-than-a-guns-n-r oses-album/259349/(accessed April 9,2013). See the video of the debate at: http://asiapacificwatch.com/2012/11/05/china-and-democracy-debate-minxin-pei-vs-eric-li-video/(accessed April 9,2013).
225 Gordon G. Chang, "The Coming Collapse of China:2012 Edition." December 29,2011, http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2011/12/29/the coming collapse of china 2012 edition?page=full%E2% 80%8F.0(accessed April 3.2013).
226 Andrew J. Nathan. "'China's Changing of the Guard:Authoritarian Resil ience," Journal of Democracy, Vol.14. No.l (January 2003), p.6. For other representative works on the theme of resilient authoritarianism, see Olga Kryshtanovskaya and Stephen White, "The Sovietization of Russian Politics," Post-Soviet Affairs, Vol.25, No.4 (October 2009). pp.283-309:Marsha Pripstein Posusney, "Enduring Authoritarianism:Middle East Lessons for Contemporary Theory," Comparative Politics, Vol.36, No.2 (January 2004). pp.127-138; Eva Bellin, "The Robustness of Authoritarianism in the Middle East:Exceptionalism in Comparative Perspective," Comparative Politics, Vol.36, No.2 (January 2004), pp.139-157; Jason Brownlee, "Low Tide after the Third Wave:Exploring Politics under Authoritarianism,'" Comparative Politics. Vol.34. No.4 (July 2002), pp.477-498; Bruce Bueno de Mesquita and Alastair Smith. "Political Survival and Endogenous Institutional Change," Comparative Political Studies, Vol.42. No.2 (February 2009). pp.167-197.
227 The four aspects are:1) the increasingly norm-bound nature of its succession politics:2) the increase in meritocratic as opposed to factional considerations in the promotion of political elites:3) the differentiation and functional specialization of institutions within the regime:and 4) the establishment of institutions for political participation and appeal that strengthen the CCP's legitimacy among the public at large. Andrew J. Nathan, "China's Changing of the Guard:Authoritarian Resilience," Journal of Democracy, Vol.14, No.1 (January 2003), pp.6-7.
228 Andrew J. Nathan, "China Since Tiananmen:Authoritarian Impermanence," Journal of Democracy, Vol.20, No.3 (July 2009). p.38.
229 David Shambaugh. China's Communist Party:Atrophy and Adaptation (Berkeley. CA:University of California Press,2008). p.176.
230 See James F. Paradise, "Underestimating China's 'resilient authoritarianism'?" January 1,2007, http://china.usc.edu/ShowArticle.aspx?articleID=690&AspxAutoDetectCookieSupport=1 (accessed April 2, 2013).
231 Richard McGregor. "5 Myths about the Chinese Communist Party," Foreign Policy (January/February 2011), http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2011/01/02/5_myths_about_the_chinese_communist party?print=yes&hide comments=yes&page=full (accessed April 3,2013).
232 David Lundquist, "Why China Won't Collapse," June 22,2012, http://nationalinterest.org/print/commentary/china-isnt-headed-collapse-7046?page=l(accessed April 3,2013).
233 Daniel A. Bell, "Why China Won't Collapse", The Christian Science Monitor, July 11,2012, http://www.csmonitor.com/layout/set/print/Commentary/Global-Viewpoint/2012/0711/Why-China-won-t-collapse (accessed April 3,2013).
234 Larry Diamond, "The Coming Wave," Journal of Democracy, Vol.23, No.1 (January 2012), p.6.
235 Ibid., p.11.
236 Minxi Pei, "Is CCP Rule Fragile or Resilient?" Journal of Democracy, Vol.23, No.1 (January 2012), p.29.
237 Ibid., p.36.
238 Zhenhua Su, Hui Zhao & Jinkai He, "China at the Tipping Point? Authoritarianism and Contestation," Journal of Democracy. Vol.24. No.1(January 2013). p.27.37.
239 Cheng Li. "The End of the CCP's Resilient Authoritarianism? A Tripartite Assessment of Shifting Power in China," The China Quarterly. No.211 (September 2012). p.595.
240 Ibid.
241 Xin Chen, "The Rising Cost of Stability," Journal of Democracy, Vol.24. No. I (January 2013), p.57.
242 Daniel Twining. "Democracy can make China a great power," October 28.2012. http://www.ft.com/intl/cms/s/0/b9b742d4-1 f60-11e2-b273-00144feabdc0.html#axzz2OGJpsgLd (accessed March 22.2013).
243 Andrew J. Nathan, "China since Tiananmen:Authoritarian Impermanence," Journal of Democracy, Vol.20, No.3 (July 2009). p.38.
244 Suisheng Zhao, "Political Liberalization without Democratization:Pan Wei's Proposal for Political Reform," Journal of Contemporary China, Vol.12, No.35 (2003), p.353.
245 Ibid.
246 Zhenhua Su, Hui Zhao & Jinkai He, "China at the Tipping Point? Authoritarianism and Contestation," Journal of Democracy, Vol.24, No.1 (January 2013), p.37.
247 Tatu Vanhannen. Prospects of Democracy:A Study of 172 Countries (New York:Routledge,1997), p.31.
248 Andrew J. Nathan,"China's Political Trajectory," in Cheng Li, ed., China's Changing Political Landscape: Prospects for Democracy (Washington D.C.:Brookings Institution Press,2008), p.27. For a deliberation of this notion, see Larry Diamond, Developing Democracy:Toward Consolidation (Washington D.C.:Johns Hopkins University Press,1999), chap.1.
249 S. E. Finer, The History of Government from the Earliest Times Vol. Ⅲ:Empires, Monarchies and the Modern State (New York:Oxford University Press.1997), p.1568.
250 Joshua Cohen, "Democracy and Liberty," in Jon Elster, ed., Deliberative Democracy (New York:Cambridge University Press.1998). pp.185-186.
251 U.S. Department of State, China 2012 Human Rights Report. April 2013, p.1. www.state.gov/documents/organization/204405.pdf (accessed April 26.2013).
252 Susan V. Lawrence & Michael F. Martin, Understanding China's Political System (Washington D.C.: Congressional Research Service,2013), CRS Report for Congress R41007, p.2.
253 Susan V. Lawrence & Michael F. Martin, Understanding China's Political System (Washington D.C.: Congressional Research Service,2013), CRS Report for Congress R41007, p.13.
254 U.S. Department of Defense, Annual Report to Congress:Military Power of the People's Republic of China (Washington D.C.:U.S. Department of Defense,2006), p.8.
255 U.S. Department of Defense, Annual Report to Congress:Military and Security Developments Involving the People's Republic of China (Washington D.C.:U.S. Department of Defense,2011), p.14, http://www.defense.gov/pubs/pdfs/2011 CMPR Final.pdf (accessed April 26,2013). However, the issue of the legitimacy is not mentioned in the 2012 Report. See U.S. Department of Defense, Annual Report to Congress: Military and Security Developments Involving the People's Republic of China (Washington D.C.:U.S. Department of Defense,2012), http://218.249.165.47/download/27524793/35033179/4/pdf/249/121/1337568104185 889/2012 CMPR Final.pdf (accessed April 26,2013).
256 Susan V. Lawrence & Michael F. Martin, Understanding China's Political System (Washington D.C: Congressional Research Service,2013), CRS Report for Congress R41007, p.40.
257 U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission,2012 Report to Congress, November 2012, p.21.
258 John Dotson. Outcomes of the Chinese Communist Party's 18th National Congress, December 21,2012, p.4. http://origin.www.uscc.gov/siles/default/files/Research/18th-CCP PartyCongress Overview.pdf (accessed April 26,2013).
259 Minxin Pei, "Is China's Communist Party Doomed?"'October 1,2012, http://thediplomat.com/2012/10/01/is-chinas-communist-party-doomed/2/?all=true (accessed April 26,2013).
260 William Reinsch and Robin Cleveland. "Additional Views of Commissioners William Reinsch and Robin Cleveland." in 2012 USCC Report to Congress, p.460.
261 David M. Lampton, "The United States and China in the Age of Obama:looking each other straight in the eyes," Journal of Contemporary China. Vol.18. No.62 (2009), pp.703-727.
262 See "Kissinger:China Displaying Assertive Behavior," http://live.wsj.com/video/kissinger-china-displaying-assertive-behavior/237BFF27-8338-4BA7-80EA-47E059BC2 E07.html#!237BFF27-8338-4BA7-80EA-47E059BC2E07 (accessed March 7.2013):Nick Bisley, "An assertive China rattles the region," February 24th.2012, http://www.eastasiaforum.org/2012/02/24/an-assertive-china-rattles-the-region/(accessed March 7,2013); For a detailed discussion about reasons behind China's assertiveness, see Suisheng Zhao. "Understanding China's assertive foreign policy behavior during the global financial meltdown," http://www.worldfinancialreview.com/?p=409 (accessed March 7,2013).
263 Michael D. Swaine, "China's Assertive Behavior Part One:On "Core Interests'." Chinese Leadership Monitor, No.34, http://media.hoover.org/sites/default/tiles/documents/CLM34MS.pdf (accessed March 7.2013).
264 See Robert Ross, "The Problem with the Pivot: Obama's New Asia Policy Is Unnecessary and Counterproductive," http://www.chinausfocus.com/foreign-policy/the-problem-with-the-pivot-obamas-new-asia-policv-is-unnecessary and-counterproductive/(accessed March 10.2013). Also see:Bonnie S. Glaser. "A Shifting Balance:Chinese Assessments of U.S. Power," in Craig S. Cohen, ed., Capacity and Resolve:Foreign Assessment of U.S. Power (Washington D.C.:the Center for Strategic and International Studies.2011), pp.14-15. http://csis.org/files/publication/H0613 Cohen CapacityResolve Web.pdf (accessed March 26,2013).
265 "Senior Chinese official calls on U.S. to respect China's core national interests." July 29,2009. http://english.people.com.cn/90001/90776/90883/6713167.html (accessed March 19.2013).
66 It is stated that "The two sides agreed that respecting each other's core interests is extremely important to ensure steady progress in U.S.-China relations." See "U.S.-China Joint Statement." November 17.2009, http://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/us-china-ioint-statement (accessed March 19.2013).
267 Dai Bingguo, "Adhere to the Path of Peaceful Development," December 6.2010, http://china.usc.edu/ShowArticle.aspx?articlelD=2325 (accessed March 18,2013)中文参见戴秉国：《坚持走和平发展道路》,载《当代世界》,2010年12月,第7页。
268 Information Office of the State Council. China's Peaceful Development. September 2011, http://english.gov.cn/official/2011-09/06/content 19413544,htm (accessed March 19,2013).
269 Edward Wong, "Chinese Military Seeks to Extend Its Naval Power," New York Times, April 24,2010, A.I.
270 U.S. State Department, "Remarks by Secretary Clinton:Interview with Greg Sheridan of The Australian,' Melbourne. Australia. November 8.2010, http://www,state.gov/secretary/rm/2010/11/150671.htm (accessed March 19,2013).
271 Ibid.
272 Nong Hong, "US-China Perception Gap on the Messy South China Sea Dispute Assessment of Post-2009 Developments," September 22,2011, www.chinausfocus.com/print/?i=10547 (accessed March 19.2013)参见：漆菲,徐鑫：《南海五大争议解析：中国应建立国家海事委员会》,载《凤凰周刊》,http://news.ifeng.com/shendu/fhzk/detail 201108/30/8790523 O.shtml? from ralated (accessed March 19. 2013).
273 Leszek Buszynski, "The South China Sea:Oil. Maritime Claims, and U.S.-China Strategic Rivalry." The Washington Quarterly, Vol.35, No.2 (Spring 2012). p.148.
274 Ibid.
275 参见：《美再迷恋冷战思维只能导致更大的战略挫折》,http://www.cdrb.com.cn/html/2010-08/14/content 1025973.htm (accessed March 19.2013).
276 Wenlin Tian, "'Strategic Anxiety'Leads US Diplomacy in Asia-Pacific to a Wrong Track," People's Daily, July 19,2012, http://watchingamerica.com/News/167378/strategic-anxiety-leads-us-diplomacy-in-asia-pacific-to-a-wrong-track/ (accessed March 19.2013).'中文参见：田文林：《“战略焦虑”使美国亚太外交陷歧途》,载《人民日报(海外版)》,2012年07月19日http://theory.people.com.cn/n/2012/0719/c 136457-18549104.html (accessed March 19,2013).
277 Stephen Mihm and Jeffrey Wasserstrom,'"How Today's China Resembles 19th Century America," TIME Asia, November 15.2010. http://www.indiandefence.com/forums/chinese-defence-affairs/1250-chinas-economic-news-5.html#ixzz2NxVLA Wj3 (accessed March 19.2013).
278 Joseph S. Nye. Jr.."China's Hubris Colours US Relations." January 18,2011. http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-us-canada-12209538 (accessed March 19.2013).
279 Alan M. Wachman. testimony before the U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission on "China's Current and Emerging Foreign Policy Priorities." April 13,2011.
280 Ibid.
281 Michael D. Swaine, "Perceptions of an Assertive China," China Leadership Monitor. No.32 (Spring 2010). http://carnegieendowment.ore/files/CLM32MSl.pdf (accessed March 19,2013). p.1.
282 Ibid., p.1
283 Robert Burns, "Panetta Praises China for Arms Sale Reaction." October 23,2011, http://www.armytimes.com/news/2011/10/ap-military-leon-panetta-praises-china-taiwan-arms-sale-reaction-10231 1/.
284 "China. Vietnam sign accord on resolving maritime issues," http://news.xinhuanet.com/english2010/china/2011-10/12/c 131185606.htm (accessed March 19,2013).
285 Robert Sutter & Chin-Hao Huang, "China-Southeast Asia Relations:China Reassures Neighbors, Wary of US Intensions," Comparative Connections, January 2011,http://csis.org/files/publication/1004qchina seasia.pdf (accessed March 19.2013).
286 In the 2013 annual report to Congress by U.S. Department of Defense, it is claimed that "China's efforts to defend national sovereignty and territorial integrity (underpinned by growing economic and military capabilities) have occasionally manifested in assertive rhetoric and behavior that generate regional concerns about its intentions." See U.S. Department of Defense. Annual Report to Congress:Military and Security Developments Involving the People's Republic of China 2013 (Washington D.C.:Department of Defense,2013), p.16.
287 Daryl Morini. "Paradigm Shift:China's Rise and the Limits of Realism." Security Challenges, Vol.7, No.1 (Autumn 2011). p.91. http://www.securitvchallenges.org.au/ArticlePDFs/vol7nolMorini.pdf (accessed May 1, 2013).
288 According to Michael Evans, there are three contending schools of thought on the future of Asia all of which pivot around the future stability of East Asia and the significance of China's rise, and they can be labeled the primacist or "strategic competition." exceptionalist or "peaceful rise," and pragmatic or "competitive coexistence." See Michael Evans. "Power and Paradox:Asia Geopolitics and Sino-American Relations in the 21st Century," Orbis, Vol.55. No.1 (Winter 2011). p.88.
289 Aaron L. Friedberg, "Europe's Past, Asia's Future," SAIS Policy Forum Series, No.3 (October 1998):John J. Mearsheimer, The Tragedy of Great Power Politics (New York:W. W. Norton,2001); Robyn Lim, The Geopolitics of East Asia:The Search for Equilibrium (London:Routledge,2003); Hugh White, "Why War in Asia Remains Thinkable," Survival, Vol.50, No.6 (Dec.2008-Jan.2009), pp.85-104; and Hugh White, Power Shift: Australia's'Future between Washington and Beijing, Quarterly Essay No.39 (Melbourne:Black Inc.,2010).
290 Michael Evans, "Power and Paradox:Asia Geopolitics and Sino-American Relations in the 21st Century," Orbis, Vol.55, No.1 (Winter 2011), p.89.
291 John J. Mearsherimer, "The Gathering Storm:China's Challenge to US Power in Asia," The Chinese Journal of International Politics. Vol.3,2010, p.381.
296 Ibid., pp.388-389.
297 John Mearsheimer, "Why China's Rise Will Not Be Peaceful," September 17,2004, pp.4-5. http://mearsheimer.uchicago.edu/pdfs/A0034b.pdf(accessed February 19,2013).
298 Aaron Task, "U.S. War with China'Inevitable,'Author Glain Says," Aug 11,2011, http://finance.yahoo.com/blogs/daily-ticker/u-war-china-inevitable-author-glain-says-185732514.html (accessed February 19,2013).
299 刘明福：《中国梦：中国的目标、道路及自信力》,中国友谊出版公司2010年版。
300 Henry A. Kissinger, "The China Challenge," May 14,2011, http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052748703864204576315223305697158.html (accessed March 11, 2013).
301 Ibid.
302 Max Fisher, "China is happy with John Kerry because it thinks he'll drop the "pivot to Asia"." February 27, 2013. http://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/worldviews/wp/2013/02/27/china-is-happy-with-john-kerry-because-it-thin ks-hell-drop-the-pivot-to-asia/(accessed March 12,2013).
303 John Kerry remarks:"I'm not convinced that increased military ramp-up is critical yet. I'm not convinced of that. That's something I'd want to look at very carefully when and if you folks confirm me and I can get in there and sort of dig into this a little deeper. But we have a lot more bases out there than any other nation in the world, including China today. We have a lot more forces out there than any other nation in the world, including China today. And we've just augmented the president's announcement in Australia with additional Marines. You know, the Chinese take a look at that and say, what's the United States doing? They trying to circle us? What's going on? And so, you know, every action has its reaction. It's the old-you know, it's not just the law of physics; it's the law of politics and diplomacy. I think we have to be thoughtful about, you know, sort of how we go forward." See Elizabeth C. Economy, "Secretary of State John Kerry on China,"'February 27,2013. http://blogs.cfr.org/asia/2013/02/27/secretary-of-state-johnkerry-on-china/#cid=soc-twitter-at-blogs-secretary of s tate John kerry-022713 (accessed March 12.2013).
304 Elizabeth C. Economy. "Secretary of State John Kerry on China." February 27.2013.
305 Bill Gcrtz, "Asia pivot threatened," March 6,2013. http://www.washinalontimcs.com/news/2013/mar/6/inside-the-ring-asia-pivot-threatened/(accessed March 13,
2013).
306 《克里首访选欧洲与中东 专家：不意味美国调整东移战略》,2013年2月25日。http://ab.cri.cn/27824/2013/02/25/6611s4029522.htm (accessed March 12,2013).
307 "Icing the'Asian Pivot'." March 8,2013. http://www.alobaltimes.cn/content/766758.shtml (accessed March 12,2013).
308 Walter Russell Mead, "The Unpivot to Asia?" February 28,2013. http://blogs.the-american-imerest.com/wrm/2013/02/28/the-unpivot-to-asia/(accessed March 12,2013).
311 Thomas Donilon. "The United States and the Asia-Pacific in 2013." Remarks delivered at Asia Society New York on March 11.2013. http://asiasocietv.org/new-vork/complete-transcript-thomas-donilon-asia-societv-new-york (accessed March 15, 2013).
312 Michael Swaine, America s Challenge:Engaging a Rising China in the Twenty-First Century (Washington D.C.:Carnegie Endowment for International Peace,2011), p.151.
313 See Clifford A. Kiracofe, "Building on Past Success," May Ⅱ,2012. http://www.bjreview.com.cn/Cover_Stories_Series_2012/2012-05/11/content_452859.htm (accessed April 30, 2013).
314 Martin S. Indyk, Kenneth G. Liberthal and Michael E. O'Hanlon, Beyond History:Barack Obama's Foreign Policy (Washington D.C.:Brookings Institution Press.2012). p.67.
315 Wang Feng as quoted in "US, China to seek common interests." November 22.2012. http;//www,theindependent.cn.zw/2012/11/22/us-china-lo-seek-common-interests/(accessed April 11.2013).
116 Thomas Donilon, "The United States and the Asia-Pacific in 2013," Remarks delivered at Asia Society New York on March 11.2013.
117 Michael Swaine. America's Challenge:Engaging a Rising China in the Twenty-First Century (Washington D.C.:Carnegie Endowment for International Peace,2011). p.193.
318 Ibid.
119 David Shambaugh, "Falling Out of Love with China," New York Times. March 19.2013. p.27. http://ebird.osd.mil/ebird2/ebfiles/e20130319918533.html (accessed April 27.2013).
320 Thomas Donilon, "The United States and the Asia-Pacitlc in 2013." Remarks delivered at Asia Society New York on March 11,2013.
321 William Reinsch and Robin Cleveland. "Additional Views of Commissioners William Reinsch and Robin Cleveland," in U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission.2012 Report to Congress, November 2012, p.460.
322 U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission.2012 Report to Congress, November 2012, p.2.
323 Martin S. Indyk, Kenneth G. Liberthal and Michael E. O'Hanlon. Beyond History:Barack Obama's Foreign Policy (Washington D.C.:Brookings Institution Press,2012), pp.65-66.
324 Thomas Donilon, "The United States and the Asia-Pacific in 2013." Remarks delivered at Asia Society New York on March 11.2013.
325 Martin S. Indyk, Kenneth G. Liberthal and Michael E. O'Hanlon. Beyond History:Barack Obama's Foreign Policy (Washington D.C.:Brookings Institution Press,2012). p.66.
326 U.S. Department of Defense. Annual Report to Congress:Military and Security Developments Involving the People's Republic of China 2013 (Washington D.C.:Department of Defense,2013), p.i. http://www.defense.gov/pubs/2013 China Report FlNAL.pdf (accessed May 8.2013).
127 Michael Evans, "Power and Paradox:Asia Geopolitics and Sino-American Relations in the 21st Century,' Orbis, Vol.55, No.1 (Winter 2011), p.90.
328 Peter Symonds, "US think tank plans military build-up against China," August 13,2012. http://www.wsws.org/en/articles/2012/08/csis-a13.html (accessed March 92013).
329 钱文荣：《美国全球战略重心东移对我国造成的安全威胁(1)》,http://www.chinanews.com/gi/2013/01-09/4471855.shtml (accessed March 9.2013).
330 U.S. Force Posture Strategy in the Asia Pacific Region:An Independent Assessment (Washington D.C.:Center for Strategic and International Studies,2012), p.5.
331 Eric Talmadge, "Chinese missile could shift Pacific power balance," August 5,2010. http://www.washingtontimes.com/news/2010/aug/5/chinese-missile-could-shift-pacific-power-balance/print/ (accessed March 11,2013). The American strategists are talking about "a game-changing weapon being developed by China:an unprecedented carrier-killing missile called the Dong Feng 21D that could be launched from land with enough accuracy to penetrate the defenses of even the most advanced moving aircraft carrier at a distance of more than 900 miles.'
332 Nathan Freier,"The Emerging Anti-Access/Area-Denial Challenge," May 17.2013. http://csis.org/publication/emerging-anti-accessarea-denial-challenge (accessed March 11.2013).
333 Andrew Krepinevich. Barry Watts & Robert Work, Meeting the Anti-Access and Area-Denial Challenge (Washington D.C.:Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments.2003), p.ii. http://www.csbaonline.org/wp-content/uploads/2011/03/2003.05.20-Anti-Access-Area-Denial-A2-AD.pdf (accessed March 11.2013).
334 Eric Hagl and Matthew Durnin. "China's Antiship Ballistic Missile:Developments and Missing Links." Naval War College Review, Vol.62, No,4 (Autumn 2009), p.87.
http:/www.chinasecuritv.us/pdfs/others/Hagt&Durnin.pdf (accessed March 11,2013).
335 Ibid.
336 U.S. Department of Defense, Sustaining U.S. Global Leadership:Priorities for 21st Century Defense, January 5,2012. http://www.defense.gov/news/Defense Strategic Guidance.pdf (accessed March 11,2013).
337 Catherine Dale & Pat Towel 1, In Brief:Assessing DOD's New Strategic Guidance (Washington D.C. Congressional Research Service,2012). p.l. http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/natsec/R42146.pdf (accessed March 11. 2013).
338 Ibid.
339 U.S. Department of Defense, Sustaining U.S. Global Leadership:Priorities for 21st Century Defense, January 5.2012, p.2.
340 朱峰：《奥巴马政府的“新军事战略”及其评估》,载黄平、倪峰主编：《美国问题研究报告(2012)：美国全球及亚洲战略调整》,社会科学文献出版社,2012年5月第一版,第109页。
341 U.S. Department of Defense, Sustaining U.S. Global Leadership:Priorities for 21st Century Defense, January 5,2012, pp 4-5.
342 U.S. Department of Defense, Joint Operational Access Concept (JOAC), January 17.2012. http://www.defense.gov/pubs/pdfs/JOAC Jan%202012 Signed.pdf (accessed March 11,2013).
343 Ibid., p.i.
344 Ibid.
345 Thomas P.M. Barnett, "Big-War Thinking in a Small-War Era:The Rise of the AirSea Battle Concept," China Security. Vol.6 No.3 (2010). p.4.
346 Ibid., p.6.
347 U.S. Department of Defense, Quadrennial Defense Review (February 2010). p.32.
348 Thomas P.M. Barnett, "Big-War Thinking in a Small-War Era:The Rise of the AirSea Battle Concept," China Security, Vol.6 No.3 (2010). pp.12-13.
349 Henry A. Kissinger, "The China Challenge." May 14,2011.
350 Walter C. Clemens. "Why Pick a Fight with China?" May 5.2012, http://thediplomat.com/2012/05/05/whv-pick-a-fight-with-chinay (accessed May 1,2013).
351 王缉思：《中美关系新趋势及其对东北亚安全的影响》,载《国际政治研究》,2011年第1期,第2页。
352 Ibid.
353 Hu Jintao, "Pull Together in Difficult Times To Build A Common Future," speech delivered at the 64th session of the UN General Assembly. September 23.2009. http://www.china-un.org/eng/gdxw/t606150.htm (accessed March 25.2013).
154 Hu Jintao, "Full Text of Hu's remarks at BRICS Leaders Meeting." April 14,2011, http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/china/brics2011/2011-04/14/content 12327626.htm (accessed April 12,2013).
355 Hu Jintao, "Firmly March on the Path of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics and Strive to Complete the Building of A Moderately Prosperous Society in All Respects." November 8.2012.
356 Hu Jintao, "Firmly March on the Palh of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics and Strive to Complete the Building of A Moderately Prosperous Society in All Respects," November 8,2012.
357 王缉思：《全球发展趋势与中国的国际环境》,载《当代世界》,2013年第1期,第5-6页。
358 Ruan Zongze, "A Historic Opportunity to Establish a New Type of Great Power Relationship between China and the United States." December 31,2012. http://www.ciis.org.cn/english/2012-12/31/content 5638120.htm (accessed April 12.2013).
359 Ibid.
360 Hu Jintao, "Firmly March on the Path of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics and Strive to Complete the Building of A Moderately Prosperous Society in All Respects," November 8,2012.
361 Hu Jintao, "Firmly March on the Path of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics and Strive to Complete the Building of A Moderately Prosperous Society in All Respects," November 8,2012.
362 Hu Jintao, "Firmly March on the Path of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics and Strive to Complete the Building of A Moderately Prosperous Society in All Respects," November 8,2012.
363 Wen Jiabao. "The Path to China's Future." speech delivered at the Royal Society in London, June 27,2011. http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/2011-06/28/content 12788449.htm (accessed March 27.2013).
364 Hu Jintao. "Firmly March on the Path of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics and Strive to Complete the Building of A Moderately Prosperous Society in All Respects," November 8,2012.
365 Dai Bingguo, "China's Peaceful Development Is Good for America," The Wall Street Journal. May 9,2011, http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052748703730804576312041320897666.html#articleTabs%3 Particle (accessed February 28,2013).
366 "Development Roadmap," Beijing Review, Vol.55. No.46 (November 15.2012). p.2.
367 "Wen:China disagrees to so-called G2," November 18.2009. http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/china/2009-11/18/content 8998039.htm (accessed March 28.2013).
368 《德新社记者提问中国国际角色》,2010年3月14日,http://www.dzwww.com/2010/qglh/wzlh/wdsl/201003/t20100314 5437050.html (accessed March 28.2013).
369 Dai Bingguo, "China's Peaceful Development Is Good for America," The Wall Street Journal, May 9,2011.
370 Dai Bingguo, "Adhere to the Path of Peaceful Development," December 6.2010.
371 Dai Bingguo, "China's Peaceful Development Is Good for America." The Wall Street Journal, May 9,2011.
372 "Premier Li Keqiang meets the press today." March 17,2013, http://www.chinadailv.com.cn/china/2013npc/2013-03/17/content_16314030.htm (accessed March 28,2013).
373 俞正樑：《中国进入战略挑战期的思考》,载《国际观察》2011年第6期,第1-7页：陈冰：《中国将进入“战略挑战期”》,《深圳卫视》2012年1月6日播出,http://v.ifeng.com/news/taiwan/201201/73d18977-1efa-4b4e-8e3a-3d9551c1ec6f.shtml (accessed March 28. 2013).
374 "Chinese president calls for new-type int'l relations centered on win-win cooperation." March 24.2013, http://www.shanghaidaily.com/article/article xinhua.asp?id=132748 (accessed March 28.2013).
375 Ibid.
176 "Theme of the Times." Beijing Review. Vol.56. No.16 (April 18.2013),p.2.
377 Zhu Liqun, China's Foreign Policy Debate (Paris:EU Institute for Security Studies,2010) [Chaillot Papers, September 2010]. p.39, http://www.iss.europa.eu/uploads/media/cp 121-China s Foreign Policy Debates.pdf (accessed Nov.18.2012).
378 Sebastian Harnisch as quoted in "Living With the World,"Beijing Review, Vol.56, No.16 (April 18,2013), p.23.
379 In 2009. China had over 2.000 personnel in the field serving in UN peacekeeping operations, second to France among the five permanent members (P-5) of the Security Council and fourteenth among 119 troopcontributing countries. See China's Growing Role in UN Peacekeeping, Crisis Group Asia Report N° 166, April 17,2009, http://www.crisisgroup.org/--/media/Files/asia/north-east-asia/166 chinas growing role in un peacekeeping.pdf (accessed April 27,2013). According to a national defense white paper of the Chinese Government, "China earnestly fulfills its international responsibilities and obligations, and supports and actively participates in UN peacekeeping missions. In accordance with UN resolutions as well as agreements between the Chinese Government and the UN. China dispatches peacekeeping troops and specialized peacekeeping personnel to designated countries or regions, who carry out peacekeeping operations under the auspices of the UN.... To date, the PLA has dispatched 22,000 military personnel to 23 UN peacekeeping missions. So far, China is the biggest troop and police contributor among the five permanent members of the UN Security Council. It also dispatches the most numbers of troops for engineering, transportation and medical support among all the 115 contributing countries. China pays and contributes the largest share of UN peacekeeping costs among all developing countries." See Information Office of the State Council of the People's Republic of China.''The Diversified Employment of China's Armed Forces (Ⅰ)," April 2013, Beijing Review, Vol.56, No.17 (April 25,2013). It is available at: http://english.peopledaily.com.cn/90786/8209362.html (accessed May 1,2013).
380 As of December 2012. Chinese navy task groups have provided protection for four WFP ships and 2,455 foreign ships, accounting for 49 percent of the total of escorted ships. They helped four foreign ships; recovered four ships released from captivity and saved 20 foreign ships from pursuit by pirates. See Information Office of the State Council of the People's Republic of China. "The Diversified Employment of China's Armed Forces (Ⅰ),' April 2013. Beijing Review. Vol.56. No.17 (April 25.2013).
381 Hu Jintao. "Firmly March on the Path of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics and Strive to Complete the Building of A Moderately Prosperous Society in All Respects," November 8,2012.
382 Hu Jintao, "Firmly March on the Path of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics and Strive to Complete the Building of A Moderately Prosperous Society in All Respects," November 8.2012.
385 National Security Strategy (Washington D.C.:The White House.2010), p.17.
384 See Sun Ru, "China's New Vision of'Relations with the US." March 5.2013. http://www,chinausfocus.com/foreign-policy/chinese-leaders-new-vision-of-relations-with-the-us/(accessed April 11.2013).
385 Gustaaf Geeraerts. "A Growing Quandary,"China Daily, April 15,2013, p.8 http://www.chinadailv.com.cn/cndy/2013-04/15/content_ 16400938.htm (accessed April 27,2013).
386 "Xi Jinping's first public address," November 15,2012, http://edition.cnn.com/2012/11/15/world/asia/china-xi-jinping-speech/(accessed April 27,2013)中文参见：《习
近平在常委见面会上的讲话(全文)》,2012年11月15日,http://news.sina.com.cn/c/2012-11-15/121925587435.shtml (accessed April 27.2013).
187 Bonnie S. Glaser and Lyle Morris, "Chinese Perceptions of U.S. Decline and Power,"" China Brief, Vol.9, No.14. Jamestown Foundation. July 9 2009, p.4. http://www.iamestown.org/uploads/media/cb 009 21.pdf (accessed March 7.2013).
388 Jenny Lin, "Navigating US-China Relations:Complicated by China's "Unrelenting Strategy'." PacNet # 15, March 5.2013, Pacific Forum CSIS. http://csis.org/publication/pacnet-15-navigating-us-china-relations-complicated-chinas-unrelenting-strategy (accessed May 9,2013.)
389 World Economy Outlook:Coping with High Debt and Sluggish Growth (Washington D.C.:International Monetary Fund,2012), p.69.
390 The cliff, as named by Ben Bernanke, chairman of the US Federal Reserve, was a package of automatic tax rises and swingeing spending cuts that was set to take effect on January 1,2013 as a result of previous political negotiations. See John Authers, "Fiscal cliff avoided but pitfalls loom," January 4.2013, http://www.ft.com/intl/cms/s/0/40a63318-567a-lle2-aaaa-00144feab49a.html#axzz2OhEtYLLa (accessed March 27,2013).
391 David Usbome, "Austerity America:The United States Face An Uncertain Future," The Independent, February 28,2013. http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/americas/austeritv-america-the-united-states-face-an-uncertain-future-8 515769.html?printService=print (accessed March 26,2013).
392 Suzy Khimm. "The Sequester, explained." September 14,2012, http://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/wonkblog/wp/2012/09/14/the-sequester-explained/(accessed March 26. 2013). Also see:http://bipartisanpolicv.org/sites/default/files/BCA%20Sequester%20Fact%20Sheet.pdf (accessed March 26,2013).
393 Lucy Madison, "Three Weeks in, Sequester Impacts Growing," March 21.2013, http://www.cbsnews.com/8301-250162-57575472/three-weeks-in-seguester-impacts-growing/(accessed March 26.2013).
394 Ibid.
395 David Usborne, "Austerity America:The United States Face An Uncertain Future," The Independent, February 28.2013.
396 Jim Tankersley, "Sequester, to Some Economists. Is No Sweat," March 20,2013, http://articles.washingtonpost.com/2013-03-20/business/378702931 sequester-cuts-budget-cuts-defense-cuts (accessed March 26.2013).
397 Ibid.
398 Barack Obama. "Text of President Obama's State of the Union Address," January 25.2011.
399 Jim Kuhnhenn, "Tax the rich. Obama says:class warfare, says GOP," September 19,2011, http://news.yahoo.com/tax-rich-obama-says-class-warfare-says-gop-213322999.html (accessed April 27,2013).
400 Jeanne Sahadi, "What's In Obama's Budget." April 10,2013, http://monev.cnn.com/2013/04/10/news/economy/obama-budget/index.html?iid=EL (accessed April 27,2013).
401 Jeanne Sahadi, "How Obama's tax hikes would hit the rich and middle class."'April 23,2013, http://money.cnn.com/2013/04/23/pf/taxes/obama-taxes/index.html (accessed April 27.2013).
402 The Washington Post found that almost three-quarters support soaking those who make$250,000 a year, and more than half support it strongly. A tax on billionaires is a different story. Politically, there is no way it can lose. The traditional aim of taxation is to raise revenue for the state. In the wake of the financial crash, taxation has acquired a second aim:vengeance. As the Post poll makes clear, and as the 2009 scandal over bonuses paid to A1G employees makes clearer, Americans do not just want fairness. They want clawbacks. There are only about 400 billionaires in the country. But there would probably be little electoral downside to raising taxes on anyone making more than, say,$10 million a year. That is about the level where you can be sure you are no longer dealing with people who work at the corner pharmacy. The political problem is that billionaires, as opposed to millionaires, are an Obama constituency. In the 2007-08 election cycle.19 of the 20 richest ZIP codes gave the majority of their political donations - the vast majority in most cases - to Democrats, according to the Center for Responsive Politics. See Christopher Caldwell, "Weekly Standard:Taxing The Rich? Obama Is All Talk." May 18,2011, http://www.npr.org/2011/05/18/136422578/weekly-standard-taxing-the-rich-obama-is-all-talk (accessed April 28. 2013).
403 Bruce Bartlett, "America's Return to Political Polarization," May 4,2012, http://www.thefiscaltimes.com/Columns/2012/05/04/Americas-Return-to-Political-Polarization.aspx (accessed
March 26,2013)参见：张业亮：《“极化”的美国政治：神话还是现实?》,载《美国研究》2008年第3期,
第7-31页；周琪、王欢：《值得关注的美国政治“极化”趋势》,载《当代世界》2011年第41期,第24-27页。
404 Richard H. King, "American Political Culture since 1945," in Jean-Christophe Agnew, Roy Rosenzweig, eds., A Companion to Post-1945 America (Oxford. UK:Blackwell Publishing Ltd..2002), p.155.
405 See Philip E. Agre, "What Is Conservatism and What Is Wrong with It?" August 2004. http://polaris.gseis.ucla.edu/pagre/conservatism.html(accessed March 26.2013).
406 Tim Mak, "Gallup poll:Conservatives outnumber liberals," January 12,2012, http://www.politico.com/news/stories/0112/71385.html (accessed March 26,2013).
407 Mytheos Holt, "30 States Petition Federal Government to Secede After Election." November 12,2012, http://www.theblaze.com/stories/2012/11/12/27-states-petition-federal-government-to-secede-after-election/ (accessed March 27.2013).
408 For example, Henry Barbour, one of five GOP strategists spearheading the Republican National Committee's post-campaign reboot, described President Barack Obama as a "socialist." See Lisa Miller, "Henry Barbour Criticizes Obama as "Socialist'," The Hufflngton Post, March 19,2013. http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2013/03/19/henry-barbour-obama-socialist n 2906919.html (accessed March 27, 2013).
409 John Perazzo, "Barack Obama, the Socialist," September 6,2012, http://frontpagemag.com/2012/iohn-perazzo/barack-obama-the-socialist/(accessed March 27,2013); Paul Roderick Gregory, "Is President Obama Truly A Socialist?" January 22,2012, http://www.forbes.com/sites/paulroderickgregory/2012/01/22/is-president-obama-truly-a-socialist/print/(accessed March 27,2013).
410 Schlesinger has believed in the cyclical nature of American politics:periods of public purpose have been followed by periods of private interest, stemming from the fatigue brought on by liberal activism rather than by the attractiveness of conservative ideas. See Edward S. Shapiro. "Conservatism," in Stephen J. Whitfield, A Companion to 20th-Century America (Oxford. UK:Blackwell Publishing Ltd.,2004), p.463.
41'Samuel P. Huntington, Who Are We? The Challenges to America s National Identity (New York:Simon& Schuster,2004), p.41.
412 Samuel P. Huntington, Who Are We? The Challenges to America's National Identity (New York:Simon & Schuster,2004).
413 Department of Homeland Security, Yearbook of Immigration Statistics:2011 (Washington, D.C.:U.S. Department of Homeland Security, Office of Immigration Statistics,2012). p.10.
414 Ibid., p.55.
415 "Immigration:Key Data Points from Pew Research," February 6.2013, http://www.pewresearch.org/2013/02/06/immigration-tip-sheet-on-u-s-public-opinion/(accessed March 27,2013).
416 Brad Knickerbocker, "Illegal immigrants in the US:How many are there?"The Christian Science Monitor. May 16,2006. http://www.csmonitor.com/2006/0516/p01s02-ussc.html (accessed March 27.2013).
417 Michael Hoefer. Nancy Rytina and Bryan C. Baker, Estimates of the Unauthorized Immigrant Population Residing in the United States:January 2009 (Washington D.C.:Office of Immigration Statistics, Homeland Security,2010). http://www.dhs.gov/xlibrary/assets/statistics/publications/ois ill pe 2009.pdf (accessed March 27, 2013).
418 张朋辉：《美国国家认同的挑战》,载《人民日报》,2013年2月22日第003版。
419 Lucy Madison, "At Naturalization Ceremony. Obama Makes Immigration Push," CBS NEWS, March 25,2013, http://www.cbsnews.com/8301-250 162-57576135/at-naturalization-ceremonv-obama-makes-immigration-push/ (accessed March 27,2013).
420 Ibid.
421 Maeve Reston. "Most Californians favor citizenship path for illegal immigrants." Los Angeles Times, March 24,2013, http://articles.latimes.com/2013/mar/24/local/la-me-0324-poll-immigration-20130324 (accessed March 27,2013).
422 There seems to be a possible breakthrough in the making in April 2013. but it is far from certain that an immigration bill will be passed by Congress. The Boston Marathon bombings might cast a shadow over immigration reform. See Jason Linkins, "Congress And Immigration Reform:The Complete Guide To High Hopes, Certain Doom," April 27,2013, http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2013/04/27/congress-immigration-reform-2013 n 3166603.html (accessed April 28,2013); Elizabeth Llorente,"Immigration Reform Could Sink Due To Differences Within GOP, Analysts Say,' April 25,2013, http://latino.foxnews.com/latino/politics/2013/04/24/immigration-reform-could-sink-due-to-differences-within-gop-analysts-say/(accessed April 27.2013).庄巧祎:《波士顿爆炸案为美国移民改革再添变数》,2013年4月24日, http://news.sina.com.cn/w/gc/2013-04-24/162659.shtml (accessed April 28,2013).
423 Sharon R. Ennis. Merarys Rios-Vargas, and Nora G. Albert. The Hispanic Population:2010 (Washington D.C.: US Census Bureau, May 2011), p.5.
424 The number of electoral votes in these three states increased from 54.32 and 25 in 2000. Politically speaking, the influence of these states has increased.
425 Ed Pilkington, "Immigration reform:Obama to lay out package to dovetail with senators'plan." The Guardian. January 29,2013. http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2013/ian/28/obama-immigration-proposal-compromise (accessed March 27,2013).
426 Ed Pilkington. "Immigration reform:Obama to lay out package to dovetail with senators'plan," The Guardian, January 29,2013.
427 Albor Ruiz, "Day after President cites immigration reform among policy priorities in his inaugural address, immigration advocacy groups urge Washington to act," New York Daily News. January 22,2013. http://www.nydailynews.com/new-york/time-act-immigration-reforms-article-l.1245303#ixzz2OkSK8pEI (accessed March 27,2013).
428 吴正龙：《美为何放松移民政策》,载《解放日报》2013年2月4日,第007版。
429 "Hispanic or Latino" refers to a person of Cuban, Mexican, Puerto Rican. South or Central American, or other Spanish culture or origin regardless of race.
430 Sharon R. Ennis. Merarys Rios-Vargas. and Nora G. Albert. The Hispanic Population:2010 (Washington D.C. US Census Bureau, May 2011). pp.2-7.
431 Paul Taylor and D'Vera Cohn, "A Milestone En Route to a Majority Minority Nation," November 7,2012, http://www.pewsocialtrends.org/2012/11/07/a-milestone-en-route-to-a-majoritv-minority-nation/(accessed March 27.2013).
432 Ed Pilkington, "Immigration reform:Obama to lay out package to dovetail with senators'plan," The Guardian, January 29,2013参见温宪：《美国非法移民可望有条件“落户口”》,载《人民日报》2013年1月30日,第003版。
433 楚树龙、方力维：《美国人口状况的发展变化及其影响》,载《美国研究》2009年第4期,第75-89页。
434 王义桅：《防止美国过快衰落将成未来中国外交最大挑战》,载《环球时报》,2006年8月10,第11版。http://news.xinhuanet.com/world/2006-08/12/content 4951919.htm (accessed March 26.2013).
435 Fu Mengzi, "Old order should yield place to new," China Daily, May 18,2009. http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/bizchina/2009-05/18/content 7787953.htm (accessed March 26,2013).
436 Li Hongmei, "The U.S. Hegemony ends, the era of global multipolarity enters."February 24,2009, http://english.people.com.cn/90002/96417/6599374.html (accessed March 26,2013).
437 良：《重振或衰落——美国战略大调整评估》,载黄平、倪峰主编：《美国问题研究报告(2012)：美国全球及亚洲战略调整》,社会科学文献出版社,2012年5月第一版,第94-96页。
438 吴心伯：《“中国热”烫醒了美国人》,载《环球时报》,http://news.xinhuanet.com/world/2007-12/23/content 7298119_1.htm (accessed March 26.2013).
439 Wu Xinbo, "Understanding the Geopolitical Implications of the Global Financial Crisis," The Washington Quarterly, Vo.33, No.4 (October 2010), p.155.
440 陈玉刚：《金融危机、美国衰落与国际关系格局扁平化》,载《世界政治与经济》,2009年第5期,第29-30页。
441 Bonnie S. Glaser. "A Shitting Balance:Chinese Assessments of U.S. Power," in Craig S. Cohen, ed.. Capacity and Resolve:Foreign Assessment of U.S. Power (Washington D.C.:the Center for Strategic and International Studies,2011), p.7.
442 金灿荣、段皓文：《后危机时代的大国关系格局与新动向》,载《湖北大学学报(哲学社会科学版)》,第40卷,第1期(2013年1月),第58页。
443 Wang Jisi, "We're All Declinist Pundits These Days," Foreign Policy, January/February 2013, p.8, http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2013/01/02/were all declinist pundits these days (accessed May 1,2013).参见：王缉思,张维迎等：《未来10年的中国与美国》,载《国际经济评论》2011年第3期,第17页。
444 王缉思：《全球发展趋势与中国的国际环境》,载《当代世界》,2013年第1期,第5负。
445 王缉思,张维迎等：《未来10年的中国与美国》,载《国际经济评论》2011年第3期,第17页。
446 朱成虎、孟凡礼：《简论美国实力地位的变化》,载《美国研究》2012年第2期,第35页。
447 关权：《中国依然需要韬光养晦——从经济发展角度看大国兴衰》,载《人民论坛·学术前沿》,2012年09(1),第72页。
448 袁鹏：《国际体系变迁与中国的战略选择》,载《现代国际关系》,2009年第11期,第39-44页。
449 刘江永：《发展中国家兴起改变了时代与世界格局》,载《现代国际关系》,2009年第11期,第24页。
450 Andrew Bolt, "Lee:beware China's rise,' http://blogs.news.com.au/heraldsun/andrewbolt/index.php/heraldsun/comments/lee beware chinas rise/(accessed March 6,2013).
451 See http://www.pmo.gov.sg/content/pmosite/mediacentre/speechesninterviews/primeminister/2012/September/speech by prime ministerleehsienloongatcentralpartvschoolenglish.html (accessed March 20,2013).
452 See Richard Jackson, "The Aging of China," Critical Questions (Washington, D.C.:Center for Strategic and Internationa] Studies. April 20.2010), http://csis.org/files/publication/100420 Jackson AgingChina.pdf (accessed March 6,2013).
453 Walter C. Clemens. "Why Pick a Fight with China?" May 5,2012. http://thediplomat.com/2012/05/05/whv-pick-a-fight-with-china/?all=true (accessed March 6,2013).
454 National Intelligence Council. Global Trends 2030:Alternative Worlds, p.xii.
455 Joseph S. Nye, Jr.,"U.S.-China relationship:A shift in perceptions of power." Los Angeles Times, April 6,2011. http://articles.latimes.com/2011/apr/06/opinion/la-oe-nve-china-20110406 (accessed March 8,2013).
456 Lieberthal, Kenneth & Wang Jisi, Addressing U.S.-China Strategic Distrust (Washington D.C.:The Brookings Institution,2012). pp.vii-viii.
457 Warren Bass, "Book review:"Why Nations Fail,'by Daron Acemoglu and James A. Robinson," The Washington Post, April 20,2012, http://articles.washingtonpost.com/2012-04-20/entertainment/354539181 vast-mineral-wealth-economic-instituti ons-democratic-republic (accessed March 29,2013).
458 National Security Strategy (Washington D.C.:The White House.2010). p.i.
459 Mark J. Perry. "Charting World Shares of GDP," Nov.18,2011. http://seekingalpha.com/article/308958-charting-world-shares-of-gdp (accessed April 8.2013).
460 Jeffrey R. Young, "The New Industrial Revolution," March 25,2013.
461 "The Third Industrial Revolution," The Economist, April 21,2012, http://www.economist.com/node/21553017/print (accessed April 9,2013).
462 In his 2012 State of the Union address. President Obama called for a rollback for tax breaks for American companies that outsource jobs overseas and proposed new tax cuts for manufacturers that build their products stateside. See Holly Bailey, "In State of the Union Address, Obama says' basic American promise'is at risk,' January 24,2012. http://news.yahoo.com/blogs/ticket/highlights-president-obama-2012-state-union-address-000338337.html (accessed April 9,2012).
463 In November 2011. the high-profile announcement of the strategy is accompanied by the extensiveness of the pivot:militarily, the U.S. enhanced its defense cooperation with Australia by planning for rotational deployments of Marines to Darwin; diplomatically, at the East Asia Summit (EAS) Obama stressed Washington's commitment to freedom of navigation and peaceful resolution of the disputes in the South China Sea:economically, Obama announced the blueprint for the ambitious TPP.
464 王缉思：《美国是否将以中国为敌》,载《东方早报》,2011年9月7日,第D20版。
465 U.S. Department of Defense, Annual Report to Congress:Military and Security Developments Involving the People's Republic of China 2013 (Washington D.C.:Department of Defense,2013). p.16.
466 冷溶：《夺取中国特色社会主义新胜利的政治宣言和行动纲领——就党的十八大报告学习体会答(党的文献>记者问》,载《党的文献》,2013年第1期,第30-31页。
467 洪源：《美国重返亚太背景下的“空海一体战”》,载黄平、倪峰主编：《美国问题研究报告(2012)：美国全球及亚洲战略调整》,社会科学文献出版社,2012年5月第一版,第129页。
468 《中国之定力：应对复杂局势的核心所在》,载《人民论坛》,2012年09月(下),第12-33页。
469 马振岗：《当前局势与外交对策》,载《人民论坛》,2012年09月(下),第14-17页。
470 Walden Bello, "Washington Debates the Pivot to Asia," http://www.fpif.org/articles/washington debates the pivot to asia (accessed March 8.2013).
471 Justin Logan, "China, America, and the Pivot to Asia," Policy Analysis, No.717. January 2013. 472 Gary Schmitt and Dan Blumenthal."Rethinking our China strategy," January 27.2013, http://articles.latimes.com/2013/ian/27/opinion/la-oe-schmitt-china-policy-20130127 (accessed April 12,2013).
473 Robert S. Ross, "The Problem with the Pivot:Obama's New Asia Policy Is Unnecessary and Counterproductive," http://www. chinausfocus.com/foreign-pol icy/the-problem-with-the-pivot-obamas-new-asia-policy-is-unnecessary-and-counterproductive/(accessed March 1,2013).
474 Shawn Brimley and Ely Ratncr, "Smart Shift." Foreign Affairs, Vol.92, No.1(January/February 2013), pp.178.
475 Walden Bello, "Washington Debates the Pivot to Asia," http://www.fpif.org/articles/washington debates the pivot to asia (accessed March 8.2013).
476 张清敏：《谨防有害思维误导国人》,载《人民论坛》,2012年09月(下),第19页。
477 乔良：《重振或衰落——美国战略大调整评估》,载黄平、倪峰主编：《美国问题研究报告(2012)：美国全球及亚洲战略调整》,社会科学文献出版社,2012年5月第一版,第86-87页。
478 杨毅：《周边安全需要全方位战略——兼与王缉思教授商榷》,载《环球时报》2012年10月26日,http://news.xinhuanet.com/world/2012-10/26/c 1238752522.htm (accessed March 30,2013).
479 Walden Bello, "'Washington Debates the Pivot to Asia."
480 Yun Sun. "March West:China's Response to the U.S. Rebalancing." January 31.2013. http://www.brookings.edu/blogs/up-front/posts/2013/01/31-china-us-sun (accessed March 30.2013).
481 参见：包蓓蓓：《王缉思：习近平为什么首访俄岁斯》,2013年3月21日,http://www.worldchineseweekly.com/a/guandian/huati/2013/0321/21160.html (accessed March 30,2013).
482 Walter C. Clemens,"Why Pick a Fight with China?' http://thediplomat.com/2012/05/05/why-pick-a-fight-with-china/(accessed March 6.2013).
483 U.S. Department of Defense, Annual Report to Congress:Military and Security Developments Involving the People's Republic of China 2013 (Washington D.C.:Department of Defense,2013). p.15.
484 Dai Bingguo, "China's Peaceful Development Is Good for America," The Wall Street Journal, May 9,2011.
485 "Views from China's Vice President," The Washington Post, February 12,2012. http://articles.washingtonpost.com/2012-02-12/world/354452411 amchamchina-mutual-benefit-chinese-products (accessed March 28,2013).
1 "U.S.-China Joint Statement," January 19.2011, http://www.vvhitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2011/01/19/us-china-joint-statement (accessed March 28,2013).
2 Henry A. Kissinger, "The Future of U.S.-Chinese Relations." Foreign Affairs, Vol.90. No.2 (March/April 2012). http://www.viet-studies.info/kinhte/FA Kissingher China US.htm (accessed March 28,2013).
3 Orville Schell as quoted in "US. China to seek common interests," November 22,2012, http://www.theindependent.co.zw/2012/11/22/us-china-to-seek-common-interests/(accessed April 11.2013).
4 Yan Xuetong, "The Instability of China-US Relations," The Chinese Journal of International Politics. Vol.3 (2010), p.272.
5 See http://www,census.gov/foreign-trade/balance/c5700.html#2012 (accessed April 10,2013). The number is $484.68 billion according to China's General Administration of Customs. See Li Jiabao. "U.S. Stance on China Likely to Remain Tough." February 22.2013. http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/cndv/2013-02/22/content 16246054.htm (accessed April 10,2013).
(?) 楚树龙、应琛：《中美长期关系的两根支柱》,载《现代国际关系》2013年第3期,第2页。
7 Wayne M. Morrison. China-U.S. Trade Issues (Washington D.C.:Congressional Research Service.2012), CRS Report RL 33536, "Summary," www, fas.org/sgp/crs/row/RL33536.pdf (accessed April 10,2013).
8 In this regard. Wu Xinbo's wording is:helping to secure strong, sustainable, and balanced global economic growth. See Wu Xinbo. China and the United States:Core Interests, Common Interests, and Partnership (Washington D.C.:The United States Institute of Peace.2011). p.5.
9 See Wu Xinbo. China and the United States:Core Interests, Common Interests, and Partnership (Washington D.C.:The United States Institute of Peace.2011). p.4. However, according to Patrick Cronin. an Asia expert at the Center for a New American Security and a senior State Department official during the George W. Bush administration, "There are limits to how far China and the U.S. have coincidental interests with regard to North Korea." See Associated Press. "White House focus on Asia bolstered as US, China find common ground against Pyongyang threat," April 5,2013. http://articles,washingtonpost.com/2013-04-05/world/383094251 east-asia-xi-jinping-security-issues/2 (accessed April 11,2013).
10 See "President Hu Jintao's Interview with American Press." January 17,2011. http://www.fmprc.gov.cn/eng/zxxx/t787237.htm (accessed April 10,2013)参见：《中美共同利益大量增加需合作应对挑战》,2012年11月19日http://www.china.com.cn/international/txt/2012-11/19/content 27156527.htm (accessed April 10.2013)《王岐山：中美在产品质量和食品安全有共同利益》,2008年12月04日,http://news.hexun.com/2008-12-04/111986860.html (accessed April 10.2013)《美国问题专家肖炼：奥巴马访华找中美共同利益》,2009年11月17日http://news.eastdav.com/c/20091117/u 1 a4814972.html (accessed April 10,2013).
11 In this regard, Wu Xinbo's wording is:bringing about a global arrangement for environmental concerns. See Wu Xinbo. China and the United Stales:Core Interests, Common Interests, and Partnership (Washington D.C.: The United States Institute of Peace.2011). p.7.
12 Tao Wenzhao, "Common Regional Interests." February 10,2011. http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/thinktank/2011-02/10/content 11973945.htm (accessed April 10.2013).
13 Yan Xuetong, "The Instability of China-US Relations," The Chinese Journal of International Politics, Vol.3 (2010), p.273.
14 Ibid.
15 Yan Xuetong has a totally different view on this by arguing that "There are more mutually unfavorable interests than mutually favorable ones between China and the United States." See Yan Xuetong. "The Instability of China-US Relations." The Chinese Journal of International Politics. Vol.3 (2010). p.272.
16 "President Hu Jintao's Interview with American Press," January 17.2011. http://www.fmprc.gov.cn/eng/zxxx/t787237.htm (accessed April 10.2013).
17 Barack Obama. "US-China Policy Under an Obama Administration." China Brief(AmCham-China, October 2008). www.amchamchina.org/upload/wvsiwyg/ObamaENArticle.pdf (accessed April 11.2013).
18 Susan V. Lawrence & David MacDonald. U.S.-China Relations:Policy Issues (Washington D.C.:Congressional Research Service.2012), CRS Report for Congress R41108. http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/row/R41108.pdf (accessed April 11 2013).
19 Ibid.
20 National Security Strategy (Washington D.C.:The White House,2010), p.3.
21 "U.S.-China Joint Statement," January 19,2011, http://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2011/01/19/us-china-joint-statement (accessed April 11,2013).
22 Dai Bingguo, "China's Peaceful Development Is Good for America,"The Wall Street Journal, May 9,2011. httn://online.wsi.com/article/SB10001424052748703730804576312041320897666.html#articleTabs%3Darticle.
23 Aaron L. Friedberg. "Bucking Beijing," Foreign Affairs, Vol.91. No.5 (September/October 2012). p.49.
24 According to a 2012 PEW Research survey, only 15%of the general public say that China is an enemy; virtually nobody among the expert groups (government officials, retired military officers, business/trade leaders, scholars and news media practitioners) labels China an enemy of the U.S. "U.S. Public, Experts Differ on China Policies," September 18.2012. http://www.pewglobal.org/2012/09/18/chapter-l-how-americans-view-china/ (accessed April 13.2013).
25 See http://www.pewglobal.org/2012/09/18/u-s-public-experts-differ-on-china-policies/(accessed April 13, 2013).
26 "U.S. Public, Experts Differ on China Policies." September 18.2012.
27 U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission,2012 Report to Congress. November 2012. p.26.
28 Anna Yukhananov and Aileen Wang. "Trade, economy top agenda as China's Xi meets U.S."s Lew," March 19, 2013. http://www.reuters.com/article/2013/03/19/us-china-usa-lew-idUSBRE92100Y20130319 (accessed March 29,2013).
29 "Views from China's Vice President," The Washington Post. February 12,2012. http://articles.washingtonpost.com/2012-02-12/world/354452411 amchamchina-mutual-benefit-chinese-products
(accessed March 28.2013).
30 "President Hu Jintao"s Interview with American Press." January 17.2011, http://www.fmprc.gov.cn/eng/zxxx/t787237.htm (accessed February 15.2013).
31 刘亚伟：《不要有太多的“美国阴谋论”》2011年1月http://opinion.huanqiu.com/roll/2011-01/1427202.html (accessed March 28.2012).
32 Dai Bingguo, "China's Peaceful Development Is Good for America," The Wall Street Journal. May 9.2011.
33 Dai Bingguo.'"China's Peaceful Development Is Good for America," The Wall Street Journal. May 9.2011.
34 Anna Yukhananov and Sui-Lee Wee, "New U.S., Chinese officials reach out ahead of talks later this year," March 20,2013, http://www.reuters.com/article/2013/03/20/us-china-usa-idUSBRE92JOLB20130320 (accessed March 28,2013).
35 U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission,2012 Report to Congress, November 2012, p.26.
36 See "US, China should respect each others'core interests," February 16,2012, http://www.china.org.cn/world/Xiiinping visit/2012-02/16/content 24647142.htm (accessed April 11,2013).
37 "U.S.-China Joint Statement," January 19,2011, http://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2011/01/19/us-china-joint-statement (accessed April 11,2013).
38 Ibid.
39 Numbers are based on http://www.tradingeconomics.com/(accessed April 11.2013).
40 《人民日报：传统的粗放型经济增长模式已走到尽头》,2012年11月27日,http://news.ifeng.com/mainland/special/2honggongl8da/content-2/detail 201211/27/19562838 O.shtml? from r alated (accessed April 11.2013).
41 See Tyler Durden, "China:'Aiipocalypse'Now," March 16.2013. http://www.2erohedge.com/news/2013-03-16/china-airpocalypse-now (accessed April 11.2013)参见：若离：《法
巴：中国经济增长模式的“厚德载雾”代价》.2013年3月24日http://wallstreetcn.com/node/23240 (accessed April 11,2013).
42 The latest numbers seem to be heartening. According to figures from the National Bureau of Statistics, of the 7.7-percent GDP growth registered in the first quarter, more than half-or 55.5 percent-was due to consumption, while investment contributed 30.3 percent to growth. Net exports of goods and services only accounted for 14.2 percent. See "Rebalancing Efforts on Track." Beijing Review. Vol.56. No.17 (April 25.2013). p.2.
43 Tao Wenzhao. "China-US Relations Are Now at A New Juncture," December 19,2012, http://www.chinausfocus.com/foreign-policy/china-us-relations-are-now-at-a-new-iuncture/(accessed April 11 2013).
44 楚树龙、应琛：《中美长期关系的两根支柱》,载《现代国际关系》2013年第3期,第1页。
45 "US. China should respect each others'core interests," February 16,2012. http://www.china.org.cn/world/Xiiinping visit/2012-02/16/content 24647142.htm (accessed April 11.2013).
46 See "Xi vows no surrender on'legitimate rights, core interests'," January 30.2013, http://www.china.org.cn/china/2013-01/30/content 27833725.htm (accessed April 10.2013).
47 Information Office of the State Council. China's Peaceful Development. September 2011. http://english.gov.cn/otTicial/2011-09/06/content 19413544.htm (accessed March 19.2013).
48 See Carlyle A. Thayer, "US arms sales to Taiwan:impact on Sino-American relations," October 4.2011, http://www.eastasiaforum.org/2011/10/04/us-arms-sales-to-taiwan-impact-on-sino-american-relations/(accessed April 11.2013).
49 "Tibetan Policy Act of 2002," May 16,2003, http://2001-2009.state.gov/p/eap/rls/rpt/20699.htm (accessed April 4.2013).
50 Pang Guoping. a professor of international laws at Southwest University of Political Science and Law in Chongqing, argues that "it has become necessary for China and the US to sign a fourth joint communique to make it binding on the US to comply with the one-China policy, abolish the Taiwan Relations Act and stop selling arms to Taiwan, as well as to reinforce the previous three communiques." However, we can't expect to get the Taiwan Relations Act abolished through another communique. See Pang Guoping, "China. US need a fourth communique," August 31.2011, http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/opinion/2011-08/31/content 13224748.htm (accessed April 12, 2013).
51 Some commented that, "I think the most obvious thing that U.S. can do, is to reexamine, or abolish the Taiwan Relations Act. Because that is the apparent domestic law that interferes with another country's internal business. And with thai Taiwan Relations Act, U.S. is selling arms, against its promise in the Aug.17th Communique, in which it promised the reduction of arms sales with Taiwan." See http://www.schillerinstitute.org/lar_related/2007/1124 usa china,html#top (accessed April 12.2013).
52 "China officially labels Scnkakus a "core interest'," April 27,2013, http://www.japantimes.co.jp/news/2013/04/27/national/china-officially-labels-senkakus-a-core-interest/#.UXzi9kg S12Y (accessed ApriI 28.2013).
53 As Ian Johnston puts it: 'Concerning whether or not the PRC has officially declared the Diaoyu/Senkaku islands to be a "core interest", the source of this story, a Kyodo report, accurately reports that the PRC Foreign Ministry spokesperson stated on April 26, "Of course, the Diaoyudao are part of China's core interests." But Kyodo does not report that the official transcripts of the spokesperson's remarks removed this sentence. The transcripts officially state that''...China resolutely upholds the nation's core interests, including national sovereignty, national security, territorial integrity etc. The Diaoyudao issue touches on China's territorial sovereignty." This is about as close to saying that the islands are part of core interests without, however, saying it. It is possible that the PRC spokesperson strayed a bit from the official position. The official record reflects official policy. This particular formulation - "touches on territorial sovereignty"-probably reflects a dilemma the PRC government faces. It cannot say the Diaoyudao/Senkaku are not a core interest. This would create domestic problems for the regime. But it cannot say explicitly that the islands are a core interest, because this could constrain any future space for negotiation. A critical piece of evidence will be whether or not the PRC drops the demand for negotiations with Japan over the islands. If it does, then this would be consistent with an official declaration that the islands are a core interest. If it continues to demand negotiations, this would be consistent with the official position of not (yet) directly stating the islands are a core interest." See http://www.japantimes.co.jp/news/2013/04/27/national/china-officially-labels-senkakus-a-core-interest/#.UXzi9kq S12Y (accessed April 28,2013).
54 Cui made the remarks in response to U.S. Defense Secretary Chuck Hagel's unfounded assertion on the dispute between Japan and China over the Diaoyu Islands. Addressing a joint news conference on April 29,2013 with visiting Japanese Defense Minister Itsunori Onodera, Hagel claimed that the U.S."opposes any unilateral or coercive action that seeks to undermine Japan's administrative control, a message (Chairman of the U.S. Joint Chiefs of Staff) General (Martin) Dempsey conveyed to his counterparts last week in Beijing." See "Japan, not China, taking "unilateral or coercive actions'on Diaoyu Islands dispute:Chinese envoy," April 30.2013, http://news.xinhuanet.com/english/china/2013-05/01/c 132352059.htm (accessed May 7.2013).
55 台湾大学政治系教授石之瑜认为,“核心利益不可能太多,而且应该具体,否则没有公信力。”参见：石之瑜：《中国外交总是要靠最后摊牌?》,2012年7月2日,http://www.21ccom.net/articles/qqsw/zlwi/anicle 2012070262939.html (accessed April 12.2013).
56 National Security Strategy (Washington D.C.:The White House,2010), p.7.
57 楚树龙、应琛：《中美长期关系的两根支柱》,载《现代国际关系》2013年第3期,第6页。
58 楚树龙、应琛：《中美长期关系的两根支柱》,载《现代国际关系》2013年第3期,第7页。
59 See Wang Yusheng, "Can China and the U.S. Build a New Relationship?" January 23,2013, http://www.chinausfocus.com/foreign-policy/can-china-and-the-u-s-build-a-new-relationship/(accessed April 12, 2013).
60 See Ruan Zongze. "A Historic Opportunity to Establish a New Type of Great Power Relationship between China and the United States," December 31,2012, http://www.ciis.ora.cn/english/2012-12/31/content 5638120.htm (accessed April 12.2013).
61 参见：楚树龙、应琛：《中美长期关系的两根支柱》,载《现代国际关系》2013年第3期,第6页。
62 参见：楚树龙、应琛：《中美长期关系的两根支柱》,载《现代国际关系》2013年第3期,第7页。
63 Andrew J. Nathan & Andrew Scobell, "How China Sees America:The Sum of Beijing's Fears," Foreign Affairs, Vol.91, No.5 (September/October 2012). p.32.
64 Ibid., p.33.
65 Tao Wenzhao, "Building a New Model for the China-US Relationship," May 7.2012, http://www.chinausfocus.com/foreign-policy/to-build-new-type-great-power-relationship/(accessed April 12, 2013).
66 According to a CRS report, "Making the challenge harder is the fact that the U.S.-China relationship remains dogged by longstanding mutual mistrust. That mistrust stems in part from the two countries'very different political systems. Many in the United States are uncomfortable with China's authoritarian system of government and sometimes brutal suppression of dissent, and see continued Communist Party rule in a post-Cold War world as an anachronism. Some in China believe that the United States seeks to destabilize China, with the goal of foisting multi-party democracy upon it and pushing the Communist Party from power. The two countries'different economic models have led to mistrust, too. Some in the United States believe that China has achieved its economic successes by playing by a different, and not always fair, set of rules. Such critics point to the heavy role of the Chinese state in the Chinese economy, the PRC's strong reliance on exports for growth, and its policy of keeping China's currency artificially weak, in part to make Chinese exports more attractive to importing nations. Other points of contention include Chinese industrial policies that appear to be intended to help Chinese domestic firms scale the value chain by discriminating against foreign firms, and China's inability or unwillingness to prevent violations of foreign intellectual property by Chinese entities. For their part. PRC officials have criticized the United States for its high levels of consumption, low savings rate, long-term debt, and alleged protectionism. Mistrust is particularly pronounced on security matters. The United States government sees China's military modernization as aimed, in part, at constraining the U.S. military's freedom of movement in Asia and deterring U.S. intervention in the case of Chinese use of force against Taiwan, the self-ruled island of 23 million people over which China claims sovereignty. It also sees China's disputes with its neighbors over territory in the South China Sea and the East China Sea as threatening to undermine the stability upon which the prosperity of the region depends. A wave of cyber intrusions originating from China have also undermined trust. For its part. China's government is unnerved by the late 2011 announcement of a U.S. rebalancing toward Asia, seeing it as aimed at strengthening the hands of China's neighbors in their disputes with China, constraining the activities of the Chinese military throughout Asia, and even signaling that the United States views China as a potential future enemy. Other sources of grievance include U.S. policy toward Taiwan-many in China see the United States as intent on thwarting the PRC's unification with Taiwan-and surveillance activities undertaken by the U.S. military along China's coast." See Susan V. Lawrence & David MacDonald, U.S.-China Relations: Policy Issues (Washington D.C.:Congressional Research Service.2012). CRS Report for Congress R41108. pp.1-2. http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/row/R41108.pdf (accessed April 11 2013).
67 Tao Wenzhao, "Building a New Model for the China-US Relationship," May 7,2012.
68 楚树龙、应琛：《中美长期关系的两根支柱》,载《现代国际关系》2013年第3期,第7页。
69 Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton, "Remarks at Strategic and Economic Dialogue U.S. Press Conference." Beijing. China. May 4.2012, http://www.state.gov/secretary/rm/2012/05/189315.htm (accessed April 12.2013).
70 楚树龙、应琛：《中美长期关系的两根支柱》,载《现代国际关系》2013年第3期,第8页。
71 This vision is not only for the future Sino-U.S. relations but also for the bilateral relationships between China and other great powers such as Russia.
72 Sun Ru, "China's New Vision of Relations with the US," March 5,2013, http://www.chinausfocus.com/foreign-policy/chinese-leaders-new-vision-of-relations-with-the-us/(accessed April 12,2013).
73 See Congressional Record-House, April 9,2008, H2127, http://beta.congress.gov/crec/2008/04/09/CREC-2008-04-09-ptl-PgH2127-2.pdf (accessed April 27,2013).
74 Clifford A. Kiracofe. "Building on Past Success," May 11,2012. http:/www.bjreview.com.cn/Cover_Stories_Series_2012/2012-05/11/content_452859.htm (accessed April 27, 2013).
75 Clifford A. Kiracofe. "Building on Past Success," May 11.2012.
76 Clifford A. Kiracofe, "Building on Past Success," May 11,2012.
77 Clifford A. Kiracofe, "Building on Past Success," May 11,2012. Here, he refers to John McCain's 2008 proposal for a League of Democracies, which caused a debate in the United States. Proponents of this new grouping see it as a mechanism to legitimize the American use of foree when the United Nations fails to authorize collective action, and as a vehicle to strengthen the forces of democracy in the face of rising authoritarian states, such as China and Russia. Critics see it as a dangerous idea-potentially subverting the UN and creating divisions among the great powers precisely when the US should be building closer ties. However, the notion of "concert of democracies" was first put forward by G. John Ikenberry and Anne-Marie Slaughter in the final report of the Princeton Project on National Security in 2006. In 2008, Ikenberry and Slaughter published a piece in Financial Times in which they argue that "both sides of this debate have failed to see the true promise and role of greater co-operation among the world's leading democracies. The pre-eminent need today is not an exclusive club of democracies, but renewal of the world's global architecture-the UN, Bretton Woods and the Group of Eight leading nations. It is in the context of this larger agenda that a Concert of Democracies can be helpful." See G. John Ikenberry and Anne-Marie Slaughter. Forging a World of Liberty Under Law:U.S. National Security In The 21st Century, Final Report of the Princeton Project on National Security. September 27.2006. http://www.princeton.edu/-ppns/report/FinalReport.pdf (accessed April 27.2013):Anne-Marie Slaughter and John Ikenberry, "Democracies must work in concert," July 10,2008, http://www.ft.com/intl/cms/s/0/fd9e2fdc-4e7f-lldd-ba7c-000077b07658.html#axzz2Rd7uxFXJ (accessed April 27, 2013); For more about this notion, see Ivo H. Daalder, "Who and Why:The Conceit of Democracies," December 15,2006, http://www.brookings.edu/research/opinions/2006/12/15diplomacv-daalder (accessed April 27.2013): James D. Fearson, "An International Organization for Democracies? Accreditation versus a eague'." July 15, 2009, www.stanford.edu/-ifearon/papers/demleague4.doc (accessed April 27.2013).
78 See Yu Lintao, "Building a "Special Relationship'." Beijing Review. Vol.56, No.17 (April 25.2013), p.18.
79 Jia Xiudong, as quoted in Yu Lintao, "Building a'Special Relationship'," Beijing Review, Vol.56, No.17 (April 25,2013), p.18.
80 Sun Ru, "China's New Vision of Relations with the US," March 5,2013. According to Michael Swaine, there is an extreme strategic approach to China that "moves significantly toward a zero-sum strategy by seeking to create a grand coalition of democracies explicitly designed to counter what, according to it, is a growing Chinese challenge to the United States and all democratic nations. This approach views Beijing as deliberately attempting to undermine the West by promoting a potent countermodel to democracy that combines an authoritarian political apparatus with a neomercantilist economic order. And this approach clearly assumes that the forces driving competition and confrontation between China and the United States will increasingly predominate over those forces driving cooperation. In response, it calls for the United States to lead in the formation and steady expansion of a political-security-economic consortium of democracies. It also calls for a major increase in the capacity of the United States and its allies to deter China from using its growing military power to fundamentally alter the existing distribution of military power globally, and especially in the Asia-Pacific region, largely through major increases in military spending designed to sustain U.S. military predominance in the Western Pacific. See Michael Swaine, America's Challenge:Engaging a Rising China in the Twenty-First Century (Washington D.C.:Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.2011). pp.30-31.
81 Michael S. Chase, "China's Search for a "New Type of Great Power Relationship'," China Brief. Vol.12. No.17. (September 7.2012). p.14. http://www.iamestown.org/uploads/media/cb 09 04.pdf (accessed April 12.2013). The author bases this point on his reading of Cui Tiankai and Pang Hanzhao's article published in China International Strategy Review 2012 (Beijing:Foreign Language Press.2012). Sec http://www.fmprc.gov.cn/eng/zxxx/t953682.htm (accessed April 12.2013):For the original Chinese article, see http://www.gov.cn/gzdt/att/att/sitel/20120720/1 c6f6506c2381173639bO 1.doc (accessed April 12.2013).
82 U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission.2012 Report to Congress, November 2012, p.26.
83 Martin S. Indyk, Kenneth G. Liberlhal and Michael E. O'Hanlon. Beyond History:Barack Obama's Foreign Policy (Washington D.C.:Brookings Institution Press.2012), p.62.
84 Yang Jiemian. "China's Vision of New Type of Major Power Relations with US." April 9,2013, http://www.chinausfocus.com/foreign-policy/chinas-new-vision-of-new-type-of-major-power-relations-with-the-us /(accessed April 12.2013).
85 Cui Tiankai and Pang Hanzhao, "China-US Relations in China's Overall Diplomacy in the New Era:On China and US Working Together to Build a New-Type Relationships Between Major Countries." July 20,2012, http://www.fmprc.gov.cn/eng/zxxx/t953682.htm (accessed April 12.2013).
86 David M. Lampton, "The United States and China in the Age of Obama:Looking Each Other Straight in the Eyes,"Journal of Contemporary China, Vol.18. No.62 (2009), pp.703-727.
87 "To improve relations. US must respect China's core interests," July 14,2011. http://english.people.com.cn/90001/90780/91343/7440158.html (accessed April 12,2013).
88 According to Martin Jacques, "There has always been an asymmetry at the heart of the relationship. China once needed the American market, and its co-operation, more than America needed China. From the outset of the reform programme, Deng Xiaoping made it clear that American co-operation would be a precondition of its success. But the balance of power has now been transformed and, whether or not it chooses to recognise the fact, the US needs Chinese co-operation as much as China needs the US's." so the United States needs to recognize China as an equal partner. See Martin Jacques, "Global recovery rests on a fresh US approach to China," The Guardian, Friday 13,2009. http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2009/feb/13/china-economics-martin-iacques (accessed April 12, 2013).
89 Martin Jacques, "Global recovery rests on a fresh US approach to China." The Guardian, Friday 13,2009.
90 As a prerequisite to join the World Trade Organization, China has received a number of restrictive clauses, one of which is China's accession to the World Trade Organization within 15 years, its market economy status could not be recognized around the world. In other words, only by 2016 China's market economy status to be automatically recognized. However, in 2004 New Zealand officially recognized China's market economy status, which is the first country to do so. So far, some more than 80 countries and regions recognize China's market economy status, but the world's major developed countries like the U.S. do not recognize China's market economy status.
91 参见：《中美商贸联委会议敦促美国平等对待中国企业赴美投资》,2011年11月21日,http://china.cnr.cn/gdgg/201111/t20111121 508811782.shtml
92 One case in point is the Chen Guangcheng incident, which raised serious concerns in China about whether the US is becoming more disrespectful of China and increasingly meddling in China's domestic problems. See Shi Yinhong, quoted in Teddy Ng, "Respect Our Path, China Tells U.S.," August 15,2012, http://www.scmp.com/article/1000038/respect-our-path-china-tells-us (accessed April 12,2013).
93 Yang Jiemian, "China's Vision of New Type of Major Power Relations with US," Apri19,2013.
94 However, in the so-called honeymoon decade between 1979 and 1988 there was virtually no crisis at all in Sino-U.S. relations. See Yang Jiemian, "Crisis Management and U.S.-China Relations," January 09.2004, http://www.international.ucla.edu/article.asp'?parentid=6171 (accessed April 12.2013).
95 See Yang Jiemian. "Crisis Management and U.S.-China Relations," January 09,2004.
96 Wu Xinbo, Managing Crisis and Sustaining Peace between China and the United States (Washington D.C. United States lnstitute of Peace.2008). p.29. http://wwwv.usip.org/files/resources/PW61 FinalAprl6.pdf (accessed April 12.2013).
91 Hao Yufan as quoted in "Living With the World." Beijing Review. Vol.56, No.16 (April 18.2013), p.23.
98 Wang Jisi, quoted in "What is the future of Sino-U.S. relations?", November 12,2009, http://news.xinhuanet.com/english/2009-11/12/content 12443271.htm (accessed April 12,2013).
99 "U.S. Public, Experts Differ on China Policies." September 18,2012. http://www.pewglobal.org/2012/09/18/chapter-l-how-americans-view-china/(accessed April 13.2013).
100 See http://www.pewglobal.org/2012/09/18/u-s-public-experts-differ-on-china-policies/(accessed April 13, 2013).
101 "U.S.-China Relations:Key Data Points from Pew Research." February 7,2013. http://www.pewresearch.org/2013/02/07/u-s-china-relations-kev-data-points-from-pew-research/(accessed April 13,2013).
102 Bruce Drake,"China and Cyber Attacks:A Top Concern of U.S. Experts," February 11.2013. http://www.pewglobal.org/2013/02/11/china-and-cyber-attacks-a-top-concern-of-u-s-experts/(accessed April 13, 2013).
103 Bruce Drake, "American, Chinese Publics Increasingly Wary of the Other."November 1,2012. http://www.pewglobal.org/2012/11/01/american-chinese-publics-increasingly-warv-of-the-other/(accessed April 13,2013).
104 Wu Xinbo. Managing Crisis and Sustaining Peace between China and the United States (Washington D.C. United States Institute of Peace,2008). p.23.
105 According to Wu Xinbo, "A careful examination of these past crises reveals salient characteristics of both Chinese and U.S. crisis management, revealing commonality and distinctiveness in their respective practices. For example, on one hand, both sides tend to take steps to pressure for concessions during crisis, which only escalates crisis and heightens tensions. Additionally, both sides face the pressures of domestic politics during a crisis, thereby complicating the decision-making process of the two governments in resolving it. On the other hand, China emphasizes the preservation of sovereignty and national dignity in its approach to a crisis and places great significance on symbolic gestures, while the United States demonstrates a strong utilitarian tendency in responding to crisis and puts strong import on direct communication." See Wu Xinbo, Managing Crisis and Sustaining Peace between China and the United States (Washington D.C:United States Institute of Peace.2008). p.1. Xia Liping also compares the mechanisms of China-U.S. crisis management decision-making, see Xia Liping,"Crisis Management in the Relationship Between China and the United States," International Review, Vol.45 (Winter 2006). pp.61-86.
106 Bruce Drake. "American. Chinese Publics Increasingly Wary of the Other." November 1,2012. http://wwvv.pevvglobal.org/2012/11/01/american-chinese-publics-increasinglv-warv-of-the-other/(accessed April 13,2013).
107 See Tao Wenzhao, "China-US Relations Are Now at A New Juncture," December 19,2012:Xia Liping, "Crisis Management in the Relationship Between China and the United States." International Review, Vol.45 (Winter 2006). pp.61-86. http://www.siis.org.cn/Sh_Yi_Cms/Mgz/200604/2008724231858HNBH.PDF (accessed April 12, 2013).
108 See Xia Liping. "Crisis Management in the Relationship Between China and the United States," International Review, Vol.45 (Winter 2006). p.86.
109 Kevin Rudd, "Beyond the Pivot:A New Road Map for U.S.-Chinese Relations." Foreign Affairs, Vol.92, No.2 (March/April 2013), p.9.
110 Ibid.
111 According to Michael Swaine. some U.S. policy observers and participants highlight the deterrence side of U.S. security policy and argue that the United States should treat China as an actual or likely adversary. They point to China's ambitious military modernization program, along with its supposed efforts to reduce U.S. influence in various regional multilateral forums and organizations, as providing prima facie evidence of Beijing's intent to achieve military and political predominance in the Asia-Pacific region, at the expense of the United States. Their conclusion is that China is fully engaged in an intense zero-sum strategic competition that directly challenges American interests. See Michael Swaine, America's Challenge:Engaging a Rising China in the Twenty-First Century (Washington D.C.:Carnegie Endowment for International Peace,2011). p.148.
112 Michael Swaine. America's Challenge:Engaging a Rising China in the Twenty-First Century (Washington D.C.:Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.2011), pp.150-151.
113 Warren 1. Cohen, America's Response to China.5th ed. (New York:Columbia University Press.2010), p.292.
114 Kevin Rudd, "Beyond the Pivot:A New Road Map for U.S.-Chinese Relations," Foreign Affairs, Vol.92. No.2 (March/April 2013). p.13.
115 According to several scholars at the Brookings Institution, there has been deep distrust of'America's overall intentions in China. China is convinced that America, as the most powerful country in the world, must be working actively to slow down or disrupt China's own rise. At both popular and elite levels, this underlying perception leads the Chinese to believe that every American action is in some way part of a strategic, disciplined, highly coordinated set of initiatives to entangle China in responsibilities that will distract it from its development tasks, exacerbate its relations with its neighbors, and increase the changes of instability, which America will then seize upon to effect the collapse of the Chinese Communist Party. See Martin S. lndyk, Kenneth G. Liberthal and Michael E. O'Hanlon, Beyond History:Barack Obama's Foreign Policy (Washington D.C.:Brookings Institution Press.2012), p.29. According to Hao Yufan."[t]he United States chooses to believe that China has a well-crafted strategy, and its ultimate purpose is to replace the United States as the hegemonic power of the world. But in fact, China appears to take only a responsive approach in its diplomacy. China's overall strategy for the future is to ensure that it will be able to secure its rise in an increasingly complex and probably worsening external environment. Such an expected rise is not to overtake or to replace the United States on the international stage, but to build a stable and well-off society." See Hao Yufan as quoted in "Living With the World," Beijing Review, Vol.56. No.16 (April 18.2013). p.23. According to David Lampton. there are four sources of mutual strategic mistrust that, if insufficiently attended to by Washington and Beijing, will metastasize:(1) defining the challenge of U.S.-China relations in such a manner that there is no "win-win" solution, (2) miscalculating U.S. and Chinese power, (3) desires in China to "change the game," and (4) challenge and response dynamics. These four phenomena create a toxic mix that is corrosive to mutual trust and conducive to higher levels of future conflict if inadequately addressed in both nations. See David M. Lampton, Power Constrained:Sources of Mutual Strategic Suspicion in U.S.-China Relations. NBR Analysis 93 (Seattle:National Bureau of Asian Research.2010). http://www.nbr.org/publictions/nbranalysis/pd172010_US_China.pdf (accessed May 7.2013).
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《美再迷恋冷战思维只能导致更大的战略挫折》,http://www.cdrb.com.cn/html/2010-08/14/content 1025973.htm.
漆菲.徐鑫：《南海五大争议解析：中国应建立国家海事委员会》,载《凤凰周刊》,http://news.ifeng.com/shendu/flizk/detail 201108/30/8790523 O.shtml? from ralated,
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《人民日报：传统的粗放型经济增长模式己走到尽头》,2012年11月27日,http://news.ifeng.com/mainland/special/zhonggong18da/content-2/detail 201211/27/195628380 .shtml? from ralated.
石之瑜：《中国外交总是要靠最后摊牌?》,2012年7月2日,http://www.21ccom.net/articles/qqsw/zlwi/article 2012070262939.html.
《陶文钊谈奥巴马访华：美国看到了中国的崛起不可阻挡》,http://news.xinhuanet.com/world/2009-11/11/content 12431017 3.htm.
田文林：《“战略焦虑”使美国亚太外交陷歧途》,载《人民日报(海外版)》,2012年07月19日, http://theory.people.com.cn/n/2012/0719/cl36457-18549104.html.
《外交部发言人答记者问时说江主席此次访美非常成功》,载《人民日报》,1997年11月5日第四版,http://www.people.com.cn/item/ldhd/Jiangzm/1998/chufang/1997meiguo/cf0049.html。
王缉思：《美国是否将以中国为敌》,载《东方早报》,2011年9月7日,第D20版。
《王岐山：中美在产品质量和食品安全有共同利益》,2008年12月04日,http://news.hexun.com/2008-12-04/111986860.html.
王义桅：《防止美国过快衰落将成未来中国外交最大挑战》,载《环球时报》,2006年8月10,第11版。http://news.xinhuanet.com/world/2006-08/12/content 4951919.htm.
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温宪：《美国非法移民可望有条件“落户口”》,载《人民日报》2013年1月30日,第003版。
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吴心伯：《“中国热”烫醒了美国人》,载《环球时报》,http://news.xinhuanet.com/world/2007-12/23/content 7298119 1.htm.
吴正龙：《美为何放松移民政策》,载《解放日报》2013年2月4日,第007版。
杨毅：《周边安全需要全方位战略——兼与王缉思教授商榷》,载《环球时报》2012年10月26日,http://news.xinhuanet.com/world/2012-10/26/c_123875252_2.htm.
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张朋辉：《美国国家认同的挑战》,载《人民日报》,2013年2月22日第003版。
《中美共同利益大量增加需合作应对挑战》,2012年11月19日,http://www.china.com.cn/international/txt/2012-11/19/content 27156527.htm.
《中美“蜜月期”可能结束》,2005年06月13日,http://news.sina.com.cn/w/2005-06-13/15376159757s.shtml.
《中美商贸联委会议敦促美国平等对待中国企业赴美投资》,2011年11月21日,http://china.cnr.cn/gdgg/201111/t2011112 1508811782.shtml.
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2 Kenneth Lieberthal, "Lessons of the 40 years since Nixon went to China," http://edition.cnn.com/2012/02/21/opinion/lieberthal-china-us-40-years/index.html (accessed September 10,2012).
3 Sebatian Hamisch, Cornelia Frank, and Hanns W. Maull,"Introduction," in Sebatian Harnisch. Cornelia Frank, and Hanns W. Maull. eds.. Role Theory in International Relations:Approaches and Analysis (New York: Routledge,2011),p.l. 4 Ibid.
5 The following paragraphs are based on Andrew J. Nathan and Robert S.Ross. The Great Wall and the Empty Fortress:China s Search for Security (New York:W.W. Norton,1997).
6 However, it cannot be said that the Sino-USSR split was the result of this strategy, that is, there is not a causal relationship between the strategy and the split. The fundamental reason behind the split was "the structural drawback inherent in the alliance relations in the socialist camp参见：沈志华：《中苏盟破裂的原因和结果》,载《中共党史研究》,2007年第2期,第29-42页But Chen Jian maintains that "the split was not caused by uncompromising conflicts in national interests but rather by different understandings and interpretations of the same ideology." See Chen Jian. Mao's China and the Cold War (Chapel Hill. NC:University of North Carolina Press,2001), p.9.
7 The questions and answers were such:Q:What area of international policy would you change immediately? A: Our relationship with China. The President has called the relationship with China a strategic partnership. I believe our relationship needs to be redefined as competitor. Competitors can find areas of agreement, but we must make it clear to the Chinese that we don't appreciate any attempt to spread weapons of mass destruction around the world, that we don't appreciate any threats to our friends and allies in the Far East. Source:GOP Debate on the Larry King Show Feb 15,2000.
According to David J. Frum. by the 1990s, "strategic ambiguity" had long ceased to make any sense at all. But Bush's speech on April 24.2001 stuck to the familiar talking points on China:China is not an enemy:we support the One China policy that denies Taiwan's right to statehood; the surveillance flights will resume. But when interviewed. Bush dropped the talking points and spoke with startling candor:Q:If Taiwan were attacked by China, do we have an obligation to defend the Taiwanese? A:Yes, we do. and the Chinese must understand that. Q:With the full force of the American military? A:Whatever it took to help Taiwan defend herself. "'Strategic ambiguity" was dead. Bush's words uncorked a whole jugful of complaints from allies, commentators, and foreign-policy wisemen. Unprompted by his own administration-and to the horror of much of his own foreign-policy bureaucracy-Bush was informing the Chinese and the world that the tire marshals had returned to duty in East Asia. Source:David Frum. The Right Man:The Surprise Presidency of George W. Bush, An Inside Account (New York: Random House.2003). pp.78-81.
9 Warren I. Cohen, America s Response to China:A History of Sino-American Relations.5th ed. (New York: Columbia University Press.2010). p.269.
10 Ibid., p.287.
" Cited in Warren I. Cohen, America's Response to China:A History of Sino-American Relations,5th ed. (New York:Columbia University Press,2010), p.289
12 Cheryl Kaften, "US Commerce votes in favor of duties for Chinese PV manufacturers,"'October 11,2012, http://www.pv-magazine.com/news/details/beitrag/us-commerce-votes-in-favor-of-duties-for-chinese-pv-manufact urers 100008801/#axzz2BbtAtYHs (accessed November 8,2012). More anti-dumping investigations against such Chinese products as tires, medical products, wind power products and diamond saws have been carried out by the United States in recent years.
13 Eric Min, "US trade panel approves duties on China solar products," November 8,2012. http://www.morningwhistle.com/html/2012/Company Industry 1108/215182.html (accessed November.8,2012).
14 During a media briefing on Oct.18. Sany Group said that "a decree from U.S. President Obama has deeply hurt the enthusiasm of Chinese enterprises investing in the United States." Ralls has brought a lawsuit against President Obama and CFIUS to the U.S. Federal District Court. The case hearing will be held November.28. However, the possibility of winning the lawsuit is still unclear, according to Sany Group, its investment into the U.S. is long-term and is not capable of posing any threat to U.S. national security. See http://www.china.org.cn/business/2012-10/22/content 26870741.htm (accessed November 8.2012).
15 Zach Honig, "Huawei blocked from first responder network contract, US cites'national security concerns'. October 14,2011. http://www.engadget.com/2011/10/14/huawei-blocked-from-first-responder-network-contract-us-cites/#disgus thr ead (accessed November 8.2012).
16 Ibid.
17 Warren I. Cohen, op. cit.. p.290.
]8 Warren I. Cohen, op. cit.. p.291.
19 "China, U.S agree bilateral relations as "most important'." January 12,2009, http://english.people.com.cn/90001/90776/90883/6572553.html (accessed September 11.2012).
20 See Jia Qingguo. "From Asymmetry to Symmetry:A Historical Perspective of China-US People to People Exchange,' http://www.chinausfocus.com/foreign-policv/from-asymmetry-to-symmetry-a-historical-perspective-of-people-to-people-exchange-between-china-and-the-us/(accessed October 18,2012).
21 Fareed Zakaria, observes that over the last five hundred years, the world has seen three tectonic power shifts:(1) the rise of the Western world that resulted in modernity as we know it (brought on by science and technology, commerce and capitalism, and the agricultural and industrial revolutions):(2) the rise and dominance of the United States towards the end of the nineteenth century in the areas of global economics, politics, science, and culture; and (3) the rise of "the rest," by virtue of global growth that has dispersed power and influence and contributed to the creation of a truly global order-one defined by and directed from many places and by many people. See Fareed Zakaria, The Post-American World (New York:W. W. Norton & Company,2008), pp.1-2.
22 Fareed Zakaria argues that "[t]he world is moving from anger to indifference, from anti-Americanism to post-Americanism. The fact that new powers are more strongly asserting their interests is the reality of the post-American world. It also raises the political conundruin of how to achieve international objectives in a world of many actors, state and nonstate." See The Post-American World, pp.36-37.
2j Hillary Clinton, "America's Pacific Century,"http://www.state.gov/secretary/rm/2011/11/176999.htm (accessed September 12.2012).
24 "Chinese military official meets US Pacific commander."http://www.globaltimes.cn/content/729999.shtml (accessed September 12.2012).
25 "A Proper Pivot toward Asia." July 15.2012. http://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/a-proper-pivot-toward-asia/2012/07/14/gJOA9Y8pkW print.html (accessed September 12.2012).
26 Department of Defense of the United States of America. Sustaining U.S. Global Leadership:Priorities for 21st Century Defense, January 2012.
27 For the role of the U.S. government in the dispute between China and Japan over the Diaoyu Islands, see Jean-Marc F. Blanchard, "The U.S. Role in the Sino-Japanese Dispute over the Diaoyu (Senkaku) Islands, 1945-1971," The China Quarterly, No.161 (Mar.,2000). pp.95-123.
28 Gideon Rachman, "The risk of US-China conflict," August 22,2012. http://blogs.ft.com/the-world/2012/08/the-risk-of-us-chinese-conflict/(accessed September 13,2012).
29 See http://english.kyodonevvs.jp/news/2012/07/168715.html (accessed September 13,2012).
30 Keith Johnson and Carol E. Lee, "China Tensions on the Rise," Wall Street Journal, September 17,2012, http://online.wsi.com/article/SB10000872396390443816804578002603417771588.html?mod=googlenews wsi (accessed September 18,2012). However, China has never defined herself as a superpower.
31 Ibid. However, different surveys have different findings in the favorability issue:the Committee of 1002012 survey finds that 55%of Americans holds favorable impression of China, and the Gallup poll and the ABC News/WashPost poll find that 42%and 37%of American hold favorable opinions of China. The favorability ratings average out to be less than 50%, that is. more than half of Americans have an unfavorable view of China. See Damien Ma. "Friend/Foe:The Contradictions is How Americans and Chinese See Each Other." http://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2012/07/friend-foe-the-contradictions-in-how-americans-and-chi nese-see-each-other/259710/(accessed September 18.2012).
32 Susan L. Shirk, China:Fragile Superpower (New York:Oxford University Press.2007). p.4.
33 Jia Qingguo. "From Asymmetry to Symmetry:A Historical Perspective of China-US People to People Exchange." September 25,2012, http://www.chinausfocus.com/print/?id=20475 (accessed October 11.2012).
34 David Shambaugh, "US-Chinese Relations Take a New Direction?-Part I," YalcGlobal ONLINE. January 24, 2011 (emphasis original). http://yaleelobal.yale.edu/print/6798 (accessed October 10.2012).
35 A. Doak Barnett. China and the Major Powers in East Asia (Washington D.C.:The Brookings Institution,1977), p.212.
36 Harold R. Isaacs. Scratches On Our Minds:American Views of China and India (Armonk, New York:M.E. Sharpe, Inc.,1980). p.64.
37 Christopher A. Ford. China Views America:Aspiration, Opposition, and the Telos of China's Return (Washington D.C.:Hudson Institute.2012). p.1.
38 Jia Qingguo. op. cit.
39 David Shambaugh. Beautiful Imperialist:China Perceives America (Princeton:Princeton University Press, 1991), p.3. It is obvious that "amity and enmity" is just another way of saying "love and hate."
40 Ibid., pp.4,303.
41 Julia Chang Bloch. "Americas'Love-Hate Relationship with China," pp.3-5. http://www.sinoss.net/qikan/uploadfile/2010/1130/949.pdf (accessed October 11,2012).
4-Harry Harding, A Fragile Relationship:The United Slates and China Since 1972 (Washington D.C.:The Brookings Institution.1992). pp.9-10.
A'See Jia Qingguo, "Review of The Making of China Policy:From Normalization to the Post-Cold War Era; The Fragile Relationship:The United States and China Since 1972," The Australia Journal of Chinese Affairs, No.31 (Jan.,1994), p.160.
44 Xiaoming Huang, "Managing Fluctuations in U.S.-China Relations:World Politics, National Priorities, and Policy Leadership," Asian Survey. Vol.40, No.2 (Mar.-Apr..2000). p.293.
45 Ibid., p.274.
46 Ibid., p.291. Emphasis in original.
47 蔡翠红：《影响未来中美关系发展之因素》,载《美国问题研究》(第六缉),时事出版社2007年版,第230页。Translations are all mine except otherwise indicated.
48 余维海、李从娜：《美国对华政策的政治制度因素分析》,载《江苏社会主义学院学报》.2006年第2期(总第40期),第62-64负。
49 袁鹏：《关于构建中美新型大国关系的战略思考》,载《现代国际关系》,2012年第5期,第3页。
50 Yan Xuetong, "The Instability of China-US Relations," The Chinese Journal of International Politics, Vol.3, No.3(2010), p.263该论文的中文版参见：阎学通：《对中美关系不稳定性的分析》,载《世界经济与政治》,2010年第12期,第4-30页。
51 Ibid., p.266.
52 Ibid., p.280. The word "knowledge" is used instead of "perception." but in the Chinese version, the author uses
“认知(Renzhi)." so I prefer the word "perception."
53 Alastair lain Johnston. "Stability and Instability in Sino-US Relations:A Response to Yan Xuetong's Superficial Friendship Theory," The Chinese Journal oj International Politics, Vol.4,2011. p.5. Alastair lain Johnston comments that "Yan's basic hypothesis appears to be that superficial friendship generates excessive disappointment due to excessive optimism. This, in turn, accounts for the ups and downs in the US-China relationship, particularly since the end of the Cold War. The claim makes intuitive sense. But the argument could be strengthened theoretically by grounding it more solidly in psychological research." He then offers an alternative to explain the ups and downs of the relations, that is. a security dilemma theory. He also touches upon social identity theory and the role of identity differences in determining future relations.
54 Ibid., p.14.
55 David Campbell. Writing Security:United Stales Foreign Policy and the Politics of Identity (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press,1998). According to Glenn Chafetz, Writing Security is one of the best known examples of the postmodern approach. See Glenn Chafetz, Michael Spirtas, and Benjamin Frankel, "Introduction: Tracing the Influence of Identity on Foreign Policy," in Glenn Chafetz et al, eds.. The Origins of National Interests (Portland. OR:Frank Cass Publishers.1999), p.xviii.
56 Maxym Alexandrov, "The Concept of State Identity in International Relations:A Theoretical Analysis." Journal of International Development and Cooperation. Vol.10. No.1 (2003). p.47.
17 Ibid.
58 Henry R. Nau, At Home Abroad:National Identity and American Foreign Policy (ithaca, N.Y.:Cornell University Press.2002). p.5.
59 Ibid, p.6.
60 Ibid.
61 Ibid.
62 Ibid., p.9.
63 Ibid., p.10.
64 Rex Li, A Rising China and Security in East Asia:Identity Construction and Security Discourse (New York: Routledge.2009). A preview is available at: http://www,ewidgetsonline.com/dxreader/Reader.aspx?tokenHErqXpWwU+wxmYoBiK8F3g%3d%3d&rand=131 7763839&buyNowLink=&page=&chapter= (accessed September 16.2012).
65 Jie Chen, "The Changing Strength of Ideology in U.S. Foreign Policy:Case Studies of U.S. China Policy," PhD diss., Washington State University. May 1991.
66 Ibid., Abstract.
67 Deborah Welch Larson and Alexei Shevchenko. "Status Seekers:Chinese and Russian Responses to U.S. Primacy." International Security. Vol.34. No.4 (Spring 2010), pp.63-95.
68 Ibid., p.84. As for more about the basics of social identity theory and its application in the study of international politics, see Jacques E.C. Haymans, "Applying Social Identity Theory to the Study of International Politics:A Caution and an Agenda," paper presented at the International Studies Association convention. New Orleans, Lousiana, March 24-27,2002, http://www-bcf.usc.edu/-hymans/hymansSITpaper.pdf (accessed Septemberl5, 2012).
69 John Gerard Ruggie, "The Past as Prologue?:Interests, Identity, and American Foreign Policy," International Security, Vol.21. No.4 (Spring 1997), pp.89-125.
70 Ibid., p.110.
71 Ibid., p.108. They are:1) security cooperation by means of more comprehensive and institutionalized arrangements than the traditional system of bilateral alliances; 2) an "open door" world economy comprising uniform rules of trade and monetary relations together with minimum state-imposed barriers to the flow of international economic transactions; 3) anticolonialism grounded in self-determination; 4) antistatism grounded in individual rights:5) the promotion of democracy.
72 Ibid., p.111. 13 Ibid., p.120.
74 Lyle J. Morris, "Incompatible Partners:The Role of Identity and Self-Image in the Sino-U.S. Relationship," Asia Policy, No.13 (January 2012). pp.133-165.
75 Ibid., p.135.
76 Ibid.
77 Ibid., p.136.
78 Zheng Wang. "National Humiliation, History Education, and the Politics of Historical Memory:Patriotic Education Campaign in China," International Studies Quarterly. Vol.52. No.4 (December 2008), pp.783-806.
79 Jianwei Wang, Limited Adversaries:Post-Cold War Sino-American Mutual Images (New York:Oxford University Press.2000). p.xix.
80 Ibid.
81 Chengxin Pan. "The'China Threat'in American Self-Imagination:The Discursive Construction of Other as Power Politics," Alternatives, Vol.29, No.3 (June/July,2004), p.306.
82 Ibid., p.310.
83 Chengxin Pan. "Understanding Chinese Identity in International Relations:A Critique of Western Approaches," Political Science, Vol.51. No.2 (December 1999), p.144. Emphasis original.
84 Ibid., p.148.
85 David Shamhaugh. "China's Identity as a Major Power". http://www.gwu.edu/～sigur/assets/docs/maior powers 091407/Shambaugh on China.pdf (accessed September 16, 2012).
86 Wang Lixin, "With the Dragon as a Foil:American Imagining of China and the Construction of America's National Identity," Social Sciences in China, Vol.XXIX, No.4 (November 2008). p.99.
87 Ibid., p.98.
88 Wang Lixin,"'Who Are We?'Woodrow Wilson, the First World War and the Reshaping of America's National Identity," Social Sciences in China. Vol.XXXI. No.2 (May 2010). p.111-129.
89 刘志勇：《中国国家身份和外交战略的选择(1949-2004)》,博士论文,外交学院2005年。
90 陈积敏：《美国对华战略认知的演变与中美关系》,载《外交评论》,2011年第4期,第133-142页。91 信强、倪世雄：《行为体“身份”与对外政策：美台关系的建构主义分析》,载《世界经济与政治》,2006年第1期,第25-26负。
92 Ibid., p.28.
93 Wendt differentiates between three "cultures of anarchy":a Hobbesian ideational structure, where the states are willing to do whatever possible to achieve their goals, without any restraints, and where violence is the basic tool for survival; a Lockean structure, where states respect the Westphalian peace and state's right to prevail, but where violence can be used to advance their interests and a Kantian structure which is based on a friendly atmosphere, solving disputes through negotiations and not by use of violence. These different cultures of anarchy are based on different representations of state roles:enemy, rival and friend. See Alexander Wendt, Social Theory of International Politics (New York:Cambridge University Press,1999), p.246-312.
94 Robert Jervis. Perception and Misperception in International Politics (Princeton:Princeton University Press, 1976).
95 David Shambaugh, Beautiful Imperialist:China Perceives America,1972-1990 (Princeton:Princeton University Press,1991). p.20.
96 贾庆国：《未实现的和解：中美关系的隔阂与危机》,文化艺术出版社,1998年版,第19页。
97 张丽：《新中国建立初期的中美关系(1949-1953)》,黑龙江人民出版社2009年版,第235-238页。
98 TangTsou. America's Failure in China,1941-1945 (Chicago:University of'Chicago Press.1963), p.ix; pp.513-519.
99 Nancy Bernkopf Tucker, Patterns in the Dust:Chinese-American Relations and the Recognition Controversy, 1949-1950 (New York:Columbia University Press.1983).
100 时殷弘：《论美国承认新中国问题(1949-1950)》,载《世界历史》,1991年第1期,第109-110页。参见：时殷弘：《敌对与冲突的由来：美国对新中国的政策与中美关系(1949-1950)》,南京大学出版社1995年版。
101 Shuguang Zhang, Deterrence and Strategic Culture:Chinese-American Confrontations,1949-1958 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press.1992), pp.44-45, pp.268-283.
102 Gordon H. Chang, Friends and Enemies:The United States, China and the Soviet Union,1948-1972 (California:Stanford University Press,1990).
103 Thomas.1. Christensen, Useful Adversaries:Grand Strategy, Domestic Mobilization, and Sino-American Conflict,1947-1958 (Mew Jersey:Princeton University Press,1996). Also see Alan K. Lathrop. Review of Christensen, Thomas J., Useful Adversaries:Grand Strategy, Domestic Mobilization, and Sino-American Conflict, 1947-1958. 11-Pol, H-Net Reviews, July,1997. http://www.h-net.org/reviews/showrev.php?id=1106 (accessed October 19,2012).
104 Rosemary Foot, The Practice of Power:U.S. Relations with China Since 1949 (Oxford:Clarendon Press, 1995). Also see Stephen G. Craft,"Review of Rosemary Foot, The Practice of Power:U.S. Relations with China Since 1949," H-USA, H-Net Reviews, June,1998, http://www.h-net.org/reviews/showrev.cgi?patr=32564898800041 (accessed October 20,2012).
105 张曙光：《接触外交：尼克松政府与解冻中美关系》,世界知识出版社2009年版,第16页,注一。这方面的著作主要有：宫力：《跨越鸿沟—1969-1979年中美关系的演变》,郑州：河南人民出版社1992年：陈敦德：《毛泽东-尼克松在1972》,北京：解放军文艺出版社,1997年：姜长斌等编：《从对峙走向缓和：冷战时期中美关系再探》,北京：世界知识出版社2002年：包宗和：《美国对华政策之转折：尼克松时期之决策过程与背景》,五南图书出版公司,2002年：何慧：《尼克松与中国：半个世纪的不解之缘》,郑州：河南人民出版社2005年。除了张曙光提到的以外,还有：朱明权主编：《尼克松时期的美国对华政策(1969-1972)》,上海人民出版社2011年版。
106 张曙光：《接触外交：尼克松政府与解冻中美关系》,世界知识出版社2009年版,第19页。
107 张曙光：《接触外交：尼克松政府与解冻中美关系》,世界知识出版社2009年版,第319-328页。
108 朱明权主编：《尼克松时期的美国对华政策(1969-1972)》,上海人民出版社2011年版,第1页。
109 Chen Jian. Mao's China and the Cold War (Chapel Hill, NC:University of North Caroline Press.2001), p.239.
110 Ibid.
111 Robert Sutler, U.S.-Chinese Relations:Perilous Past, Pragmatic Present (Plymouthy, PV; Rowman & Littlefield Publishers.2010), pp.65-66.
112 Rosemary Foot, The Practice of Power; U.S. Relations with China Since 1949 (Oxford:Clarendon Press, 1995).
113 Evelyn Goh. Constructing the U.S. Rapprochement with China.1961-1974 (New York:Cambridge University Press,2005).
114 Robert Sutter, U.S.-Chinese Relations, p.66.
115 Ibid.
Evelyn, op. cit.. front jacket.
117 Ibid., p.2.
118 Ibid., pp.2-3.
119 Ibid., p.6.
120 Ibid.
121 Rosemary Foot, "Foreword" in Evelyn Goh, Constructing the U.S. Rapprochement with China,1961-1974 (New York:Cambridge University Press,2005), p.x.
122 陶文钊主编：《冷战后的美国对华政策》,重庆出版社2006年版。
123 韩玉贵：《冷战后的中美关系》,社会科学文献出版社2007年版。
124 吴心伯：《世事如棋局局新：二十一世纪初中美关系的新格局》,复旦大学出版社2011年版。
125 宫力主编：《如何与美国共处：冷战后中国对美方针与中美关系》,九州出版社2010年版。
126 倪世雄：《结交一言重 相期千里至：一个中国学者眼中的中美建交30年》,复旦大学出版社2009年版。
127 吴心伯：《世事如棋局局新：二十一世纪初中美关系的新格局》,复旦大学出版社2011年版,第1贞。
128 刘恩东：《中国的和年崛起与中美关系》,宫力主编：《如何与美国共处：冷战后中国对美方针与中美关系》,九州出版社2010年版,第241页。
129 宫力主编：《如何与美国共处：冷战后中国对美方针与中美关系》,九州出版社2010年版,第2页。
130 孙哲：《中美战略竞逐的新起点》,孙哲主编：《后危机世界与中美战略竞逐》,时事出版社2011年版,第1页。
131 赵可金：《后危机时期的中美关系：话语权与规则竞争》,孙哲主编：《后危机世界与中美战略竟逐》,时事出版社2011年版,第5页。
132 For example, Zhao Shuisheng, ed., China-U.S. Relations Transformed:Perspectives and Strategic Interactions (New York:Routledge,2008); Christopher Marsh and June Teufel Dreyer. eds., U.S.-China Relations in the Twenty-First Century:Policies, Prospects and Possibilities (Lanham,MD:Lexington books,2003); Johnathan Pollack, ed.. Strategic Surprise? U.S.-China Relations in the Early Twenty-First Century (Newport:Naval War College Press.2003):Robert S. Ross and Zhu Feng, eds., China's Ascent:Power, Security, and the Future of International Politics (Ithaca:Cornell University Press,2008):Yufan Hao. Sino-American Relations:Challenges Ahead (Burlington, VT:Ashgate,2010).
133 Susan Shirk, China:Fragile Superpower (New York:Oxford University Press.2005).
134 Jean Garrison, Making China Policy:From Nixon to G.W. Bush (Boulder. CO:Lynne Reinner Publishers, 2005).
135 Warren I. Cohen. America s Response to China:A History of Sino-American Relations.5th ed. (New York: Columbia University Press.2010).
136 David Lampton. Same Bed, Different Dreams:Managing U.S.-China Relations,1989-2000 (Berkeley: University of Californian Press.2001).
137 David Lampton. The Three Faces of Chinese Power:Might, Money and Minds (Berkeley:University of Californian Press,2008). p.253.
138 David Lampton, The Three Faces of Chinese Power:Might, Money and Minds (Berkeley:University of Californian Press.2008). p.274.
139 David Shambaugh. ed.. Tangled Titan:the United States and China (Lanham. MD:Rowman & Littlefield Publishers,2012). The contributors are Rosemary Foot. Charles W. Freeman Ⅲ,Bonnie S. Glaser. Avery Goldstein. Yufan Hao, Harry Harding, G. John Ikenberry. Terry Lautz. Dawn Murphy,Shelley Rigger, David Shambaugh, Robert Sutter, Ashley.1. Tellis, Nancy Bernkopf Tucker, Christopher P. Twomey, and Wu Xinbo.
140 Michael D. Swaine. America's Challenge:Engaging a Rising China in the Twenty-First Century (Washington DC:Carnegie Endowment for International Peace,2011), p.5.
141 Ibid., p.9. The two set of issues are:1) the basis distribution of power within the international system-and especially across the Asia-Pacific-that best promotes stability and prosperity and advances each nation's interests; and 2) the core values and norms that govern the activities of the nations, multilateral agreements, processes, and forums that make up the global and regional system. Michael Swaine argues that if the two countries'perceptions on these issues are "significantly divergent," each power is likely to adopt largely zero-sum approaches in many areas, thus almost certainly creating an intense strategic rivalry.
142 Ibid., pp.307-336.
141 Zachary Keck, "'Review-A Contest For Supremacy," August 23,2011. http://www.e-ir.info/2011/08/23/review-a-contest-for-supremacv/(accessed October 23,2012).
144 Aaron L. Friedberg, A Contest for Supremacy:China, America, and the Struggle for Mastery in Asia (New York:W.W. Norton & Company,2011), p.l.
145 Ibid., pp.268-269.
146 Zachary Keck, "Review -A Contest For Supremacy." This strategy would entail, among other things, policies aimed at strengthening American alliances in the Western Pacific, particularly with democracies such as Japan, India and Australia; pursuing a more balanced economic relationship with China:defense procurements that more precisely try to defend against China's anti-access/anti-denial strategy, while also exploiting areas where China is weakest; offering more public criticism of China for its questionable international behavior, such as supporting despotic regimes, as well as when it clamps down at home:; and being more forthcoming with the American public about the threat China's rise potentially poses to the United States.
147 Kenneth Lieberthal & Wang Jisi. Addressing U.S.-China Strategic Distrust (Washington D.C.:The Brookings Institution.2012). pp.x-xi.
148 Ibid..p.ix.
149 DeWang, "Kenneth Lieberthal and Wang Jisi.'Addressing U.S.-China Strategic Distrust'," April 3,2012. http://blog.hiddenharmonies.org/2012/04/kenneth-lieberthal-and-wang-jisi-addressing-u-s-china-strategic-distrust/ (accessed November 1.2012).
150 Rosemary Foot, "China and the United States:Between Cold and Warm Peace." Survial:Global Politics and Strategy, Vol.51, No.6 (December 2009-January 2010), p.124.
151 Ibid., p.139. Her 'exceptionalism' argument is echoed by Henry Kissinger in his 2011 book On China.
152 Alexander Wendt, Social Theory of International Politics (Beijing:Peking University Press,2005), p.259.
153 Alexander Wendt. Social Theory of International Politics (Beijing:Peking University Press,2005), p.257.
154 Alexander Wendt. Social Theory of International Politics (Beijing:Peking University Press,2005), p.258.
155 In the Chinese discourse, the Hobbesian culture corresponds to War and Revolution characterized by a Iife-and-death struggle, the Lockean culture Peaceful Coexistence and the Kantian culture the Harmonious world.
156 Alexander Wendt. Social Theory of International Politics (Beijing:Peking University Press,2005), p.258.
157 This section is heavily borrowed from Ebere Richard Adigbuo. "National Role Conceptions:A New Trend in Foreign Policy Analysis", www.wiscnetwork.org/porto2011/papers/WISC 2011-647.pdf (accessed November 6, 2012):Glenn Chafetz et al. eds., "Role Theory and Foreign Policy:Belarussian and Ukrainian Compliance with the Nuclear Nonproliferation Regime," Political Psychology, Vol.17, No.4 (Dec.1996). pp.727-757. As for the accomplishments, failures, and future potential for role theory in the study of foreign policy, see Cameron G. Thies, "Role Theory and Foreign Policy," International Studies Association Compendium Project, Foreign Policy Analysis section, May 2009, http://myweb.uiowa.edu/bhlai/workshop/role.pdf (accessed November 7,2012).
158 Sebastian Harnish et al, "Introduction," in Sebatian Harnisch, Cornelia Frank, and Harms W. Maull, eds., Role Theory in International Relations:Approaches and Analysis (New York:Routledge,2011), p.1.
159 Ibid., pp.1-2.
160 Ibid., p.2.
161 Ibid., p.2.
162 Rikard Bengtsson and Ole Elgstrom, "Conflicting Role Conceptions? The European Union in Global Politics,"' Foreign Policy Analysis, Vol.8. No. I (January 2012). p.94.
163 K.J.Holsti, "National Role Conceptions in the Study of Foreign Policy," International Studies Quarterly, Vol.14, No.3, pp.245-246.
164 Naomi Bailin Wish, "Foreign Policy Makers and Their National Role Conceptions," International Studies Quarterly, Vol.24, No.4 (December 1980). p.533.
165 Chih-yu Shih. "National Role Conception as Foreign Policy Motivation:The Psycholcultural Bases of Chinese Diplomacy." Political Psychology. Vol.9. No.4 (December,1988), p.600. He later adds another element to the list: a specific notion of world justice. See Chih-yu Shih, China's Just World:The Morality of Chinese Foreign Policy (Boulder. CO:Lynne Rienner Publishers,1993), p.18.
166 K. J. Holsli, "'National Role Conceptions in the Study of Foreign Policy." International Studies Quarterly, Vol.14, No.3(1970), p.288.
167 Ibid., p.277.
168 K. J. Holsti, "National Role Conceptions in the Study of Foreign Policy," International Studies Quarterly, Vol.14, No.3 (1970), pp.233-309. Other role conceptions he mentions are defender of the peace, balancer, antirevisionist. Zionist and Communist agent.
169 The major functions of each role type are as follows:I:provide leadership in delimited geographic or functional area; 2:lead other states in creating and maintaining emerging global order; 3:provide protection for adjacent regions; 4:act as agent of struggle against imperialist threats; 5:undertake special tasks to reconcile conflicts between other states or groups of states; 6:promote prestige and influence by domestic or international policies; 7:affirms the responsibility of other states to defend it; 8; undertake far-reaching commitments to cooperate with other states in region to build wider communities; 9:undertake far-reaching commitments to cooperate with other states to support the emerging global order; 10:more passive and vague than mediator-integrator; conveyer of messages between peoples and states; 11:direct efforts of own and other government to internal problems; 12:shun permanent military or ideological commitments; cultivate good relations with as many states as possible; 13:act for one's own government's interest, narrowly defined. The United States is labeled as "Global System Leader" and "Regional Protector." See Chafetz et al."Role Theory and Foreign Policy:Belarussian and Ukrainian Compliance with the Nuclear Nonproliferation Regime." Political Psychology, Vol.17. No.4 (Dec.1996). p.734.
170 Richard Cottam. Foreign Policy Motivation:A General Theory and a Case Study (Pittsburgh:University of Pittsburgh Press,1977), pp.62-73.
171 Richard K. Hermann and Michael P. Fischerkeller. "'Beyond the Enemy Image and Spiral Model: Cognitive-Strategic Research After the Cold War," International Organization, Vol.49, No.3 (summer 1995), pp.415-50.
172 Paul A Kowert, "National Identity:Inside and Out," in Glenn Chafetz et al, eds.. The Origins of National Interests (Portland. OR:Frank Cass Publishers.1999). p.25.
173 Chafetz et al, "Role Theory and Foreign Policy:Belarussian and Ukrainian Compliance with the Nuclear Nonproliferation Regime," Political Psychology. Vol.17. No.4 (Dec.1996). p.736.
174 Glenn Chafetz. Michael Spirtas, and Benjamin Frankel, "Introduction:Tracing the Influence of Identity on Foreign Policy." in Glenn Chafetz et al. eds., The Origins of National Interests (Portland. OR:Frank Cass Publishers,1999), p.xxi.
175 For more about this debate, see Zhu Liqun. China s Foreign Policy Debate (Paris. EU Institute for Security Studies,2010) [Chaillot Papers. September 2010]. http://www.iss.europa.eu/uploads/media/cpl 21-China s Foreign Policy Debates.pdf (accessed November.18, 2012).
176 Alvaro de Vasconcelos. "Preface," in Zhu Liqun. op cit, p.5.
177 Cristian Cantir and Juliet Kaarbo, "Contested Roles and Domestic Politics:Reflections on Role Theory in Foreign Policy Analysis and IR Theory," Foreign Policy Analysis, Vol.8, No.l (January 2012), p.19.
178 Bulent Aras and Aylin Gorener, "National Role Conceptions and Foreign Policy Orientation:the Ideational Bases of the Justice and Development Party's Foreign Policy Activism in the Middle East." Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies. Vol.12. No.1 (March 2010). p.78.
Naomi Bailin Wish, "Foreign Policy Makers and Their National Role Conceptions," International Studies Quarterly, Vol.24, No.4 (December,1980), p.534.
180 Thomas Risse-Kappen, "Collective Identity in a Democratic Community:The Case of NATO," in Peter J. Katzenstein, ed., The Culture of National Security:Norms and Identity in World Politics (New York:Columbia University Press,1996). E-book in PDF is available at: http://library.northsouth.edu/Upload/The%20Culture%20of/o20National%20Security.pdf (accessed November 6, 2012).
181 Michael Doyle, "Liberalism and World Politics," The American Political Science Review, Vol.80, No.4. (December,1986), p.1161.
182 James D. Fearson, "What Is Identity (As We Now Use the Word)?," unpublished paper, November 3,1999, p.36, www.stanford.edu/-jfearon/papers/idenlv2.pdf (accessed November 28,2012).
183 James D. Fearson, "What Is Identity (As We Now Use the Word)?," unpublished paper, November 3,1999, p.30.
184 Maxym Alexandrov, "The Concept of State Identity in International Relations:A Theoretical Analysis." Journal of International Development and Cooperalion, Vol.10. No.1 (2003). p.39.
185 Paul A Kowert, "National Identity:Inside and Out," in Glenn Chafetz et al. eds.. The Origins of National Interests (Portland, OR:Frank Cass Publishers.1999), pp.4-5.
186 Maxym Alexandrov. "The Concept of State Identity in International Relations:A Theoretical Analysis." Journal of International Development and Cooperation, Vol.10. No.1 (2003). p.35.
187 Maxym Alexandrov. "The Concept of State Identity in International Relations:A Theoretical Analysis.' Journal of International Development and Cooperation. Vol.10. No.1 (2003), p.35.
188 Maxym Alexandrov. "The Concept of State Identity in International Relations:A Theoretical Analysis. Journal of International Development and Cooperation. Vol.10. No.1 (2003), p.40.
189 In this regard, Walter Russell Mead suggests that the history of American foreign policy is better understood with reference to four traditions:Hamiltonianism. Jeffersonianism. Jacksonianism and Wilsonianism. Viewed from the lens of state identity politics, it can be said that the advocates of these four schools of thought are competing against each other for the purpose of making their own representations, or in most cases, a hybrid representation, the dominant one. For Mead's view, see Walter Russell Mead. Special Providence:American Foreign Policy and How It Changed the World (New York:Routledge,2002).
190 Robert 0. Keohane, "Institutional Theory and the Realist Challenge After the Cold War," in David A. Baldwin, ed., Neorealism and Neoliberalism:The Contemporary Debate (New York:Columbia University Press,1993), pp.294-295.
191 Kenneth N. Waltz, "Realist Thought and Neorealist Theory." Journal of International Affairs, No.1 (1999), p.37.
192 Robert 0. Keohane, "Empathy and International Relations,'" in Jane J. Mansbridge. ed.. Beyond Self-Interest (Chicago:University of Chicago Press,1990). p.236.
193 Peter J. Katzenstein, "Introduction:Alternative Perspectives on National Security," in Peter J. Katzenstein, ed., The Culture of National Security:Norms and Identity in World Politics (New York:Columbia University Press, 1996).
194 Ibid.
195 Chih-yu Shih, "National Role Conception as Foreign Policy Motivation:The Psychocultural Bases of Chinese Diplomacy," Political Psychology, Vol.9, No.4 (December,1988). p.626.
196 Ibid., p.627.
197 Richard Herrmann, "The Power of Perceptions in Foreign-Policy Decision Making:Do Views of the Soviet Union Determine the Policy Choices of American Leaders?" American Journal of Political Science. Vol.30, No.4 (November,1986), p.843.
198 Robert Jervis, Perception and Misperception in International Politics (Princeton:Princeton University Press, 1976), p.28.
199 Steven Spiegel. The Other Arab-Israeli Conflict:Making America's Middle East Policy, from Truman to Reagan (Chicago:University of Chicago Press,1985). pp.381-393.
200 Richard Herrmann, "The Power of Perceptions in Foreign-Policy Decision Making:Do Views of the Soviet Union Determine the Policy Choices of American Leaders?," American Journal of Political Science, Vol.30, No.4 (November,1986), p.869.
201 According to Olivia Lau, "Jervis outlines four levels of analysis applicable to theories of international politics: individual decision-making, the government bureaucracy, the nation-state (and domestic politics), and the international environment. Theories that focus on government bureaucracies presume that preferences are determined by bureaucracies" roles in the institutional structure. Foreign policy decisions are the output of routines or bargaining within this structure. Theories focusing on the state and domestic politics explain variations in behavior by accounting for differences in states'social, economic, or political structures. Theories that focus on the international system posit that the system imposes common constraints on states, thereby causing states to react in similar ways to similar situations. Jervis emphasizes the importance of the individual level of analysis and contrasts it with approaches invoking other levels." See Olivia Lau. http://www.olivialau.org/ir/week3.html (accessed November.18,2012). See Robert Jervis. Perception and Misperceplion in International Politics (Princeton:Princeton University Press,1976). pp.15-31.
202 Maxym Alexandrov, "The Concept of State Identity in International Relations:A Theoretical Analysis,' Journal of International Development and Cooperation, Vol.10. No.1 (2003). p.34.
203 Glenn Chafetz, Michael Spirtas, and Benjamin Frankel, "Introduction:Tracing the Influence of Identity on Foreign Policy," in Glenn Chafetz et al, eds.. The Origins of National Interests (Portland. OR:Frank Cass Publishers,1999), p.xviii.
204 Ibid.
205 Colin H. Kahl, "Constructing A Separate Peace:Constructivism. Collective Liberal Identity, and Democratic Peace," in Glenn Chafetz et al, eds., The Origins of National Interests (Portland. OR:Frank Cass Publishers,1999), p.108.
1 Joseph Stalin, Speech delivered at a meeting of voters of the Stalin Electoral District, Moscow, February 9,1946, http://www.marx2mao.com/Stalin/SS46.html (accessed April 22,2013).
2 Vladislav Zubok, "Vladislav Zubok on:Stalin's 1946 Speech," httD://www.pbs.org/wgbh/amex/bomb/filmmore/reference/interview/zubok3.html (accessed April 22,2013).
3 Telegram, George Kennan to George Marshall, February 22,1946, p.1, http://www.trumanlibrary.org/whistlestop/study collections/coldwar/documents/pdf/6-6.pdf (accessed April 17, 2013).
4 Ibid., p.5.
5 Ibid., pp.5-6.
6 Ibid., p.8.
7 Ibid., p.13.
8 Ibid, pp.14-15.
9 Ibid., p.14.
10 X, "The Sources of Soviet Conduct." Foreign Affairs. Vol.25. No.4 (July 1947). p.575.
" Bart Barnes, "Washington Insider Clark M. Clifford Dies." The Washington Post, October 11,1998, P.A1, http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/politics/dailv/oct98/clifford 101198.htm (accessed April 16,2013)
12 Clark Clifford, "American Relations with the Soviet Union." [Hereafter cited as Clifford-Elsey Report] September 24.1946, p.72. http://trumanlibrary.org/whistlestop/study_collections/coldwar/documents/pdf/4-1.pdf (accessed April 17,2013).
13 Clifford-Elsey Report, p.3.
14 Clifford-Elsey Report, p.9.
15 Clifford-Elsey Report, p.12.
16 Clifford-Elsey Report, p.76.
17 Clifford-Elsey Report, p.79.
18 Elizabeth Edwards Spalding. summarized by Kelly Crager in Kelly Crager, "Review of Spalding, Elizabeth Edwards, The First Cold Warrior:Harry Truman, Containment, and the Remaking of Liberal Internationalism,' September,2007. http:/www.h-net.org/reviews/showrev.php?id=13549 (accessed December 10.2012).
19 Harry Truman. "Special Message to the Congress on Greece and Turkey:The Truman Doctrine." March 12. 1947. http://trumanlibrary.org/publicpapers/viewpapers.php?pid=2189 (accessed April 17.2013).
20 Henry R. Nau, "Conservative Internationalism:Jefferson to Polk to Truman to Reagan," Policy Review, No.150 (July 30,2008), http://www.hoover.org/publications/policy-review/article/5799 (accessed December 10,2012.
21 Ibid.
22 Elizabeth Edwards Spalding, The First Cold Warrior:Harry Truman, Containment, and the Remaking of Liberal Internationalism (Lexington:University Press of Kentucky,2006), p.223.
23 Harry Truman, "Special Message to the Congress on Greece and Turkey:The Truman Doctrine," March 12, 1947. http://trumanlibrary.org/publicpapers/viewpapers.php?pid=2189 (accessed April 17,2013).
24 As for how this document came to being, David T. Fautua describes as follows:"AT a National Security Council meeting on 31 January 1950, President Truman met with Defense Secretary Louis A. Johnson, Secretary of State Dean Acheson, and Chairman of the Atomic Energy Commission (AEC) David Lilienthal to discuss continuing the thermonuclear project. The surprise of the Soviet atomic bomb tests three months earlier greatly concerned Truman. The President was disturbed, too, about the deteriorating relationship between America and Russia. The string of problems arising from the Czechoslovakian coup and Berlin Blockade of 1948 caused a heightening of tension that resulted in the President's increasing turn toward a policy of"containment." The Communist success in China the year before, too, seemed to Truman a deepening of the rift. He was now determined to make a thorough review not only of America's loss of atomic monopoly, but also of its existing political military strategy. The result of that effort was National Security Council paper 68, or NSC 68." See David T. Fautua, "The Long Pull'Army:NSC-68, the Korean War, and the Creation of the Cold War U.S. Army," Journal of Military History, Vol.61, no.1 (January 1997), https://www.mtholyoke.edu/acad/intrel/longpull.htm (accessed December 5,2012).
25 U.S. National Security Council, "NSC 68:United States Objectives and Programs for National Security," [hereafter cited as NSC-68], April 14,1950, http://www.fas.org/irp/offdocs/nsc-hst/nsc-68-1.htm (accessed April 17,2013).
26 NSC-68, http://www.fas.org/irp/offdocs/nsc-hst/nsc-68-4.htm (accessed April 17,2013).
27 NSC-68, http://www.fas.org/irp/offdocs/nsc-hst/nsc-68-4.htm (accessed April 17,2013).
28 NSC-68, http://www.fas.org/irp/offdocs/nsc-hst/nsc-68-cr.htm (accessed April 17,2013).
29 NSC-68, http://www.fas.org/irp/offdocs/nsc-hst/nsc-68-1.htm (accessed April 17,2013).
30 Joseph Stalin, Speech delivered at a meeting of voters of the Stalin Electoral District. Moscow, February 9, 1946. http://www.marx2mao.com/Stalin/SS46.html (accessed April 22,2013).
31 X, The Sources of Soviet Conduct. Foreign Affairs. Vol.25. No.4 (July 1947). pp.580-581.
32 Winton Churchill, speech delivered at Westminster College. Fulton. Missouri on March 5,1946, http://www.lbrdham.edu/halsall/mod/churchill-iron.asp (accessed April 17,2013).
33 Henry R. Nau, "Conservative Internationalism:Jefferson to Polk to Truman to Reagan," Policy Review, No.150 (July 30,2008).
34 Pravda, March 1946. See http://www.johndclare.net/cold war7.htm (accessed April 17,2013).
35 Clifford-Elsey Report, p.59.
36 Clifford-Elsey Report, p.62.
37 Clifford-Elsey Report, p.62.
38 "Soviet Intentions and Capabilities," February 20.1950, pp.1-5. http://www.trumanlibrary.org/whistlestop/study col lections/bomb/large/documents/pdfs/78.pdf(accessed April 18, 2013).
39 "Soviet Intentions and Capabilities," February 20,1950, pp.16-17.
40 "Soviet Intentions and Capabilities," February 20,1950, p.17.
41 NSC-68, http://www.fas.org/irp/offdocs/nsc-hst/nsc-68-3.htm (accessed April 17.2013).
42 NSC-68, http://www.fas.org/irp/offdocs/nsc-hst/nsc-68-5.htm (accessed April 17.2013).
43 Efstathios T. Fakiolas, "Kennan's Long Telegram and NSC-68:A Comparative Analysis." East European Quarterly, Vol.31, No.4 (January 1998), p.426. https://www.mtholyoke.edu/acad/intrel/fakiolas.htm (accessed April 9,2013).
44 Ibid.
45 Clark Clifford, "American Relations with the Soviet Union." [Hereafter cited as Clifford-Elsey Report] September 24.1946. p.73.
46 Efstathios T. Fakiolas, "Kennan's Long Telegram and NSC-68:A Comparative Analysis." East European Quarterly, Vol.31. No.4 (January 1998). p.426.
47 Robert J. McMahon, "US national security policy from Eisenhower to Kennedy," in Melvyn P. Leffler & Odd Arne Westad. eds., The Cambridge History of the Cold War (Volume 1) (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2012), p.288.
48 Robert J. McMahon, "US national security policy from Eisenhower to Kennedy," in Melvyn P. Leffler & Odd Arne Westad, eds., The Cambridge History of the Cold War (Volume 1) (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2012), p.289.
49 Dwight D. Eisenhower, State of the Union Address, February 21953, http://www.infoplease.com/t/hist/state-of-the-union/165.html#ixzz2SHwCSdv2 (accessed May 4, 2013).
50 Ibid.
51 Dwight D. Eisenhower, State of the Union Address, January 7, 1954, http://www.infoplease.com/t/hist/state-of-the-union/166.html#ixzz2SIIS4YcB (accessed May 3, 2013).
52 Dwight D. Eisenhower, State of the Union Address, January 6, 1955, http://www.infoplease.com/t/hist/state-of-the-union/167.html#ixzz2S15bXa00 (accessed May 3,2013).
53 Dwight D. Eisenhower, State of the Union Address, January 5.1956. http://www.infoplease.com/t/hist/state-of-the-union/168.html#ixzz2S18Q6q9u (accessed May 3,2013).
54 Dwight D. Eisenhower, State of the Union Address, January 12.1961, http://www.infoplease.com/t/hist/state-of-the-union/173.html (accessed May 3.2013).
55 Robert J. McMahon, "US national security policy from Eisenhower to Kennedy." in Melvyn P. Leffler & Odd Arne Westad. eds.. The Cambridge History of the Cold War (Volume 1) (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2012). p.304.
56 John F. Kennedy quoted as saying in Thomas G. Paterson. "Bearing the Burden:A Critical Look At JFK's Foreign Policy," The Virginia Quarterly Review, Vol.54, No.2 (Spring 1978), pp.193-212, https://www.vqronline.org/articles/1978/spring/paterson-bearing-burden/(accessed May 4, 2013).
57 John F. Kennedy, State of the Union Address, January 30,1961, http://www.infoplease.com/t/hist/state-of-the-union/174.html (accessed May 4 ,2013).
58 John F. Kennedy, State of the Union Address, January 11,1962. http://www.infoplease.com/t/hist/state-of-the-union/105.html#ixzz2SJ3blm3f (accessed May 4, 2013).
59 Lyndon B. Johnson, State of the Union Address. January 4.1965. http://www.infoplease.com/t/hist/state-of-the-union/178.html#ixzz2SJ17aig6 (accessed May 4, 2013).
60 Lyndon B. Johnson, State of the Union Address, January 12,1966. http://www.infoplease.com/t/hist/state-of-the-union/179.html#ixzz2SJL0Cu7M (accessed May 4,2013).
61 Ibid.
62 Mao Zedong, "Talks with the American Correspondent Anna Louise Strong." August 1946, in Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung. Vol.4 (Beijing. Foreign Language Press,1961). p.99.
63 Chen Jian, China's Road to the Korean War: The Making of Si no-American Confrontation (New York: Columbia University Press, 1994).
64 Chen Jian. China's Road to the Korean War: The Making of Sino-American Confrontation (New York: Columbia University Press, 1994). Page number is not available. What I consulted is the digital edition available at a document-sharing sub-site sponsored by one of China's most popular portals www.sina.com.cn.
65 任晓伟：《1945-1949年毛泽东对美苏关系认识的演变中国共产党外交重心调整》,载《陕西师范大学学报(哲学社会科学版)》,第38卷,第3期。第103
66 By the end of 1947, the United States, given that the Guomindang would face an inevitable failure in the Chinese Revolution, considered to leave China, but the Soviet Union and the Communist Information Bureau tried to make greater efforts to exert theoretical influences on. and put political control over, the CCP.参见任晓伟：《1945-1949年毛泽东对美苏关系认识的演变与中国共产党外交重心调整》,载《陕西师范大学学报(哲学社会科学版)》,第38卷,第3期。第103页
67 Mao Zedong, http://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/mao/works/red-book/ch06.htm (accessed December 25, 2012).
68 Warren Cohen, America's Response to China (New York: Columbia University Press, 2010), p.205.
69 Ibid.
70 毛泽东：《在莫斯科共产党和工人党代表会议上的讲话》(1957年11月18日),载《毛泽东选集·第七卷》,人民出版社1999年版,第343页。
71 毛泽东：《在莫斯科共产党和工人党代表会议.上的讲话》(1957年11月18日),载《毛泽东选集·第七卷》,人民出版社1999年版,第344页。
72 Odd Arne Westad, "History, Memory, and the Languages of Alliance-Making," in Odd Arne Westad, Chen Jian, Stein Tonnesson, Nguyen Vu Tungand and James G. hershberg, eds.,77 Conversations between Chinese and Foreign Leaders on the Wars in Indochina, 1964-1977 (Washington D.C.:Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, 1998), p.9.
73 Mao Zedong, "Statement Supporting the Afro-Americans in Their Just Struggle against Racial Discrimination by U.S. Imperialism (August 8, 1963)," People of the World, Unite and Defeat the U.S. Aggressors and All Their Lackeys, 2nd ed., enlarged. (Peking: Foreign Languages Press, 1967), pp.3-4.
74 Mao Zedong, "Interview With The Japanese Socialists On The Theory Of The Intermediate Zone," August 11, 1964, http://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/mao/selected-works/volume-9/mswv9_26.htm (accessed May 5, 2013)亦可参见：《中间地带国家的性质各不相同》(1962年1月3日),《毛泽东外交文选》,第487页；《中间地带有两个》(1963年9月28日),《毛泽东外交文选》,第507页：《全世界一切反对美帝国主义的力量联合起来》,《人民日报》,1964年1月12日。
75 [苏]麦德维杰夫：《赫鲁晓夫传》,中国文联出版公司1998年版,第312页。
76 参见：唐洲雁：《毛泽东的美国观》,博十论文,复旦大学,2006年,第205页。
77 参见：金冲及：《毛泽东为何搞“文革”：天下大乱达到天下大治》,2011年4月2日,http://history.people.com.cn/GB/205396/14305549.html (accessed May 4, 2013).
78 Odd Arne Westad, "History, Memory, and the Languages of Alliance-Making," in Odd Arne Westad, Chen Jian, Stein Tonnesson, Nguyen Vu Tungand and James G. hershberg, eds., 77 Conversations between Chinese and Foreign Leaders on the Wars in Indochina, 1964-1977 (Washington D.C.:Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, 1998), p.11.
79 Ibid.
80 Stein Tonneson, "Tracking Multi-Directional Dominoes." in Odd Arne Westad. Chen Jian. Stein Tonnesson. Nguyen Vu Tungand and James G. hershberg. eds., 77 Conversations between Chinese and Foreign Leaders on the Wars in Indochina, 1964-1977 (Washington D.C.:Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, 1998), p.36.
81 Ibid.
82 Ibid.
83 Harry Truman, "Address in New York City at the Opening Session of the United Nations General Assembly," October 23, 1946. http://trumanlibrary.org/calen(lar/viewpapers.php?pid=914 (accessed April 17, 2013).
84 Harry Truman, "Special Message to the Congress on Greece and Turkey: The Truman Doctrine," March 12, 1947.
85 Jutta Weldes, "Constructing National Interests," European Journal of International Relations, Vol.2, No.2 (1996), p.283. Cited in Evelyn Goh, Constructing the U.S. Rapprochement with China,1961-1974 (New York, Cambridge University Press, 2005), p.19, n.7.
86 陶文钊：《中美关系史》上卷(1911-1949),上海人民出版社2004年版,第176页。
87 Harry Truman, "Statement by the President: United States Policy Toward China," December 15, 1945, http://www.trumanlibrary.org/publicpapers/index.php?pid=506 (accessed April 19, 2013).
88 Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung, Vol. IV (Beijing, Foreign Language Press, 1961). p.109, http://www.marx2mao.com/PDFs/MaoSW4.pdf (accessed April 18, 2013).
87 《毛泽东文集》第四卷,人民出版社1991年版,第1259-1260页。
88 贺艳青、肖瑜：《新中国外交事业的开端——西柏坡时期中共外交政策与外交工作述论》,载《中共党史研究》,2013年第2期,第69页。
91 Mao Zedong, "On the People's Democratic Dictaiorship." June 30,1949 http://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/mao selected-works/volume-4/mswv4_65.htm (accessed December 10, 2012).
92 Mao Zedong. "The Present Situation and Our Tasks." December 25.1947. in Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung, Vol.4 (Beijing. Foreign Language Press, 1961). p.172.
91 Michael M. Sheng, "The Psychology of the Korean War: The Role of Ideology and Perception in China's Entry in to the War." The Journal of Conflict Studies. Vol.22, No.1 (Spring 2002). http://iournals.hil.unb.ca/index.php/ics/article/view/367(?) (accessed April 19, 2013).
94 《斯大林全集》第12卷,人民出版社1955年版,第213-223页。
95 Zhihua Shen, trans. Neil Silver. Mao, Stalin and the Korean War: Trilateral Communist Relations in the 1950s (New York: Routledge, 2012). A preview is, http://books.google.com.hk/books?id=Gr9iGVLrrAcgC&pg=PTT26&lpg=PT26&dq=Stalin%E2%80%99s+theory+o f+imperialisl+war&source=bl&ots=RieehcSSg9&sig=5(?)FdRLHHPcTIS5za7zNxzho&hl=en&sa=X&ei=SfbH UKvhCYi0iQflm4DQCw&ved=0CFcQ6AEwBw(accessed December 12, 2012).
96 According to Mao Zedong. "The correct thesis that'the Chinese revolution is part of" the world revolution'was put forward as early as 1924-27 during the period of China's First Great Revolution." See Mao Zedong. "On New-Democracy."http://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/mao/selected-works/volume-2/mswv226.htm#p4 (accessed December 12.2012).
97 Zhihua Shen, trans. Neil Silver. Mao. Stalin and the Korean War:Trilateral Communist Relations in the 1950s (New York:Routledge,2012).
98 Mao Zedong, "On New Democracy." http://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/mao/selected-works/volume-2/mswv226.htm#p4 (accessed December 12,2012).
99 项晨光：《共产国际对(新民主主义论>中几个观点形成的影响：兼评毛泽东对(新民主主义论)进行修正的根源》,载《党史研究与教学》,2006年第2期(总第189期),第25-26页。
100 项晨光：《共产国际对(新民主主义论>中几个观点形成的影响：兼评毛泽东对(新民主主义论>进行修正的根源》,载《党史研究与教学》,2006年第2期(总第189期),第25-26页。
101 Mao Zedong, "On New Democracy."
102 Zhihua Shen, trans. Neil Silver. Mao, Stalin and the Korean War:Trilateral Communist Relations in the 1950s (New York:Routledge,2012).
103 张盛发：《战后初期斯大林对中国革命的态度和立场》,载《中共党史研究》,2000年第1期,第57页。
104 张盛发：《战后初期斯大林对中国革命的态度和立场》,载《中共党史研究》,2000年第1期,第62页。
105 Chen Jian, Mao s China and the Cold War (Chapel Hill:University of North Carolina Press,2001). p.9.
106 See Chen Jian, Mao's China and the Cold War, p.3.
107 The CCP leadership's assessment of the "American threat", according to Chen Jian. "underwent some changes: During the first two years of the 1946-1949 civil war, the CCP leadership acted on the assumption that direct American intervention was unlikely. Mao and his comrades believed that because American strategic emphasis lay in Europe and that the "reactionary American ruling class"'was in nature, vulnerable, it would be difficult for Washington to send significant numbers of military forces to China to support the GMD. Nearing complete victory in late 1948 and early 1949, however, CCP leaders began to demonstrate great concerns about direct American intervention in China's civil war. During the January 1949 enlarged Politburo meeting. American intervention was a central topic. In spring 1949, CCP leaders and military planners continued to emphasize the danger involved if Washington should decide to send its troops to China to rescue the GMD regime." See Chen Jian, China's Road to the Korean War:The Making of Sino-American Confrontation (New York:Columbia University Press,1994).
108 Chen Jian, China's Road to the Korean War:The Making of Sino-American Confrontation (New York: Columbia University Press,1994).
109 Ibid.
110 Ibid.
111 Ibid.
112 Ibid.
113 Chen Jian, China's Road to the Korean War:The Making of Sino-American Confrontation (New York: Columbia University Press.1994).
14 Warren Cohen, America's Response to China (New York:Columbia University Press,2010), p.189.
115 Shuguang Zhang, "Threat Perception and Chinese Communist Foreign Policy," in Melvyn P. Leffler and David S. Painter, eds.. The Origins of the Cold War:An International History (New York:Routledge,1994). pp.289-299.
116 Ibid., p.289.
117 David S. McLellan, "Dean Acheson and the Korean War," Political Science Quarterly, Vol.83, No.1 (March, 1968), p.18.
118 Ibid., p.20.
119 Ibid., p.39.
120 Mao made this statement when receiving a delegation of the South Vietnam National Front for Liberation in Beijing. See Mao Zedong, "Statement Opposing Aggression Against Southern Vietnam and Slaughter of Its People by the U.S.-Ngo Dinh Diem Clique (August 8,1963)," People of the World, Unite and Defeat the U.S. Aggressors and All Their Lackeys,2nd ed., enlarged (Peking:Foreign Languages Press,1967), p.6.
121 Mao Zedong, "Statement Supporting the Panamanian People's Just Patriotic Struggle Against U.S. Imperialism (January 12,1964)," People of the World, Unite and Defeat the U.S. Aggressors and All Their Lackeys,2nd ed., enlarged (Peking:Foreign Languages Press.1967), p.8.
122 Ibid., p.9.
123 Ibid.
124 Mao Zedong,"Statement Supporting the People of the Congo (L.) Against U.S. aggression (November 28, 1964)," People of the World, Unite and Defeat the U.S. Aggressors and All Their Lackeys,2nd ed., enlarged (Peking:Foreign Languages Press,1967), p.14.
125 Mao Zedong,''Statement Supporting the Dominican People's Resistance to U.S. Armed Aggression (May 12, 1965)," People of the World, Unite and Defeat the U.S. Aggressors and All Their Lackeys,2nd ed., enlarged (Peking:Foreign Languages Press,1967), p.16.
126 Lo Jui-Ching (Luo Ruiqing), Commemorate the Victory over German Fascism! Carry the Struggle Against U.S. Imperialism through to the End! (Peking:Foreign Language Press,1965), p.5.
127 Ibid., p.17.
128 Ibid.
129 Stein Tonneson,"Tracking Multi-Directional Dominoes," in Odd Arne Westad, Chen Jian. Stein Tonnesson, Nguyen Vu Tungand and James G. hershberg. eds..77 Conversations between Chinese and Foreign Leaders on the Wars in Indochina,1964-1977 (Washington D.C.:Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars.1998). p.33.
130 Ibid., p.42.
131 袁明：《新中国成立前后的美国对华政策观》,载《历史研究》,1987年第3期,第33页。
132 "Taiwan Crisis," Cold War Museum, http://www.coldwar.org/articles/50s/taiwan crisis.asp (accessed December 13.2012).
133 The excerpts of his speech are, http://web.viu.ca/davies/H323Vietnam/Acheson.htm (accessed December 13, 2012). It is widely believed that North Korea invaded South Korea believing that the U.S. would not intervene based on this speech by Acheson.
134 See http://www.sparknotes.com/historv/american/koreanwar/section2.rhtml (accessed December 7,2012).
135 议宣：《1950年美国为什么把朝鲜中国的台湾划在远东防御战略线之外?》,2003年7月31日,http://club.kdnet.net/dispbbs.asp?id=567315&boardid=1(accessed December 13,2012).
136 The voting result was:three in favor (India, Yugoslavia, U.S.S.R.), six against (China, Cuba, Ecuador, Egypt, France, United States) and two abstaining (Norway. United Kingdom). Malik immediately left the meeting, declaring that the United States was "encouraging lawlessness" by refusing to recognize the "illegal presence" of the Nationalist Chinese representatives. He concluded that "even the most convinced reactionaries" had to recognize the justness of the Soviet resolution, and he vowed that the Soviet Union would not be bound by any decisions made by the Security Council if the Nationalist Chinese representative remained. Hoping to forestall any future Security Council action. Malik announced that the Soviet Union would no longer attend its meetings. See: "Soviets boycott United Nations Security Council," http://www.historv.com/this-day-in-history/soviets-boycott-united-nations-securitv-council (accessed December 13, 2012); Myres S. McDougal and Goodman, Richard M., "Chinese Participation in the United Nations:The Legal Imperative of a Negotiated Solution" (1966), Faculty Scholarship Series, Paper 2604, http://digitalcommons.law.vale.edu/fss papers/2604 (accessed December 13,2012).
137 "Soviet Intentions and Capabilities," February 20.1950, p.17.
138 王立新：《意识形态与美国对华政策：以艾奇逊和“承认问题”为中心的再研究》,载《中国社会科学》,2005年第3期,第177-179页。
139 John King Fairbank, The United States and China,4th rev. ed. (Cambridge, MA:Harvard University Press. 1983), p.455.
140 National Security Council. U.S. Policy towards Communist China, FRUS,1952-1954, Vol.14, p.279, http://digicoll.library.wisc.edu/cgi-bin/FRUS/FRUS-idx?type=turn&entity=FRUS.FRUS195254v14p1.p0307&id= FRUS.FRUS195254vl4p1&isize=M (accessed December 25.2012).
141 National Security Council. U.S. Policy towards Communist China. FRUS,1952-1954. Vol.14, p.280, http://digicoll.library.wisc.edu/cgi-bin/FRUS/FRUS-idx?type=goto&id=FRUS.FRUS195254v 14p1&isize=M&sub mit=Go+to+page&page=280 (accessed December 25,2012).
142 "Soviet Atomic Bomb Test," Cold War Museum. http://www.coldwar.org/articles/40s/soviet_atomic_bomb_test.asp (accessed December 14,2012).
143 See Bryan Hubbard, "Civil Defense:More than Duck and Cover," http://www.military.com/Content/MoreContentl/?file=cw_cd_story (accessed April 18,2013).
144 袁明：《新中国成立前后的美国对华政策观》,载《历史研究》,1987年第3期,第33页。
145 James Peck. Washington's China:The National Security World, the Cold War, and the Origins of Globalism (Amherst. MA:University of Massachusetts Press,2006).
146 Warren Cohen, America's Response to China, p.194.
147 John Foster Dulles, cited in Gordon H. Chang, Friends and Enemies:The United States, China and the Soviet Union,1948-1972 (Stanford, CA:Stanford University Press,1990), p.83.
148 Dean Rusk, "American Friendship for the Peoples of China," speech at the China Institute, New York, May 18, 1951, American Foreign Policy,1950-5, Vol.2, pp.2473-4, http://www.archive.org/stream/americanforeignp003382mbp/americanforeignp003382mbp_jvu.txt (accessed December 19,2012). His original words are as follows:"The Peiping regime may be a colonial Russian government & Slavic Manchukuo on a larger scale. It is not the Government of China. It does not pass the first test. It is not Chinese.''
149 Gordon H. Chang. Friends and Enemies:The United States, China and the Soviet Union,1948-1972 (Stanford, CA:Stanford University Press,1990), p.2.
150 Ibid. However, Dulles seemed to be inclined to "view the Chinese Communists as independent of Soviet control and determined to strengthen their country along nationalist lines" before the outbreak of the Korean War.
"In his eyes the Chinese Communists became virtually irredeemable puppets against whom he seriously considered using atomic weapons."See Nancy Bernkopf Tucker, "John Foster Dulles and the Taiwan Roots of the 'Two Chinas'Policy," in Richard H. Immerman, ed., John Foster Dulles and the Diplomacy of the Cold War (Princeton:Princeton University Press,1990), p.237.
151 Frank Murray, "China and the United States:An Awkward Era, its Consequences and Future Implications," International Journal of Academic Research in Business and Social Sciences, Vol.2, No.10 (October 2012), p.6.
152 James I. Matray, "Revisiting Korea:Exposing Myths of the Forgotten War." Prologue, Vol.34, No.2 (Summer 2002), http://www.archives.gov/publications/prologue/2002/summer/korean-mvths-l.html (accessed December 14, 2012).
'"'Harold Sprout and Margaret Sprout, "Environmental Factors in the Study of International Polities'" in James N. Rosenau, ed., International Politics and Foreign Policy:A Reader in Research and Theory (New York:Free Press, 1961), p.49.
154 Sergei N. Goncharov, John W. Lewis, and Xue Litai, Uncertain Partners:Stalin, Mao, and the Korean War (Stanford, CA:Stanford University Press,1993), p.viii.
155 General MacArthur, without authorization from Truman, flew to Taipei, met with Chiang and promised to coordinate his military efforts with Chiang's. Moreover, he sent three squadrons of jet fighters to Taiwan. See Warren Cohen, Americas Response to China, pp.187-188.
156 Ibid.
157 Warren Cohen, Americas Response to China, p.191.
158 Warren Cohen, America's Response to China,5th ed. (Mew York:Columbia University Press,2010), p.148.
159 Ibid., p.149.
160 Ibid.
161 Ibid.
162 Ibid.
163 Ibid., p.150.
164 Ibid.
155 Ibid., p.151.
166 Ibid., p.151.
167 Ibid., p.152.
168 Ibid., p.153.
160 The Truth about Communism in China (New York:West Meets East Committee.1939). http://www.archive.org/stream/TheTruthAboutCommunismlnChina/TCC divu.txt (accessed December 16,2012).
170 Warren Cohen, America s Response to China, p.154.
171 Ibid.
172 Dean Acheson, "United States Position on China. August 1949," http://www.fordham.edu/halsall/mod/1949-acheson-china.html (accessed December 16.2012).
173 John G. Blair, E-mail to the author. December 19,2012.
174 Dean Acheson, "United States Position on China, August 1949."
Warren Cohen, America s Response to China, pp.193-194.
Warren Cohen. America's Response to China, p.194.
177 See Warren Cohen, America's Response to China, p.185.
178 Gordon H. Chang. Friends and Enemies:The United States, China and the Soviet Union,1948-1972 (Stanford, CA:Stanford University Press,1990). pp.11-12.
179 Gordon H. Chang. Friends and Enemies:The United States, China and the Soviet Union,1948-1972 (Stanford, CA:Stanford University Press,1990), p.83.
180 Warren Cohen, America's Response to China, p.199.
181 Ibid.
182 Warren Cohen, America's Response to China, p.193.
183 Dwight D. Eisenhower has often been portrayed as a president who did not personally direct the activities of his administration but merely preside over them. But Bennett C. Rushkoff argues that this notion might not be true. See Bennett C. Rushkoff, "Eisenhower, Dulles and the Quemoy-Matsu Crisis,1954-1955," Political Science Quarterly, Vol.96, No.3 (Fall 1981), pp.465-480. However, because of his close ties to the President and his even closer relationship with his brother. CIA Director Allen Dulles, John Foster Dulles was second in importance only to the President at any NSC meeting. President Eisenhower often dominated the discussions, but Dulles remained his most influential foreign policy adviser. See "A Short History of the Department of State," http://history.state.gov/departmenthistory/short-history/containmentandcoldwar (accessed December 19,2012).
184 Nancy Bernkopf Tucker, "John Foster Dulles and the Taiwan Roots of the'Two Chinas'Policy," in Richard H. Immerman, ed., John Foster Dulles and the Diplomacy of the Cold War (Princeton:Princeton University Press, 1990), p.235.
185 Ibid., pp.237-238.
186 Ibid., p.199.
187 "A Short History of the Department of State,' http://history.state.gov/departmenthistory/short-history/containmentandcoldwar (accessed December 19,2012).
188 Robin Hutcheon, China-Yellow (Hong Kong:Chinese University Press,1996), p.392.
189 Evelyn Goh, Constructing the U.S. Rapprochement with China,1961-1974 (New York, Cambridge University Press,2005), p.21. The primary sources are as follows:John Foster Dulles, "Our Policies toward Communism in China," speech to the Lions International Club, San Francisco, June 28,1957, FRUS 1955-7, Vol.3, pp.558,564. The "passing phase" phrase appears on pp.566,559, http://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1955-57v03/d268 (accessed April 30,2013). See also Miami Sunday News-Jun 28,1957 http://news.google.com/newspapers?nid=2454&dat=19570628&id=TsMyAAAAIBAJ&sjid=0eoFAAAAIBAJ&pg = 1052,5504941 (accessed December 19,2012).
190 John Foster Dulles. "Indochina-Views of the United States on the Eve of the Geneva Conference:Address by the Secretary of State. March 29.1954." http://avalon.law.yale.edu/20th century/inchO19.asp#1 (accessed December 19,2012). Dulles made this speech at the Overseas Press Club. New York and the transcript can be found in Department of State Bulletin, Apr.12.1954, pp.539-542.
191 John King Fairbank, The United States and China,4th rev. ed. (Cambridge, MA:Harvard University Press, 1983), p.455.
192 "Sino-Soviet Relations," http://countrvstudies.us/china/128.htm (accessed December 1,2012).
l9j Warren Cohen, America's Response to China, p.207.
194 "John F. Kennedy," http://www.sparknotes.com/bioaraphy/ifk/section4.rhtm) (accessed December 20,2012).
195 Ibid.
196 John F. Kennedy, "Inaugural Address,20 January 1961,' http://www.ifklibrary.org/Asset-Viewer/BqXIEM9F4024ntF17SVAiA.aspx (accessed May 4,2013).
197 John F. Kennedy, State of the Union Address. January 301961. http://wvvw.infoplease.com/t/hist/state-of-the-union/174.html (accessed May 4,2013).
198 Thomas G. Paterson, "Bearing the Burden:A Critical Look At JFK's Foreign Policy," The Virginia Quarterly Review, Vol.54. No.2 (Spring 1978), pp.193-212. https://www.vqronline.org/articles/1978/spring/paterson-bearing-burden/(accessed May 4,2013).
199 Evelyn Goh. Constructing the U.S. Rapprochement with China,1961-1974 (New York, Cambridge University Press,2005), p.4.
200 Jim Thomson, Memo to Ben Reed, "U.S. Policy Toward Communist China and Taiwan," September 1,1960, http://www.jfklibrary.org/Asset-Viewer/Archives/JFKCAMP1960-0993-021.aspx (accessed April 19,2013).
201 Chester Bowles, "The' China Problem'Reconsidered," Foreign Affairs, Vol.38, No.3 (April 1960), p.483.
202 See James C. Thomson Jr., recorded interview by Sheldon Stern, March 19,1980, John F. Kennedy Library Oral History Program, p.32, http://archivel.jfklibrary.org/JFKOH/Thomson,%20James%20C/JFK.OH-JCT-02/JFKOH-JCT-02-TR.pdf (accessed April 19,2013).
203 Warren Cohen, America's Response to China, p.208.
204 Chester Bowles, "The-China Problem'Reconsidered,"Foreign Affairs, Vol.38, No.3 (April 1960), pp.484-485.
205 Evelyn Goh, Constructing the U.S. Rapprochement with China,1961-1974 (New York. Cambridge University Press.2005), p.21.
206 Ibid., p.22.
207 Ibid.
208 James C. Thomson Jr., recorded interview by Sheldon Stern, March 19,1980, p.9, John F. Kennedy Library Oral History Program.
209 Evelyn Goh, Constructing the U.S. Rapprochement with China,1961-1974, p.23.
210 Warren Cohen, America's Response to China, p.209.
211 Ibid.
12 Evelyn Goh, Constructing the U.S. Rapprochement with China,1961-1974, p.24.
211 Ibid.,p.25.
214 Ibid.
215 Claude Arpi, "Why New Delhi Wants to Forget 1962?" March 17,2013. http://www.indiandefencereview.com/news/why-new-delhi-wants-to-forget-1962/(accessed April 22.2013).
216 "When John F Kennedy Almost Nuked China over India," The Indian Express, December 24,2012, http://www.indianexpress.com/storv-print/1049574/(accessed April 22.2013).
217 Evelyn Goh, Constructing the U.S. Rapprochement with China,1961-1974 (New York, Cambridge University Press,2005), pp.25-26.
218 http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/amex/china/timeline/timeline4.html (accessed December 24.2012).
219 Evelyn Goh, Constructing the U.S. Rapprochement with China,1961-1974, pp.26-27.
220 Ibid., p.27.
221 Ibid.
222 Warren Cohen, America's Response to China, p.213.
223 CIA, "Communist China's Foreign Policy,"National Intelligence Estimate,No.13-9-65(May 5,1965).pp.1-2. www.foia.cia.gov/docs/DOC 0001085117/DOC_0001085117.pdf (accessed Januan'18.2013).
224 Norman A. Graebner, Richard Dean Burns, Joseph M. Siracusa, America and the Cold War,1941-1991:A Realist Interpretation, Volume 1 (Santa Barbara. CA:Praeger.2010), p.295.
225 One example is Luo Ruiqing's"Commemorate the Victory over German Fascism! Carry the Struggle against U.S. Imperialism through to the End!", Peking Review, Vol.8, No.20 (May 14,1965), pp.7-15.
226 Norman A. Graebner, Richard Dean Burns, Joseph M. Siracusa, America and the Cold War,1941-1991:A Realist Interpretation, Volume 1 (Santa Barbara, CA:Praeger,2010), p.296.
227 According to Chen Jian, the CCP leadership's concept of revolution, especially its understanding of the relations between their own and the world proletarian revolution, evolved during the Chinese Civil War. "Mao and his comrades had consistently viewed the Chinese revolution as part of a world proletarian revolutionary movement initiated by Russian Bolsheviks. As the Chinese revolution progressed, however, a different model from that of the Russian revolution emerged:instead of concentrating on urban areas the Chinese revolution was largely rural-oriented. Mao and the CCP leadership now had second thoughts about the nature and significance of the Chinese revolution. During 1948-49, they began to think in terms of a much broader anti-imperialist Asian and world revolution. They had come to believe that their model of revolution transcended China. They concluded, first, that the Chinese revolution offered an example of universal significance to other peoples struggling for national liberation and, second, that the victory of the Chinese revolution was the beginning of a new high tide of revolutionary movements of oppressed peoples in Asia and in the world. Consequently, Mao and his comrades believed it their duty to assist Communist revolutionaries and national liberation movements in other countries in order to promote a worldwide revolution." See Chen Jian. China's Road to the Korean War:The Making of Sino-American Confrontation (New York:Columbia University Press,1994).
228 See Xinhua yuebao (New China Monthly), Vol.1, No.2 (1949), p.440; see also Liu Shaoqi, "On Internationalism and Nationalism"; Si Mu, "The International Significance of the Victory of the Chinese People's Revolutionary War," Shijie zhishi (World Knowledge), Vol.21, No.1 (December 1949), pp.19-21; Lu Dingyi, "The Worldwide Significance of the Chinese Revolution," Lu Dingyi wenji (A Collection of Lu Dingyi's Works, Beijing: People's Press,1992), pp.432-439. Cited in Chen Jian, China's Road to the Korean War:The Making of Sino-American Confrontation (New York:Columbia University Press,1994), Chapter 2. Note 40.
229 Alan Lawrance, China's Foreign Relations Since 1949 (Boston:Routledge and Kegan Paul,1975), p.181.
230 Norman A. Graebner, Richard Dean Burns, Joseph M. Siracusa, America and the Cold War,1941-1991:A Realist Interpretation, Volume 1 (Santa Barbara, CA:Praeger,2010), p.296.
231 Ibid.
232 Dean Rusk, cited in David Scott, China Stands Up:The PRC and the International System (New York: Routledge,2007), p.53.
233 Norman A. Graebner, Richard Dean Burns, Joseph M. Siracusa, America and the Cold War,1941-1991:A Realist Interpretation, Volume 1 (Santa Barbara, CA:Praeger,2010), p.297
234 D.P. Mozingo and T.W. Robinson, Lin Piao on "People's War":China Takes A Second Look at Vietnam (Santa Monica, CA:The RAND Corporation,1965), p.v, http://www.rand.org/content/dam/rand/pubs/research memoranda/2008/RM4814.pdf (accessed December 21. 2012).
235 Ibid.
236 Gordon H. Chang, Friends and Enemies:The United States, China and the Soviet Union,1948-1972 (Stanford, CA:Stanford University Press,1990), p.165.
237 Chen Jian. Mao's China and the Cold War (Chapel Hill:University of North Carolina Press,2001), p.207. Chapter 8 of this book gives a description of China's support for North Vietnam during this period.
238 Mao Zedong, cited in Chen Jian, Mao's China and the Cold War (Chapel Hill:University of North Carolina Press,2001), p.207.
239 Robert Garson, "Lyndon B. Johnson and the China Enigma," Journal of Contemporary History, Vol.32, No.1 (January 1997), pp.75-76. The report of the Special State-Defense Study Group is entitled "Communist China-Long Range Study." See also James Peck, Washington s China:the National Security World, the Cold War, and the Origins of Globalism (Boston:University of Massachusetts Press,2006), pp.226-232.
240 http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/amex/china/timeline/timeline5.html (accessed December 24,2012).
241 James Peck,Washington's China:the National Security World, the Cold War, and the Origins of Gloablism (Boston:University of Massachusetts Press,2006). p.233.
242 Tim Weiner, Legacy of Ashes:The History of the CIA (New York:Doubleday,2007), p.285.
243 Ibid., p.286. "But the CIA never found a shred of evidence that linked the leaders of the American left or the black-power movement to foreign governments (p.287).'
244 沈志华：《求之不易的会面：中苏两党领导人之间的试探与沟通——关于中苏同盟建立之背景和基础的再讨论(之一)》,载《华东师范大学学报(哲学社会科学版)》,2009年第1期,第3页。
245 沈志华：《求之不易的会面：中苏两党领导人之间的试探与沟通——关于中苏同盟建立之背景和基础的再讨论(之一)》,载《华东师范大学学报(哲学社会科学版)》,2009年第1期,第4页。
246 Mao Zedong, Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung, Vol. IV, (Beijing, Foreign Language Press,1961), pp.158-159.
247 沈志华：《从西柏坡到莫斯科：毛泽东宣布向苏联“一边倒”——关于中苏同盟建立之背景和基础的再讨论(之二)》,载《中共党史研究》,2009年第4期,第29页。
248 Chen Jian, Mao's China and the Cold War (Chapel Hill:University of North Carolina Press,2001). p.43. The five articles are:"Cast Away Illusions, Prepare for Struggle," "Farewell, Leighton Stuart!" "Why It Is Necessary to Discuss the White Paper," "Friendship' or Aggression?" and "The Bankruptcy of the Idealist Conception of History." See Mao Zedong, Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung, Vol. IV, (Beijing, Foreign Language Press,1961),op.425-450.中文参见：《毛泽东选集》第4卷,人民出版社1991年版,第1483-1517页。
249 He Di, "The Most Respected Enemy:Mao Zedong's Perception of the United States," The China Quarterly, No.137 (March,1994). p.148.
250 Chen Jian, China's Road to the Korean War(New York:Columbia University Press,1994). p.93.
251 Shuguang Zhang, "Threat Perception and Chinese Communist Foreign Policy," in Melvyn P. Leffler and David S. Painter, eds., The Origins of the Cold War:An International History (New York:Routledge,1994), p.277.
252 参见：唐洲雁：《毛泽东的美国观》,博十论文,复旦大学,2006年,第167页。
253 Mao Zedong, "The Chinese People Cannot Be Cowed by the Atom Bomb." Remarks in a conversation with Carl-Johan (Cay) Sundstrom, the first Finnish Ambassador to China when he presented his credentials on January 28,1955, http://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/mao/selected-works/volume-5/ms\vv5_40.htm (accessed May 5,2013)中文参见：毛泽东：《原子弹吓不倒中国人民》,载《毛泽东选集》第五卷,人民出版社1977年4月第1版,第136-137贞。亦可参见：《关于发展原子能事业、反对使用核武器文献选载(一九五五年一月——一九六五年五月)》,载《党的文献》,1994年第3期,第13页。
254 Mao Zedong, "U.S. Imperialism Is The Most Ferocious Enemy Of The World's People," January 12,1964, http://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/mao/selected-works/volume-9/mswv91 1.htm (accessed May 5,2013).
255 Frank Murray, "China and the United States:An Awkward Era, its Consequences and Future Implications," International Journal of Academic Research in Business and Social Sciences, Vol.2, No.10 (October 2012), p.3, http://www.hrmars.com/admin/pics/1316.pdf (accessed December 22,2012).
256 Frank Murray, "China and the United States:An Awkward Era, its Consequences and Future Implications," International Journal of Academic Research in Business and Social Sciences, Vol.2. No.10 (October 2012), p.3.
257 Frank Murray, "China and the United States:An Awkward Era, its Consequences and Future Implications," International Journal of Academic Research in Business and Social Sciences, Vol.2. No.10 (October 2012), p.5.
158 Harry Truman, "Statement by the President:United States Policy Toward China," December 15,1945. http://www.trumanlibrary.org/publicpapers/index.php?pid=306 (accessed April 19,2013).
259 Warren Cohen, America's Response to China (New York:Columbia University Press,2010). p.191.
260 Secretary of Defense, "A Report to the National Security Council on Courses of Action Relative to Communist China and Korea," (NSC-101), January 12,1951. http://www.trumanlibrary.org/whistlestop/study collections/korea/large/documents/pdfs/ci-5-1.pdf#zoom=100 (accessed April 19.2013).
261 Arnold A. Offner, "President Truman and the Origins of the Cold War," http://www.bbc.co.uk/history/worldwars/wwtwo/truman 01.shtml (accessed December 23,2012).
252 Frank Murray, "China and the United States:An Awkward Era, its Consequences and Future Implications,' International Journal of Academic Research in Business and Social Sciences, Vol.2. No.10 (October 2012). p.6.
263 http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/amex/china/timeline/index.html (accessed December 24,2012).
264 "Acheson Assails Consul's Arrest By Red China,"Edwardsville Intelligencer, November 16,1949 (Wednesday), http://newspaperarchive.com/edwardsville-intelligencer/1949-11-16 (accessed December 23,2012).
265 June Grasso, Truman's Two China Policy 1948-1950 (New York:M. E. Sharpe Inc.,1987), p.8. However, according to Shi Yinhong, the Ward Incident was used as an excuse to stop other countries from granting diplomatic recognition to the People's Public. See时殷弘：《论美国承认新中国问题(1949-1950)》,载《世界历史》,1991年第1期,第107页。
266 June Grasso, Truman's Two China Policy 1948-1950, p.57.
267 "American President:Harry S. Truman (1884-1972):Foreign Affairs,' http://millercenter.org/president/truman/essavs/biographv/5 (accessed December 23,2012).
268 Ibid.
269 Frank Murray, "China and the United States:An Awkward Era, its Consequences and Future Implications, International Journal of Academic Research in Business and Social Sciences, Vol.2, No.10 (October 2012), p.9.
270 Warren Cohen, America's Response to China, p.199.
271 http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/amex/china/timeline/index.html (accessed December 24,2012).
272 June Grasso, Truman's Two China Policy 1948-1950, p.80.
273 Frank Murray, "China and the United States:An Awkward Era, its Consequences and Future Implications," International Journal of Academic Research in Business and Social Sciences, Vol.2, No.10 (October 2012), p.8.
274 See Andrew Jon Rotter, The Path to Vietnam:Origins of the American Commitment to South-East Asia (Ithaca: Cornell University Press,1987), p.106.
'Cited in Chen Jian, China's Road to the Korean War:The Making of Sino-American Confrontation (New York: Columbia University Press,1994).
216 James S. Lay, Jr. (Executive Secretary), "A Report to the National Security Council on U.S. Action to Counter Chinese Communist Aggression (NSC-101/1)," January 15,1951, http://www.trumanlibrary.org/whistlestop/study collections/korea/large/documents/pdfs/ci-5-2.pdf#zoom=100 (accessed April 19,2013).
277 Keith S. Petersen, "Non-Recognition of Red China:Reasons and Rationalizations," Arkansas Academy of Science, Vol.7 (1954), p.76, http://libinfo.uark.edu/aas/issues/1954v7/v7a20.pdf (accessed December 23,2012).
278 See United States Department of State, Foreign Relations of the United States (FRUS),1951, Vol.7 pp.1671-1672, http://digicoll.library. wisc.edu/cgi-bin/FRUS/FRUS-idx?type=turn&entity=FRUS.FRUS1951v07p2.p0213&id=F RUS.FRUS 1951 v07p2&isize=M&q l=Slavic%20Manchukuo and http://digicoll.library.wisc.edu/cgi-bin/FRUS/FRUS-idx?type=turn&entity=FRUS.FRUS1951v07p2.p0214&id=F RUS.FRUS1951v07p2&isize=M&q1=Slavic%20Manchukuo. (accessed December 23,2012).
279 http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/amex/china/timeline/timeline2.html (accessed December 24.2012).
280 Keith S. Petersen, "Non-Recognition of Red China:Reasons and Rationalizations," Arkansas Academy of Science, Vol.7 (1954), p.77.
281 Ibid.
282 Harry Harding and Yuan Ming. Sino-American Relations,1945-1955:A Joint Reassessment of a Critical Decade (Wilmington:Scholarly Resources Inc.,1989), p.311.
283 A. Doak Barnett,China and the Major Powers in East Asia (Washington DC:Brookings Institute Press,1977). p.178.
284 http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/amex/china/timeline/timeline2.html (accessed December 24,2012).
285 June Grasso, Truman's Two China Policy 1948-1950 (New York:M. E. Sharpe Inc.,1987), p.142.
286 June Grasso, Truman's Two China Policy 1948-1950 (New York:M. E. Sharpe Inc.,1987), p.142. On February 1,1951. at the urging of the United States, the U.N. General Assembly adopted a resolution branding China an aggressor in the Korea conflict. See http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/amex/china/timeline/timeline2.html (accessed December 24.2012).
287 June Grasso, Truman's Two China Policy 1948-1950 (New York:M. E. Sharpe Inc.,1987), p.162.
288 http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/amex/china/timeline/timeline2.html (accessed December 24,2012). Kennedy was not the first to publish an essay in Foreign Affairs. On April 8,1955, in an article in Foreign Affairs, Arthur H. Dean, a U.S. negotiator in the Korean armistice talks and former law partner of Secretary of State Dulles, advocated U.S. recognition of Communist China.
289 Frank Murray. "China and the United States:An Awkward Era, its Consequences and Future Implications," International Journal of Academic Research in Business and Social Sciences, Vol.2. No.10 (October 2012), p.13.
290 Nancy Bernkopf Tucker, "John Foster Dulles and the Taiwan Roots of the "Two Chinas'Policy," in Richard H. Immerman, ed., John Foster Dulles and the Diplomacy of the Cold War (Princeton:Princeton University Press, 1990), p.255.
291 Warren Cohen, America's Response to China ("New York:Columbia University Press,2010), p.199.
292 http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/amex/china/timeline/timeline4.html (accessed December 24,2012).
293 http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/amex/china/timeline/timeline3.html (accessed December 24,2012).
294 Warren Cohen, America's Response to China (New York:Columbia University Press,2010), p.208.
295 Ibid., pp.208-9.
296 Ibid., p.209.
297 http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/amex/china/timeline/timeline4.html (accessed December 24.2012).
298 http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/amex/china/timeline/timeline5.html (accessed December 24,2012).
299 http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/amex/china/timeline/timeline5.html (accessed December 24.2012).
300 As Robert G. Sutter comments, "Maoist China sacrificed conventional diplomacy in pursuing revolutionary fervor during the early years of the Cultural Revolution. The foreign minister and much of the senior foreign policy elite were purged. Ambassadors were recalled and forced to undergo extensive ideological retraining". See Robert G. Sutter, U.S.-Chinese Relations:Perilous Past, Pragmatic Present (Lanham. MD:Rowman & Littlefield Publishers,2010), p.62.
301 Robert G. Sutter, U.S.-Chinese Relations:Perilous Past, Pragmatic Present (Lanham, MD:Rowman & Littlefield Publishers,2010), p.51.
302 Gordon H. Chang, Friends and Enemies:The United States, China and the Soviet Union,1948-1972 (Stanford, CA:Stanford University Press,1990), pp.72-3.
303 Ibid., p.73.
304 National Security Council, NSC 41. February 28,1949, FRUS,1949, Vol.9, p.827, http://images.library.wisc.edu/FRUS/EFacs/1949v09/reference/frus.frus1949v09.i0010.pdf (accessed December 25, 2012).
305 Ibid., p.833.
306 Memorandum by the Executive Secretary of the National Security Council (Souers) to the Council, March 3, 1949, FRUS,1949, Vol.9, p.834.
307 Memorandum of Conversation, by Mr. Stephen C. Brown of the Office of Chinese Affairs. March 9,1950. FRUS,1950, Vol.6, pp.622-3. http://images.library.wisc.edu/FRUS/EFacs2/1950v06/reference/frus.frus 1950v06.i0009.pdf (accessed December 25,2012). It is stated in the memo that "our decision had been made in the light of our knowledge and understanding of the difficulties under which they [the companies] were operating in China. We did not wish to embarrass them in their efforts to protect company properties, continue operations on a minimum basis, and secure exit permits for key personnel," From this, it can be said that the State Department's decision to give permission to the shipping was largely due to pressure from these companies. As is known. American businesses have been affecting American foreign policies since the earliest days of the United States.
308 http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/amex/china/timeline/timeline2.html (accessed December 25,2012).
309 http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/amex/china/timeline/timeline2.html (accessed December 24,2012).
310 Shu Guang Zhang, Economic Cold War:America s Embargo Against China and the Sino-Soviet Alliance, 1949-1963 (Washington, D.C.:Woodrow Wilson Center Press,2001). In this book, the author examines how and why the United States and its allies instituted economic sanctions against the People's Republic of China in the 1950s, and how the embargo affected Chinese domestic policy and the Sino-Soviet alliance. See Tao Peng. "Economic Cold War:America's Embargo against China and the Sino-Soviet Alliance.1949-1963 (review)," Journal of Cold War Studies, Vol.8. No.2 (Spring 2006), p.144, http://www.fas.harvard.edu/-hpcws/Vo18EconomicColdWar.doc (accessed December 25,2012).
311 Warren Cohen, America's Response to China (New York:Columbia University Press,2010), p.199.
312 Tao Peng, "Economic Cold War:America's Embargo against China and the Sino-Soviet Alliance,1949-1963 (review)," Journal of Cold War Studies, Vol.8, No.2 (Spring 2006), p.145.
313 See for example, Nancy Bernkopf Tucker, Patterns in the Dust (New York:Columbia University Press,1983).
314 James S. Lay, Jr. (Executive Secretary), "A Report to the National Security Council on U.S. Action to Counter Chinese Communist Aggression (NSC-101/1)," January 15,1951.
315 http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/amex/china/timeline/timeline2.html (accessed December 25,2012).
316 Warren Cohen, America's Response to China (New York:Columbia University Press,2010), p.199.
317 赵学功：《制约美国在朝鲜战争中使用核武器的若干因素》,载《史学月刊》2011年第4期,第75页。
318 Harry Truman, "The President's News Conference." November 30,1950, http://trumanlibrary.org/publicpapers/viewpapers.php?pid=985 (accessed May 6,2013).
319 Robert J. McMahon, "US national security policy from Eisenhower to Kennedy," p.297.
320 See Section 2.7.5 for details.
321 Jim Mann, "U.S. Considered'64 Bombing to Keep China Nuclear-Free," September 27,1998, http://articles.latimes.com/1998/sep/27/news/mn-26986 (accessed May 6,2013).
322 See Sean Matthew Turner."Containment and Engagement:U.S. China Policy in the Kennedy and Johnson Administration," PhD diss., University of Adelaide,2008, p.2.
323 Gary D. Rawnsley, "'The Great Movement to Resist America and Assist Korea':How Beijing Sold the Korean War," Media, War& Conflict, Vol.2, No.3 (December 2009), p.285.
324 Chen Jian, Mao s China and the Cold War (Chapel Hill:University of North Carolina Press,2001), p.87.
325 For details, see Chen Jian. Mao's China and the Cold War (Chapel Hill:University of North Carolina Press. 2001), p.87.
327 Chen Jian, "Mao and Sino-American Relations," in Melvyn P. Leffler, David S. Painter, The Origins Of The Cold War:An International History,2nd ed. (New York:Routledge,1994), p.293.
328 Mao Tsetung, "Our Great Victory in the War to Resist US Aggression and Aid Korea and Our Future Tasks" (Sept,12,1953), in Selected Works of Mao Tsetung, Vol.5 (Beijing,1977), p.115, http;//www.marxists.org/reference/archive/mao/selected-works/volume-5/mswv5_34.htm (accessed January 5. 2013).
329 See http://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/mao/works/red-book/ch06.htm (accessed January 6,2013).
330 Gary D. Rawnsley, "The Great Movement to Resist America and Assist Korea':How Beijing Sold the Korean War," Media, War & Conflict. Vol.2. No.3 (December 2009), p.296.
331 Chen Jian, China's Road to the Korean War (New York:Columbia University Press,1994), p.155.
332 Gary D. Rawnsley,"The Great Movement to Resist America and Assist Korea':How Beijing Sold the Korean War," Media, War A Conflict, Vol.2. No.3 (December 2009), p.309.
333 章百家：《1945-1955年中美关系史学术讨论会述评》,载《历史研究》,1987年第3期,第43页。
334 Steven M. Goldstein,"The United States and the Republic of China,1949-1978:Suspicious Allies," Taiwan Security Research, February 2000, p.6, http://iis-db.stanford.edu/pubs/10125/Goldstein.pdf (accessed January 5, 2013).
335 Alan M. Wachman, Why Taiwan? Geostrategic Rationales for China's Territorial Integrity (Singapore:NUS Press,2008), p.112.
336 Alan M. Wachman, Why Taiwan? Geostrategic Rationales for China's Territorial Integrity (Singapore:NUS Press,2008), p.110.
337 Zhou Enlai,"Resisting US Aggression, Aiding Korea and Defending Peace," Selected Works of Zhou Enlai, Volume Ⅱ, http://www.china.org.cn/e-America/historical/zhou.htm (accessed January 6,2013).
338 Ibid.
339 On July 23,1953, an editorial entitled "Taiwan Must Be Liberated" was published in People s Daily.
340 According to the interpretations of some American scholars, Eisenhower's statement in his February 1953
State of the Union speech was more out of political considerations than out of military considerations, and such a policy was meant to subject China to more pressure in the ceasefire negotiation over the Korean War.参见章百家：《1945-1955年中美关系史学术讨论会述评》,载《历史研究》,1987年第3期,第43-44页。Another scholar also held that Eisenhower's statement did not signify American acceptance of Chiang's mission to return to the mainland. Instead, it was intended as a signal to China of the need for closure in the Korean War, and as a sop to conservative Republicans at home. See Steven M. Goldstein, "The United States and the Republic of China, 1949-1978:Suspicious Allies." Taiwan Security Research, February 2000, p.7.
341 Gordon H. Chang, Friends and Enemies:The United States, China and the Soviet Union,1948-1972 (Stanford: Stanford University Press,1990), p.117.
342 Gordon H. Chang, Friends and Enemies:The United States, China and the Soviet Union,1948-1972 (Stanford: Stanford University Press,1990), p.118中文文献参见：装坚章主编：《中华人民共和国外交史》第一卷(1949-1956),世界知识出版社1994年版,第337页：王炳南：《中美会谈九年回顾》,世界知识出版社1985年版,第41-42页。
343 He Di, "The Most Respected Enemy:Mao Zedong's Perception of the United States." The China Quarterly, No.137 (March 1994). p.151.
344 Gordon H. Chang. Friends and Enemies:The United States, China and the Soviet Union.1948-1972 (Stanford: Stanford University Press,1990), p.120.
345 Chen jian, Mao's China and the Cold War (Chapel Hill:University of North Carolina Press,2001), p.167.
346 戴超武：《敌对与危机的年代：1954-1958年的中美关系》,社会科学文献出版社2003年版,第122-126页。
347 Steven M. Goldstein, "The United States and the Republic of China,1949-1978:Suspicious Allies," Taiwan Security Research, February 2000, p.7.
148 He Di,"The Most Respected Enemy:Mao Zedong's Perception of the United States," The China Quarterly, No.137 (March,1994), p.152.
349 参见吴冷西：《忆毛主席——我亲身经历的若干重大历史事件片断》,新华出版社1995年版,第74-75页。
350 吴冷西：《忆毛主席——我亲身经历的若干重大历史事件片断》,新华出版社1995年版,第74页。The English translation is taken from Chen Jian's book Mao's China and the Cold War, p.182.
351 Michael M. Sheng, "Mao and China's Relations with the Superpowers in the 1950s:A New Look at the Taiwan Strait Crises and the Sino-Soviet Split," Modern China, Vol.34 No.4 (October 2008), p.478.
352 Gordon H. Chang, Friends and Enemies:The United States, China and the Soviet Union,1948-1972 (Stanford. CA:Stanford University Press,1990), pp.183-84.
353 贾庆国：《未实现的和解：中美关系的隔阂与危机》,文化艺术出版社1998年版,第247页。
354 Steven M. Goldstein, "The United States and the Republic of China,1949-1978:Suspicious Allies," Taiwan Security Research, February 2000. p.8.
355 Marshall Green, "Working with Dulles:An Insider's Account of the Taiwan Straits Crisis," Foreign Service Journal (May 1989), p.46.
356 Ibid.
357 Chen Jian, Mao's China and the Cold War (Chapel Hill:University of North Carolina Press,2001), p.207.
358 Ibid.
359 Ibid., p.211.
360 Ibid.
361 Jung Chang and Jon Halliday, Mao:The Unknown Story, (New York:Alfred A. Knopf,2005). p.482.
362 Bob Seals, "Chinese Support for North Vietnam during the Vietnam War:The Decisive Edge," (September 23, 2008), http://www.militaryhistorvonline.com/20thcentury/articles/chinesesupport.aspx (accessed January 7,2013).
363 Jung Chang and Jon Halliday. Mao:The Unknown Stoiy, (New York:Alfred A. Knopf,2005), p.357.
364 Chen Jian, Mao s China and the Cold War (Chapel Hill:University of North Carolina Press,2001), Chap.8, pp.205-37.
1 Harry Harding. A Fragile Relationship:The United States and China since 1972 (Washington, D.C.:The Brookings Institution,1992). p.1.
2 "The Nixon Visit (February 21-28.1972)."http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/amex/china/sfeature/nixon.html (accessed January 13,2013). 3 Harry Harding. A Fragile Relationship:The United States and China since 1972 (Washington, D.C.:The
Brookings Institution,1992), pp.1-2.
4 "1972 Year in Review:Nixon Goes to China," http://www.upi.com/Audio/Year_in_Review/Events-of-1972/Nixon-Goes-to-China/12305688736666-5/(accessed January 13,2013).
5 James C. Thomson, Jr., "On the Making of U.S. China Policy,1961-9:A Study in Bureaucratic Politics," The China Quarterly, No.50 (April-June,1972), p.220.
6 Richard K. Betts, "U.S. National Security Strategy:Lens and Landmarks," Paper presented for the launch conference of the Princeton Project "Toward a New National Security Strategy," November 2004 (Originally presented May 2004), pp.17-18. http://www.princeton.edu/--ppns/papers/betts.pdf (accessed January 30,2013).
7 "Joint Resolution of Congress H.J. RES 1145,"August 7,1964, http://avalon.law.yale.edu/20th_century/tonkin-g.asp (accessed April 24,2013).
8 "Vietnam War," International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences,2008, http://www.encyclopedia.com/doc/1G2-3045302901.html; "Vietnam War Time Table," http://www.u-s-history.com/pages/h1959.html# 1968 (accessed April 24,2913).
9 Jean A. Garrison. Making China Policy:From Nixon to G.W. Bush (Boulder. CO:Lynnc Rienner Publishers, 2005), p.12.
10 Henry Kissinger. White House Years [e-book] (Weidenteld & Nicolson History,2000), p.275.
11 This section is based on the following article:"Sino-Soviet Border Disputes (March 1969)," http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/amex/china/peopleevents/pande06.html (accessed April 22,2013).
12 陈能宽：《中国为什么下决心搞原子弹》,载《神剑》,2005年第2期,第26-27页。
13 See William Burr and Jeffrey T. Richelson,"Whether To'Strangle the Baby in the Cradle":The United States and the Chinese Nuclear Program,1960-64," International Security, Vol.25. No.3 (Winter 2000/01), pp.54-99.参见：詹欣：《美国对中国核武器研制的评估与对策(1961-1964)》,载《当代中国史研究》第8卷第3期(2001年5月),第86-94页；聂文婷：《中国第一颗原子弹研制历程与重大意义研究综述》,载《西北工业大学学报(社会科学版)》,第32卷第1期(2012年3月),第38-44页。
14 See Raymond E. Zickel. ed.. The Soviet Union-A Country Study (Washington. D. C.:Federal Research Division of the Library of Congress.1989). http://www.shsu.edu/-his_ncp/Soviet2.html (accessed April 22,2013).
15 参见：石啸冲：《苏联争霸的全球战略与国际联合反霸》,载《社会科学》1980年第6期,第147-152页。
16 See Raymond E. Zickel, ed.. The Soviet Union-A Country Study (Washington, D. C.:Federal Research Division of the Library of Congress,1989), http://www.shsu.edu/-his ncp/Soviet2.html (accessed April 22,2013).
17 See Kenneth W. Rea, "Peking and the Brezhnev Doctrine." Asian Affairs. Vol.3, No.1 (September-October, 1975), pp.22-30.
18 Donna Urschel, "Foreign Affairs In the Nixon Era:Historical Witnesses Discuss Transatlantic Relations," Library of Congress Information Bulletin, Vol.62, No.7 (July/August 2003). http://www.loc.gov/loc/lcib/0307-8/policy.html (accessed April 30,2013).
19 Donna Urschel, "Foreign Affairs In the Nixon Era:Historical Witnesses Discuss Transatlantic Relations."
20 Colon Associates. Ltd., United States Foreign Policy:Asia (Washington:Government Printing Office,1959), p.119.
21 Nancy Bernkopf Tucker. "Taiwan Expendable? Nixon and Kissinger Go to China." The Journal of American History, Vol.92, No.l (June 2005), p.112. www3.nccu.edu.tw/-lorenzo/Tucker%20Taiwan%20Expendable.pdf (accessed January 22,2013).
22 Colon Associates, Ltd., United States Foreign Policy:Asia (Washington:Government Printing Office,1959). Its digital version is available at: http://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?u=1:num=148;seq=160;view=lup;size=100;id=mdp.39015035840498;page=root: orient=0#page/nO/mode/lup (accessed January 13,2013)中文相关文献参见：美国康伦公司《美国对亚洲的外交政策》,北京：书报简讯社1960年2月版；资中筠：《缓慢的解冻：中美关系打开之前十几年间美国对华舆论的转变过程》,载《美国研究》,1987年第2期,第7-35页：苏格：《(康伦报告)的战略构想》,载 《美国研究》,1997年第4期,第129-133页。
23 The two approaches are:1) Containment through isolation; 2) Normalization of relations.
24 Colon Associates, Ltd., United States Foreign Policy:Asia (Washington:Government Printing Office,1959), p.153.
2S Colon Associates, Ltd., United States Foreign Policy:Asia (Washington:Government Printing Office,1959), pp.153-154.
26 资中筠：《缓慢的解冻：中美关系打开之前十几年间美国对华舆论的转变过程》,载《美国研究》,1987年第2期,第11页：苏格：《<康伦报告)的战略构想》,载《美国研究》,1997年第4期,第132页。
27 Congressional Record:Proceedings and Debates of the 88th Congress, Second Session, Vol.110, No.56 (Mar.25, 1964). http://scipio.uark.edu/cdm4/item_viewer.php?CISOROOT=/Fulbright&CISOPTR=54&CISOBOX=1&REC=l (accessed January 14,2013).
28 Ibid.
29 Ibid.
30 资中筠：《缓慢的解冻：中美关系打开之前十几年间美国对华舆论的转变过程》,载《美国研究》,1987年第2期,第16页。
31 John Fairbank was consulted by Roger Hillsman, then Assistant Secretary of State for Far Eastern Affairs in January 1964, two months before he resigned because he disagreed with President Johnson's Vietnam policy. That was John Fairbank' first visit to Washington since 1950, but the meeting, which was mostly symbolic, was not held in a public office but in the residence of John Rockefeller.参见：资中筠：《缓慢的解冻：中美关系打开之前十几年间美国对华舆论的转变过程》,载《美国研究》,1987年第2期,第16-17页。
32 资中筠：《缓慢的解冻：中美关系打开之前十几年间美国对华舆论的转变过程》,载《美国研究》,1987年第2期,第17-18页。
33 The Committee for One Million (COM) was created in 1953 to collect signatures on a petition opposing the admission of the People's Republic of China to the United Nations, and was reorganized in 1955 as the Committee of One Million with the assistance of Marvin Liebman. an advertising entrepreneur. One of its leaders was Representative Walter Judd. It is possible that the CIA may have played a role in the Committee. See Stanley D. Bachrack, The Committee of One Million:"China Lobby" Politics,1953-1971 (New York:Columbia University Press,1976).
34 参见：资中筠：《缓慢的解冻：中美关系打开之前十几年间美国对华舆论的转变过程》,载《美国研究》,1987年第2期,第18页。
35 Minutes, China Panel Meeting. October 24,1967, Record Group 59:General Records of the Department of State, Subject Files of the Office of the Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs, lot 73D8, box 20, "China Advisory Panel Meeting. October 23-24,1967," National Archives Ⅱ, College Park, Maryland. Cited in Sean Matthew Turner, "Containment and Engagement:U.S. China Policy in the Kennedy and Johnson Administrations," PhD Diss., University of Adelaide,2008, p.l.
36 James C. Thomson, Jr., "On the Making of U.S. China Policy,1961-9:A Study in Bureaucratic Politics," The China Quarterly, No.50 (April-June,1972), p.220.
37 Ibid., p.221.
38 Ibid.,p.222.
39 James C. Thomson, Jr., "'On the Making of U.S. China Policy,1961-9:A Study in Bureaucratic Politics," The China Ouarterly. No.50 (April-June,1972), p.222.
40 Ibid., pp.222-223.
41 Ibid., p.225.
42 Ibid., p.226.
41 Ibid., p.227.
44 参阅：资中筠：《缓慢的解冻：中美关系打开之前十几年间美国对华舆论的转变过程》,载《美国研究》,1987年第2期,第33页,注7。
45 Kevin Quigley, "A Lost Opportunity:A Reappraisal of the Kennedy Administration's China Policy in 1963," Diplomacy & Statecraft, Vol.13. No.3 (September 2002), p.178, p.181.
46 James C. Thomson, Jr., "On the Making of U.S. China Policy,1961-9:A Study in Bureaucratic Politics," The China Quarterly, No.50 (April-June,1972), p.229.
47 Kevin Quigley,"A Lost Opportunity:A Reappraisal of the Kennedy Administration's China Policy in 1963." p.183. "Thomson was the son of missionaries who had been based in China. He shared their love of China and the Chinese. He had worked with Chester Bowles, the former US Ambassador to India, who became Undersecretary of State in 1961, during the 1956 presidential election and became his assistant when Bowles became a member of the House of Representatives in 1958. He followed him to the State Department. Thomson had also received a doctorate from Harvard, where his supervisor had been John King Fairbank and his subject the activities of Americans in China during the 1930s. From the beginning of his time in government his primary interest was China policy (pp.183-4)." Such a background made Thomson one of "the three main figures" in the process of reassessing and changing China policy, with the other two being Averall Harriman and Roger Hilsman (p.177).
48 James C. Thomson. Jr.. "On the Making of U.S. China Policy,1961-9:A Study in Bureaucratic Politics," The China Quarterly,No.50 (April-June,1972). p.229. 49 Ibid., p.230.
50 Ibid.
51 Kevin Quigley,"A Lost Opportunity:A Reappraisal of the Kennedy Administration's China Policy in 1963," p.185.
52 The Department of State Bulletin, Vol. L, No.1280, January,1964, p.17; See also James C. Thomson, Jr., "On the Making of'U.S. China Policy,1961-9:A Study in Bureaucratic Politics." The China Quarterly, No.50 (April-June,1972), p.230 and Roger Hilsman. To Move a Nation:The Politics of Foreign Policy in the Administration of John F. Kennedy (Garden City, N.Y.:Doubleday,1967), p.352.
53 Kevin Quigley,"A Lost Opportunity:A Reappraisal of the Kennedy Administration's China Policy in 1963," p.187.
54 Ibid.
55 James C. Thomson, Jr., "On the Making of U.S. China Policy,1961-9:A Study in Bureaucratic Politics," The China Quarterly, No.50 (April-June,1972), p.230.
56 Kevin Quigley, "A Lost Opportunity:A Reappraisal of the Kennedy Administration's China Policy in 1963,' p.176.
57 Ibid., p.187.
58 See Kevin Quigley, "A Lost Opportunity:A Reappraisal of the Kennedy Administration's China Policy in 1963," p.175. According to him,"Reaction to the speech at the time was generally favourable and suggested that the US public was becoming more willing to tolerate a discussion on what US China policy should be."
59 Kevin Quigley, "A Lost Opportunity:A Reappraisal of the Kennedy Administration's China Policy in 1963,' p.194.
60 Ibid.
61 Ibid., p.193.
62 Sean Matthew Turner, "Containment and Engagement:U.S. China Policy in the Kennedy and Johnson Administrations," PhD Diss., University of Adelaide (February 2008), p.v.
63 James C. Thomson. Jr. "Watching the China-Watchers," Foreign Policy. No.4 (Autumn 1971), pp.138-140. However, Warren Cohen, the biographer of Dean Rusk, argues that the hard line against China in the early 1960s was more a result of Kennedy's obsessions than Rusk's intractability. See Warren I. Cohen, Dean Rusk (Totowa, N.J.:Cooper Square,1980), p.172. p.281.
64 Nancy Bernkopf Tucker, "Threats, Opportunities, and Frustrations in East Asia,"'in Nancy Bernkopf Tucker and Warren 1. Cohen, eds., Lyndon Johnson Confronts the World:American Foreign Policy,1963-1968 (New York: Cambridge University Press,1994). p.106.
65 Gordon Chang, Friends and Enemies:the United States, China and the Soviet Union,1948-1972 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press,1990), p.272.
66 Ibid.
67 Evelyn Goh, Constructing the U.S. Rapprochement with China,1961-1974:From "Red Menace" to "Tacit Ally" (New York:Cambridge University Press,2005), p.42.
68 Ibid. However, it was a little bit inaccurate to talk about "membership" because "China" was a member of the United Nations and one of the five members of the Security Council. As James Thomson puts it, "the question is clearly one of representation-who shall sit in China's seat-not of membership." See James C. Thomson, Jr., "Watching the China-Watchers," Foreign Policy, No.4 (Autumn 1971), p.141.
69 Nancy Bernkopf Tucker, "Threats, Opportunities, and Frustrations in East Asia," in Lyndon Johnson Confronts the World:American Foreign Policy,1963-1968, ed. Nancy Bernkopf Tucker and Warren I. Cohen (New York: Cambridge University Press,1994). p.134.
70 Nancy Bernkopf Tucker's view. Cited in Sean Matthew Turner, "Containment and Engagement:U.S. China Policy in the Kennedy and Johnson Administrations," PhD Diss., University of Adelaide (February 2008), p.8.
71 Robert Garson, "Lyndon B. Johnson and the China Enigma," Journal of Contemporary History, Vol.32, No.1 (January 1997), p.63.
72 Warren Cohen. "Kennedy's China," review of A Conflict Perpetuated, by Noam Kochavi, Diplomatic History, No.28 (January 2004), p.157.
73 Kevin Quigley. "A Lost Opportunity:A Reappraisal of the Kennedy Administration's China Policy in 1963," Diplomacy & Statecraft, Vol.13. No.3 (September 2002), pp.193-4.
74 James C. Thomson, Jr. "Watching the China-Watchers," Foreign Policy, No.4 (Autumn 1971), p.138. As James C. Thomson summarizes, "For American China-watchers, amateur and professional,1971 has been a very big year, the biggest in two decades. Ever since Chou En-lai decreed'a new page'in Sino-American relations, things have begun to happen thick and fast. It was startling enough that athletes, journalists, and even academics began to come and go, that the trade ban was eased, and that scores of other Americans scrambled to get on the visa list. But then came the secret Chou-Kissinger meeting and the bomb-shell announcement on July 15 of a Nixon-Mao summit. Before long, Peking's diplomats will be living in New York, perhaps in Washington as well."
75 Richard Nixon, "Address by Richard M. Nixon to the Bohemian Club." San Francisco, July 29.1967. http://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1969-76v01/d2 (accessed January 19.2013).
76 Yukinori Komine. Secrecy in US Foreign Policy:Nixon. Kissinger and the Rapprochement with China (Burlington, VT:Ashgate,2008). p.30.
77 Henry Kissinger. "Central Issues of American Foreign Policy." FRUS,1969-1976. Vol.1. pp.21-48. http://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1969-76v01/d4 (accessed January 19,2013).
78 Yukinori Komine, Secrecy in US Foreign Policy:Nixon, Kissinger and the Rapprochement with China (Burlington, VT:Ashgate,2008). p.31.
79 Henry Kissinger. "Central Issues of American Foreign Policy.'
80 Yukinori Komine. Secrecy in US Foreign Policy:Nixon, Kissinger and the Rapprochement with China, p.31.
81 Henry Kissinger, "Central Issues of American Foreign Policy.'
82 Ibid.
83 Ibid.
84 Henry Kissinger, White House Years [e-book] (Weidenfeld & Nicolson History,2000), p.79. http://gendocs.rn/docs/19/18153/conv_1/file1.pdf (accessed September 08,2012).
85 Henry Kissinger, Diplomacy (New York:Simon & Schuster.1994), pp.703-704.
86 Henry R. Nau, "Conservative Internationalism:Jefferson to Polk to Truman to Reagan," Policy Review, No.150 (July 30,2008). http://www.hoover.org/publications/policy-review/article/5799(Accessed December 10.2012).
87 Henry Kissinger. Diplomacy (New York:Simon & Schuster,1994). p.705.
88 On the opening to China, Kissinger has such comments:"There was a marginal difference in our perspectives. Nixon saw in the opening to China a somewhat greater opportunity than I to squeeze the Soviet Union into short-term help on Vietnam; I was more concerned with the policy's impact on the structure of international relations. Nixon tended to believe that ending the isolation of 800 million Chinese itself removed a great threat to peace. To me a China active in foreign policy would call for very skillful diplomacy to calibrate our policies in the more complicated context that would evolve and that would alter all international relationships. But these differences rested on the same fundamental judgment:that if relations could be developed with both the Soviet Union and China the triangular relationship would give us a great strategic opportunity for peace," See Henry Kissinger, White House Years [e-book], p.204.
89 Yukinori Komine, Secrecy in US Foreign Policy:Nixon, Kissinger and the Rapprochement with China, p.33.
90 This section is based on Yukinori Komine, Secrecy in US Foreign Policy:Nixon, Kissinger and the Rapprochement with China (Burlington. VT:Ashgate,2008), p.31.
91 Richard Nixon, "US Foreign Policy for the 1970s:A New Strategy for Peace," February 18,1970, FRUS, 1969-1976, Vol.1, Report by President Nixon to Congress, http://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1969-76v01/d60 (accessed January 20,2013).
92 Richard Nixon, "Address to the Nation on the War in Vietnam (November 3,1969)," http://www.nixonlibrary.gov/forkids/speechesforkids/silentmajority/silentmajority_transcript.pdf (accessed January 20,2013).
93 Robert S. Litwak. Detente and the Nixon Doctrine:American Foreign Policy and the Pursuit of Stability, 1969-1976 (New York:Cambridge University Press,1984), p.146.
94 Richard Nixon, "Address by Richard M. Nixon to the Bohemian Club," San Francisco. July 29.1967.
95 Henry Kissinger. Diplomacy, p.706.
6 Henry Kissinger, "Central Issue of American Foreign Policy,'
Hanns W. Maull, "Hegemony reconstructed? America's role conception and its' leadership' within its core alliances," in Sebastian Harnisch, Cornelia Frank & Hanns W. Maull. eds.. Role Theory in International Relations (New York:Routledge,2011). p.168.
98 Donna Urschel, "Foreign Affairs In the Nixon Era:Historical Witnesses Discuss Transatlantic Relations.'
99 Cited in Henry Kissinger. Diplomacy. p.705.
100 Henry Kissinger, Diplomacy, p.706.
101 Donna Urschel, "Foreign Affairs In the Nixon Era:Historical Witnesses Discuss Transatlantic Relations.'
102 Robert S. Litwak, Detente and the Nixon Doctrine:American Foreign Policy and the Pursuit of Stability, 1969-1976 (New York:Cambridge University Press,1984), p.146.
103 See Frank N. Trager, "The Nixon Doctrine and Asian Policy," Southeast Asian Perspectives, No.6 (June 1972), p.4.
104 Richard Nixon, First Inaugural Address. January 20,1969, http://avalon.law.yale.edu/20th_century/nixonl.asp (accessed January 22,2013).
105 Ibid. Kissinger also expressed his conservations about American foreign policy since 1945. "The containment strategy of the early postwar period had projected America into the front line of every international crisis; the soaring rhetoric of the Kennedy period had set goals that were beyond America's physical and emotional capabilities." See Kissinger, Diplomacy, p.707.
106 Evelyn Goh, Constructing the U.S. Rapprochement with China,1961-1974:From "Red Menace" to "Tacit Ally",p.114.
107 Henry Kissinger, On China, p.85.
108 Henry Kissinger, Diplomacy, p.720.
109 Henry Kissinger, On China, p.86. Also see Kissinger, Diplomacy, pp.721-722. Elliot Richardson stated,"In the case of Communist China, longrun improvement in our relations is in our own national interest. We do not seek to exploit for our own advantage the hostility between the Soviet Union and the People's Republic. Ideological differences between the two Communist giants are not our affair. We could not fail to be deeply concerned, however, with an escalation of this quarrel into a massive breach of international peace and security." See Henry Kissinger, White House Years [e-book], p.225.
110 Henry Kissinger, On China, p.86.
111 Henry Kissinger, Diplomacy, p.713.
112 Henry Kissinger,Dilomacy.p723.
113 Jean A.Garrison.Making China Policy:From Nixon to G.W.Bush,p.11.
114 Richard Nixon,"Asia after Viet Nam,"Foreign Sffairs,Vol.46,No.1(1967).pp119-121.
115 Jean A.Garrison.Making China Policy: Form Nixon to G.W.Bush,pp.11.12.
116 Evelyn Goh, Constructing the U.S. Rapprochement with China,1961-1974:From "Red Menace " to "Tacit Ally", p.109.
117 Winston Lord recalled this. See Nancy Bernkopf Tucker, China Confidential" American Diplomats and Sino-US Relations since 1945 (New York:Columbia University Press,2001), p.226.
118 National Archives, Nixon Presidential Materials NSC Files, Box 365. Subject Files, NSSMs 1-42. Secret. See Even M. Duncan, ed. Foreign Relations of the United States,1969-1976, Volume V, United Nations,1969-1972 (Washington:United States Government Printing Office,2004), p.481. Also available at: http://static.history.state.gov/frus/frus1969-76v17/medium/0063.png (accessed January 20,2013). The Study report responded to the Memorandum dated February 5,1969 was published on August 8.1969.
119 According to Shuguang Zhang, it might be due to the bureaucratic struggle between NSC and the State Department over initiative over China policy.参见：张曙光：《接触外交：尼克松政府与解冻中美关系》,世界知识出版社2009年版,第43页。
120 The subject is "Next Steps Toward the People's Republic of China." This document begins with the following words:"The President has directed a study of possible diplomatic initiatives which the United States might take toward the People's Republic of China (PRC) with the objective of furthering the improvement of relations. These initiatives should explore the degree to which it is possible to build on recent progress. They should be put into the context of our relations towards other countries, especially the USSR and Japan." See National Security Study Memorandum 124, http://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frusl969-76v17/d117 (accessed January 21.2013).
121 Foreign Relations of the United States,1969-1976, Volume XVII, China.1969-1972. Document 105. http://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frusl969-76v17/d105 (accessed January 20,2013).
122 "Nixon's View of the World-From Informal Talks," in U.S. News and World Report, Vol.LXV, No.12 (September 16,1968). p.48. Cited in Henry Kissinger. Diplomacy, p.721.
l23 "Memorandum From President Nixon to his Assistant for National Security Affairs (Kissinger)," Washington, February 1,1969. http://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1969-76vl7/d3 (accessed January 22,2013). Also see Henry Kissinger. White House Years [e-book], p.210.
124 Response to National Security Study Memorandum 124, http://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frusl969-76vl7/d129 (accessed January 21,2013).
125 张曙光：《基辛格与中美”解冻”序幕的拉开：兼论外交决策者个人因素》,载《历史研究》,2007年第5期,第162页。
126 As for how Kissinger made this a reality and his role in normalizing Sino-US relations, see张曙光：《基辛格与中美”解冻”序幕的拉开：兼论外交决策者个人因素》,载《历史研究》,2007年第5期,第159-162页。亦可参见：张曙光：《接触外交：尼克松政府与解冻中美关系》,世界知识出版社2009年版,第二章”重新策划美国冷战战略”,第19-47贞。
127 Jean A. Garrison, Making China Policy:From Nixon to G. W. Bush, p.11.
128 John Lewis Gaddis, Strategies of Containment:A Critical Appraisal of American National Security Policy during the Cold War, revised and expanded edition (New York:Oxford University Press,2005), p.280.
129 http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/amex/china/filmmore/description.html (accessed January 22.2013).
130 Richard Nixon, "First Annual Report to the Congress on United States Foreign Policy for the 1970's.,' February 18,1970. Online by Gerhard Peters and John T. Woolley,The American Presidency Project. http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=2835 (accessed January 20.2013).
131 According to Evelyn Goh. this report was written by Kissinger and his NSC staff. See Evelyn Goh, Constructing the U.S. Rapprochement with China,1961-1974:From "Red Menace" to "Tacit Ally", p.117. Kissinger himself later wrote that the report was drafted by NSC staff and him, and the report reflected Nixon's views and were issued in Nixon's name. See Kissinger. Diplomacy, p.711.
132 Henry Kissinger. "Central Issues of American Foreign Policy."
133 Henry Kissinger, Diplomacy, p.711.
134 Ibid.
135 Ibid., p.714.
136 Robert Dallek, Nixon and Kissinger:Partners in Power (New York:HarperCollins Publishers,2007), p.290.
137 Evelyn Goh, Constructing the U.S. Rapprochement with China,1961-1974:From "Red Menace" to "Tacit Ally", p.122.
138 Jean A. Garrison. Making China Policy:From Nixon to G. W. Bush, p.13.
139 According to Niu Jun, the "fighting with two fists" strategy cannot correctly describe China's foreign relations strategy during the 1960s. The reality is that Chinese leaders still wanted to stabilize Sino-Soviet Relations so as to concentrate forces to deal with the armed intervention of Vietnam by the United States. He argues that the key factor which determined China's foreign relations strategy was the fact that the Chinese leaders had two fundamental notions in assessing world situation. The first one was the United States, both in terms of world revolution and China's national security, was the most dangerous enemy of China; the second one was the U.S.-Soviet collusion. So his opinion is that China's foreign relations strategy did not change fundamentally until the Zhenbao Island Incident in March 1969. See牛军：《1969年中苏边界冲突与中国外交战略的调整》,载《当代中国史研究》,1999年第1期,第67-70页。
140 He Di. "The Most Respected Enemy:Mao Zedong's Perception of the United States." The China Quarterly, No.137 (March.1994). p.154.
141 Ibid.
142 参见：杨明伟：《“以阶级斗争为纲”错误口号的由来》,载《炎黄春秋》1998年第8期,第8-13页。
143 See http://english.gov.cn/2005-08/06/content 24233.htm (accessed April 22,2013).
144 参见：刘明钢：《王稼祥与“三和一少”》,载《党史博览》,1999年第1期,第42-45贞。
145 李捷：《物极必反：60年代的中国国内政治与中美关系》,载姜长斌、[美]罗伯特·罗斯主编：《从对峙走向缓和：冷战时期中美关系再探讨》,世界知识出版社2000年版,第511页。
146 Kuisong Yang & Yafeng Xia, "Vacillating between Revolution and Detente:Mao's Changing Psyche and Policy toward the United States,1969-1976," Diplomatic History. Vol.34, No.2 (April 2010). p.396. As for Chinese sources, see李捷：《物极必反：60年代的中国国内政治与中美关系》,第509-510页。
147 李捷：《物极必反：60年代的中国国内政治与中美关系》,第512页。Li Jie. "Changes in China's Domestic Situation in the 1960s and Sino-U.S. Relations," in Robert S. Ross and Jiang Changbin. eds., Reexamining the Cold War:US-China Diplomacy,1954-1973 (Cambridge:Harvard University Press,2001). p.304. Cited in Henry Kissinger, On China, pp.79-80.
148 Kuisong Yang & Yafeng Xia, "Vacillating between Revolution and Detente:Mao's Changing Psyche and Policy toward the United States,1969-1976," Diplomatic History, Vol.34. No.2 (April 2010). p.396.
149 李捷：《物极必反：60年代的中国国内政治与中美关系》,第512-513页。
150 http://academic.mu.edu/meissnerd/cr.htm (accessed January 23,2013)
151 Chen Jian, Mao's China and the Cold War (Chapel Hill, NC:University of North Carolina Press,2001), p.243.
152 Leonid Brezhnev made the doctrine clear in a speech at the Fifth Congress of the Polish United Workers' Party on November 13,1968, which stated:"When forces that are hostile to socialism try to turn the development of some socialist country towards capitalism, it becomes not only a problem of the country concerned, but a common problem and concern of all socialist countries." See Ralph R. Reiland, "Budapest:October 23,1956, http://spectator.org/archives/2006/10/23/budapest-october-23-1956 (accessed April 24,2013).
153 Allen S. Whiting, "Sino-Soviet Hostilities and Implications for U.S. Policy," August 16,1969, http://www.gwu.edu/～nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB49/sino.sov.9.pdf (accessed April 23,2013).
154 Chen Jian, Mao's China and the Cold War (Chapel Hill, NC:University of North Carolina Press,2001), p.245.参见：宫力：《从中美缓和到实行“一条线”的战略：20世纪60年代末、70年代初中国对外战略的转变》,载《中国中央党校学报》,第6卷第2期(2002年5月),第74页,注②：陈少铭：《一九六九年“国际形势座谈会”及其历史贡献》,载《中共党史研究》,2008年第1期,第77页。
155 Kuisong Yang & Yafeng Xia. "Vacillating between Revolution and Detente:Mao's Changing Psyche and Policy toward the United States.1969-1976." Diplomatic History. Vol.34, No.2 (April 2010). p.400.
156 Henry Kissinger, On China, p.82.
157 See Joseph Yu-Shek Cheng & Franklin Wankun Zhang. "Chinese Foreign Relations Strategies Under Mao and Deng:A Systematic and Comparative Analysis," Kasarinlan:Philippine Journal of Third World Studies, Vol.14, No.3 (1999). http://journals.upd.edu.ph/index.php/kasarinlan/article/view/l415/pdf_59 (accessed January 23, 2013).
158 Richard Nixon, "The President's News Conference," March 14,1969. Online by Gerhard Peters and John T. Woolley, The American Presidency Project. http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/7pid=951 (accessed January 23, 2013).
159Ibid参见：熊向晖：《打开中美关系的前奏：1969年四位老帅对国际形势研究和建议的前前后后》,载《瞭望周刊》,1992年第35期,第23页。
160 Henry Kissinger, White House Years., p.212.
161 熊向晖：《打开中美关系的前奏：1969年四位老帅对国际形势研究和建议的前前后后》,载《瞭望周刊》,1992年第35期,第23页As for the time of Mao's instructions, there is another version which states that it was one a meeting on February 1969 that Mao suggested that the four marshals have a study of international issues, and later after the Zhenbao Island Incident he mentioned it again and during the Ninth Congress he mentioned it the third time. But Xiong Xianghui did not mention this参见：王永钦：《1969年——中美关系的转折点》,载《党的文献》1995年第6期,第78页：李捷：《物极必反：60年代的中国国内政治与中美关系》,第522-523贞。Chen Jian also has a different timeline when he details the four Marshals'study efforts, which seems to support Wang Yongqin and Li.Jie's account. See Chen Jian, Mao s China and the Cold War, pp.246-249. My understanding is that, it might be true that Mao proposed that the four marshals should study international issues, but no actions were taken, so he urged them to do that after the Zhenbao Island Incident in March and the Ninth Congress in April. However, it was after the third time when Mao mentioned this that Zhou Enlai took it seriously and sincerely talked the four marshals into carrying out Mao's instructions because the four marshals had a lot of misgivings about such a task. It is true that some sources indicate that the four marshals compared notes with each other on their understanding of the Zhenbao Island Incident. But in their account, they all use "Symposium on International Situation," but this is confusing. According to Xiong Xianghui, only the discussions starting from June 7,1969 and ended on October 11,1969 can be referred to as the "Symposium on International Situation参见：熊向晖：《我的情报与外交生涯》,中共党史出版社2006年版,第183页,
162 Yafeng Xia, "China's Elite Politics and Sino-American Rapprochement. January 1969-February 1972." Journal of Cold War Studies. Vol.8. No.4 (Fall 2006). pp.6-8.
163 Ibid.
164 This idea was exemplified in Lin Biao's essay Long Live the Victory of People s War! Lin announced that just as the CCP had built its strength in the countryside to encircle and eventually conquer China's metropolitan centers, so the revolutionary upheavals of Asia, Africa, and Latin America (the "rural areas") would eventually destroy North American and European imperialism (the "cities"). See Gordon Chang, Friends and Enemies:the United States, China and the Soviet Union,1948-1972 (Stanford, CA:Stanford University Press,1990), p.269.
165 Gordon Chang, Friends and Enemies:the United States, China and the Soviet Union,1948-1972 (Stanford, CA:Stanford University Press,1990), p.260.
166 Chen Jian. Mao's China and the Cold War (Chapel Hill, NC:University of North Carolina Press,2001), p.207.
167 Ibid., p.232.
168 Raymond Whitaker & David Usborne, "Peking embassy siege veterans recall the Red Guards'summer of hate,' August 17,1997. http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/peking-embassy-siege-veterans-recall-the-red-guards-summer-of-hate-1 245933.html (accessed January 23,2013). See also "Sir Whitney, http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/obituaries/politics-obituaries/9478296/Sir-Ray-Whitney.html (accessed January 23,2013).
169 李捷：《物极必反：60年代的中国国内政治与中美关系》,第516-517页：宫力：《从中美缓和到实行条线”的战略：20世纪60年代末、70年代初中国对外战略的转变》,载《中国中央党校学报》,第6卷第2期(2002年5月),第72页。
170 Henry Kissinger. On China, p.83.
171 Chen Jian. Mao's China and the Cold War (Chapel Hill. NC:University of North Carolina Press,2001), pp.242-3.
172 "Conversation between Mao Zedong and Beqir Balluku,1 October 1968" and "Conversation between Mao Zedong and E.F. Hill,28 November 1968." CWIHP Bulletin, No. II (Winter 1998), pp.156-161.
173 Tong Zhao,"Nuclear Signaling and China's Perception about Nuclear Threat:How China Handled Nuclear Threats in the Cold War," Paper presented at the annual meeting of the International Studies Association Annual Conference "Global Governance:Political Authority in Transition", Le Centre Sheraton Montreal Hotel, MONTREAL, QUEBEC, CANADA. Mar 16.2011. http://www.posse.gatech.edu/sites/posse.gatech.edu/files/Nuclear%20Signaling%20and%20China's%20Perception %20about%20Nuclear%20Threat%20-%20How%20China%20Handled%20Nuclear%20Threats%20in%20the%2 0Cold%20War.pdf (accessed January 13.2013).
174 王永钦：《1969年—中美关系的转折点》,载《党的文献》1995年第6期,第78页。
175 牛军：《1969年中苏边界冲突与中国外交战略的调整》,载《当代中国史研究》,1999年第1期,第74页。
176 《周恩来外交活动大事记,1949-1975》,世界知识出版社1993年版,第539页。参见：刘勇：《罗马尼亚渠道与中美关系的解冻》,载《中国青年政治学院学报》2005年第3期,第50-55页。
Henry Kissinger. White House Years, p.230.
178 For important documentation on Pakistan's role as a go-between in the Sino-American relationship, see F.S. Aijazuddin, From a Head, Through a Head, To a Head:The Back channel Between the US and China Through Pakistan (New York:Oxford University Press,2000)参见：郑华：《中美关系解冻过程中的巴基斯坦渠道》,载《史学集刊》2008年5月第3期,第72-77页。
179 See William Burr, ed.. The Sino-Soviet Border Conflict,1969:U.S. Reactions and Diplomatic Maneuvers [National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No.49], Published on June 12,2001. http://www.gwu.edu/-nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB49/(accessed April 23,2013).
180 Geoffrey Warner, "Nixon, Kissinger and the breakup of Pakistan,1971 (Review Article).''International Affairs. Vol.81. No.5 (2005). p.1100. http://www.chathamhouse.org/sites/delault/fiies/public/International%20Affairs/2005/inta81_5_1097.pdf (accessed January 20,2013).
181 See http://www.pbs.org/vvgbh/amex/china/peopleevents/pande01.html (accessed January 21,2013).
182 Richard Nixon,"Address Before the 24th Session of the General Assembly of the United Nations," September 18,1969. http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/vvs/?pid=2236 (accessed April 23,2013).
183 See http://www.gwu.edu/-nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB66/(accessed April 23,2013).
184 Richard Nixon, "First Annual Report to the Congress on United States Foreign Policy for the 1970's., February 18,1970.
185 Ibid.
186 Richard Nixon, "Second Annual Report to the Congress on United States Foreign Policy," February 25,1971. Online by Gerhard Peters and John T. Woolley. The American Presidency Project. http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=3324 (accessed January 20,2013).
187 Nixon's first use of the People's Republic of China was in a toast to Ceausescu three months before, on October 26,1970. Even at that time, Nixon wanted to send a positive signal to Beijing. As Kissinger describes, "At the state dinner, Nixon toasted the many common interests of the United States and Romania, listing prominently that of good relations, such as Romania had, with the United States, the Soviet Union, and the'People's Republic of China.'It was the first use of China's official name by an American President. And just to make sure that the Romanians got the message, I reiterated Nixon's themes and language in a private conversation with Ceausescu at Blair House on October 27." See Henry Kissinger, White House Years, p.828. But it was the first time that the phrase "the People's Republic of China" had appeared in an American official document. See陶文钊：《中美关系史(1949-1972)》,上海人民出版社2004年版,第332页。
188 Richard Nixon, "Second Annual Report to the Congress on United States Foreign Policy," February 25,1971.
189 Ibid.
190 Ibid.
191 This section is based on Jean A. Garrison, Making China Policy:From Nixon to G. W. Bush, p.35.
192 Warren Cohen, America's Response to China:A History of Sino-American Relations.5th ed. (New York: Columbia University Press,2010). p.217.
193 Henry Kissinger, On China (New York:The Penguin Press,2011), p.86.
194 参见：朱明权：《尼克松关于对外战略的构想与基辛格的“破冰之旅”》,朱明权主编：《尼克松时期的美国对华政策(1969-1972)》,上海人民出版社2011年版,第23-26页。
195 Henry Kissinger, Diplomacy, p.723.
196 陶文钊：《中美关系史[1949-1972)》,上海人民出版社2004年版,第328页
157 Carroll Kilpatrick, "U.S. Ends Ban on China Trade; Items Are Listed," The Washington Post, June 11,1971. http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/inatl/longterm/flash/june/china71.htm (accessed January 25,2013). For details of the five measures in Chinese, see陶文钊：《中美关系史(1949-1972)》,上海人民出版社2004年版,第336页。
198 Carroll Kilpatrick, "U.S. Ends Ban on China Trade; Items Are Listed," The Washington Post, June 11,1971.
199 牛军：《1969年中苏边界冲突与中国外交战略的调整》,载《当代中国史研究》,1999年第1期,第76页。
200 王永钦：《1969年—中美关系的转折点》,载《党的文献》1995年第6期,第80页。
201 罗斯玛丽·福特：《60年代美国国内政局与中美关系—重新定义：美国国内因素与对华政策》,载姜长斌、[美]罗伯特·罗斯主编：《从对峙走向缓和：冷战时期中美关系再探讨》,世界知识出版社2000年版,第562页；戚尔达；《中美关系正常化的最初步骤：以1969年-1972年为中心的考察》,载《国际问题研究》,2010年,第11期(总第445期),第213页。
202 A. Doak Barnett, China and the Major Powers in East Asia (Washington D.C.:The Brookings Institution, 1977), p.233.
203 Henry Kissinger, White House Years, p.839.
204 http://blog.nixonfoundation.org/2010/07/7-15-71-rn-accepts-invitation-to-china/(accessed January 22,2013). It was also announced in Beijing simultaneously.
205 James C. Thomson. Jr.. "Watching the China-Watchers," Foreign Policy, No.4 (Autumn 1971), p.140.
206 Nancy Bernkopf Tucker, "Taiwan Expendable? Nixon and Kissinger Go to China," The Journal of American History. Vol.92. No.1 (June 2005),p.127.
207 Warren Cohen, America s Response to China:A History of Sino-American Relations, p.218.
208 Nancy Bernkopf Tucker, "Taiwan Expendable? Nixon and Kissinger Go to China," The Journal of American History, Vol.92, No.I (June 2005),p.129.
209 Ibid., p.130.
210 Nixon, Rogers, and Kissinger, conversation 581-6. September 30,1971, Nixon White House Tapes (National Security Archive), transcript by Chamberlain, cited in Nancy Bernkopf Tucker, "Taiwan Expendable? Nixon and Kissinger Go to China,"The Journal of American History, Vol.92, No.1 (June 2005). p.130.
211 John W. Garver, The Sino-American Alliance:Nationalist China and American Cold War Strategy in Asia (ArmonkNY:ME. Sharpe,1997), p.261.
212 Ibid, p.262.
213 Warren I. Cohen, "The United States and China during the Cold War," http://www.gilderlehrman.org/history-by-era/seventies/essays/united-states-and-china-during-cold-war (accessed December 24.2012).
214 http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/amex/china/timeline/timeline4.html (accessed December 24,2012).
215 http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/amex/china/timeline/timeline5.html (accessed December 24,2012).
216 http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/amex/china/timeline/timeline5.html (accessed December 24,2012).
217 Donna Urschel,"Foreign Affairs In the Nixon Era:Historical Witnesses Discuss Transatlantic Relations,"
218 张曙光：《接触外交：尼克松政府与解冻中美关系》,世界知识出版社2009年版,第28页。
219 张曙光：《接触外交：尼克松政府与解冻中美关系》,世界知识出版社2009年版,第28-29页。
220 张曙光：《接触外交：尼克松政府与解冻中美关系》,世界知识出版社2009年版,第46页。
221 朱明权：《尼克松关于对外战略的构想与基辛格的“破冰之旅”》,朱明权主编：《尼克松时期的美国对华政策(1969-1972)》,上海人民出版社2011年版,第90页。
222 张曙光：《基辛格与中美“解冻”序幕的拉开：兼论外交决策者个人因素》,载《历史研究》,2007年第5期,第160页。
223 Henry Kissinger, On China (New York:The Penguin Press,2011). p.84. What I used is an e-book.
224 According to Shuguang Zhang, the new approach did not mean that the United States had fundamentally changed the perception of China threat. But what I want to argue here is that the change of America's China identity or perception of China on the part of Nixon and Kissinger occurred before the new approach. For Shuguang Zhang's view, see张曙光：《接触外交：尼克松政府与解冻中美关系》,世界知识出版社2009年版,第46页。
225 Richard Nixon, "Asia after Viet Nam."
226 Lee Kuan Yew, "How the United States Should Engage Asia in the Post-Cold War Period," acceptance speech on receiving the Architect of the New Century Award, Nixon Center for Peace and Freedom. Washington, DC, November 11,1996. Reprinted in The Straits Times, November 13.1996. This is in line with Nixon's own words. In his memoirs, Nixon points to his April 1967 trip to Europe, East Asia, and Southeast Asia as the time when his views on a new policy toward China began to coalesce. See Richard Nixon. RN:The Memoirs of Richard Nixon, vol. 1 (New York:Grosset & Dunlap,1978), pp.280-285. http://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frusl969-76v17/d3 (accessed January 22,2013). See also Gordon Chang, Friends and Enemies:the United States, China and the Soviet Union,1948-1972 (Stanford. CA:Stanford University Press,1990). p.283.
227 Evelyn Goh, Constructing the U.S. Rapprochement with China,1961-1974:From "RedMenace" to "Tacit Ally", p.112.
228 Nancy Bern kopf Tucker. "Taiwan Expendable? Nixon and Kissinger Go to China." The Journal of American History, Vol.92, No.1(June 2005), p.116.
229 James W. Featherstone, "Cloud Nine:A Problem in Intelligence Production," https://www.cia.gov/library/center-for-the-study-of-intelligence/kent-csi/vol13no4/pdf/v13i4a02p.pdf (accessed January 21,2013).
230 Jean A. Garrison, Making China Policy:From Nixon to G. W. Bush, p.21.
231 Henry Kissinger, White House Years [e-book], p.222. See also Henry Kissinger, Diplomacy, p.723.
232 Henry Kissinger, Diplomacy, p.723.
233 李捷：《物极必反：60年代的中国国内政治与中美关系》,第513页。
234 Henry Kissinger, On China, p.81.
235 Ibid.
236 Ibid.
237 Ibid.
238 Gordon Chang, Friends and Enemies:the United States, China and the Soviet Union,1948-1972 (Stanford, CA:Stanford University Press,1990). p.272.
239 Chen Jian, Mao s China and the Cold War, p.245.
240 Chen Jian, "China, the Vietnam War and the Sino-American Rapprochement.1968-1973," in Odd Arne Westad, Sophie Quinn-Judge. eds. The Third Indochina War:Conflict Between China, Vietnam and Cambodia,1972-79 (New York:Routledge,2006). p.43.
241 "Reports by four Chinese marshals to the Central Committee,'A Preliminary Evaluation of the War Situation', July 11,1969, CWIHP Bulletin,No, 11 (Winter 1998), p.166.
242 Ibid.
243 Kuisong Yang & Yafeng Xia, "Vacillating between Revolution and Detente:Mao's Changing Psyche and Policy toward the United States,1969-1976," Diplomatic History. Vol.34, No.2 (April 2010), p.399.
244 Ibid., p.401. 245 Henry Kissinger, White House Years, p.235.
246 See http://www.gwu.edu/-nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB49/(accessed April 23.2013).
247 Henry Kissinger, White House Years, p.220.
248 See "Sino-U.S. Ambassadorial Talks," November 17,2000, http://www.fmprc.gov.cn/eng/ziliao/3602/3604/t18054.htm (accessed April 13,2013).
249 See Chen Jian, Mao's China and the Cold War, p.251.
250 郑华：《中美关系解冻过程中的巴基斯坦渠道》,载《史学集刊》2008年5月第3期,第53页。参见：陶文钊：《中美关系史(1949-1972)》,上海人民出版社2004年版,第339页。
251 See Chen Jian, Mao s China and the Cold War, p.254.
2>2 Henry Kissinger, On China, p.88.
253 参见：中华人民共和国外交部、中共中央文献研究室编：《毛泽东外交文选》,中央文献出版社、世界知识出版社1994年版,第592-594页。
254 Richard Nixon, Memoirs of Richard Nixon (New York:Grosset & Dunlap,1978). p.547.
255 See Chen J ian, Mao s China and the Cold War. p.251.
256 Kissinger to Nixon, "Chinese Communist Initiative." c.10 December 1970, enclosing draft Note Verbal and message from Zhou Enlai, as conveyed by Hilaly,with comments by Yahya, Top Secret/Sensitive. Source:box 1031, Exchanges Leading Up to HAK Trip to China-December 1969-July 1971 (1). http://www.gwu.edu/-nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB66/ch-06.pdf (accessed April 23.2013).
257 Kissinger to Nixon. "Chinese Communist Initiative." c.10 December 1970, enclosing draft Note Verbal and message from Zhou Enlai, as conveyed by Hilaly, with comments by Yahya, Top Secret/Sensitive. Source:box 1031, Exchanges Leading Up to HAK Trip to China-December 1969-July 1971 (1). http://www.gwu.edu/-nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB66/ch-06.pdf (accessed April 23.2013).
258 Memo by Hilaly, Record of a Discussion with Mr. Henry Kissinger On [sic] the White House on 16th December 1970. Source:box 1031, Exchanges Leading Up to HAK Trip to China-December 1969-July 1971 (1). http://www.gwu.edu/-nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB66/ch-07.pdf (accessed April 23.2013)参见：王永钦：《1966-1976年中美苏关系纪事(连载二)》,载《当代中国史研究》1997年第5期,第116页。
259 This section is based on the following:1) Chen Jian. Mao's China and the Cold War, pp.257-262; 2) "Ping-Pong Diplomacy (April 6-17,1971),"http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/amex/china/peopleevents/pande07.html (accessed Apri123,2013); 3)陶文钊：《中美关系史》中卷(1949-1972),上海人民出版社2004年版,第333-337页。
1 Many scholars argue that the Cold War ended with the dismantling of the Berlin Wall. It is also the understanding of the White House, "The collapse of the Soviet domination in Eastern Europe means that the Cold war is over, its core issue resolved."See National Security Strategy of the United States (Washington D.C.:the White House,1991), p.1. Walter Laqueur writes, "When the Cold War came to an end in 1989 with the dismantling of the Berlin Wall," See Walter Laqueur, "After the Cold War," in Bureau of International Information Programs of U.S. Department of State, "Significant Events in U.S. Foreign Relations,1900-2001," eJournal USA:Foreign Policy Agenda (April 2006), http://www.america.gov/media/pdf/eis/iipe0406.pdf (accessed January 31,2013). However, some scholars hold the view that "the Cold War ended differently in different places." See David Wolff, "Cold War Endpoints?:Beginning the Debate," Cold War International History Project Bulletin 10. pp.183-184 and Thomas Blanton, "When did the Cold War End?". Cold War International History Project Bulletin 10, pp. 184-191. http://www.wilsoncenter.org/sites/default/files/CWIHPBulletin10_p5.pdf (accessed January 30,2013). John Prados identifies five events, each of which can be regarded as marking the end of confrontation:June 1988: ratification of the treaty between the USSR and the U.S. on the elimination of their intermediate-range and shorter-range missiles:December 1988:Gorbachev's announcement from the UN rostrum of the unilateral withdrawal of Soviet troops from Eastern Europe and a change in Soviet military doctrine:November 1989:the fall of the Berlin Wall and the vanishing of communist regimes in Eastern Europe:August 1990:the USSR for the first time joined the U.S. to counter Saddam Hussein's aggression against Kuwait; and August 1991, the abortive coup in Moscow. See:John Prados, How the Cold War Ended:Debating and Doing History (Washington D.C.: Potomac Books,2011). p.20.
2 Richard K. Betts, "U.S. National Security Strategy:Lens and Landmarks," Paper presented for the launch conference of the Princeton Project "Toward a New National Security Strategy," November 2004 (Originally presented May 2004). pp.23-24.
3 According to John Prados. there are no winners or losers in the Cold War and that all sides gained from the end of the confrontation. See John Prados, How the Cold War Ended:Debating and Doing History (Washington D.C.: Potomac Books,2011).
4 The White House, The National Security Strategy of the United States (Washington D.C.:the White House. 1990), p.v.
5 Ibid., p.2.
6 Ibid., p.7. The original sentence is:"How can we ensure continued international stability as U.S-Soviet bipolarity gives way to global interdependence and multipolarity?"
7 参阅：潘锐：《冷战后的美国外交政策：从老布什到小布什》,时事出版社2004年版,第59-67页。
8 The White House, The National Security Strategy of the United States (Washington D.C.:the White House, 1990), p.9.
9 苏格：《中美关系综论》,载《外交学院学报》,1996年第2期,第22页。
10 According to Robert D. Schulzinger, "Under this vague system [of a new world order], the democracies of Western Europe, Japan, and the former Communist nations of Eastern Europe and the collapsing Soviet Union would work with the United States, directly and through the United Nations, to harmonize international relations.' However, "In the eighteen months after the Iraq war, however, hopes for the new world order faded quickly. Bush retired the phrase, which by then was used only derisively by his critics," See Robert D. Schulzinger. American Diplomacy in the Twentieth Century,3rd ed., (New York:Oxford University Press,1994), p.356.
11 George H. W. Bush, Address before a Joint Session of Congress on September 11,1990, http://millercenter.org/president/spceches/detail/3425 (accessed May 6,2013).
12 The White House, The National Security Strategy of the United States of America (Washington D.C.: the White House,1991), p.v.
13 Moreover, the New World Order was "a useful slogan to serve the US hegemonic agenda. In this vein, the US used its political weight to influence the members of the UN Security Council (UNSC) to pass Resolution 678, and to ensure support from its NATO allies." See Khamis Mohamed Itbega, "US Strategy between the Two Falls:from the Fall of the Berlin Wall to Baghdad," PhD diss., Durham University,2010, p.118.
14 Ibid.
15 George H.W. Bush, "Statement on the 1991 National Security Strategy Report," http://bushlibrary.tamu.edu/research/public_papers.php?id=3299&year=1991&month=8 (accessed January 31, 2013).
16 朱跃：《冷战后中美关系的变化及美国对华政策的调整》,载《湛江师范学院学报(哲学社会科学版)》,第18卷第2期(1997年6月),第1页。
17 It is argued that "Bush's foreign policy was not visionless but was a grand strategy designed to establish a post-Cold War Pax Americana." See Khamis Mohamed Itbega,"US Strategy between the Two Falls:from the Fall of the Berlin Wall to Baghdad," (PhD diss., Durham University,2010), p.113.
18 Barton Gellman, "Keeping the U.S. First:Pentagon Would Preclude a Rival Superpower," The Washington Post, March 11,1992, p.A1.
l9http://www.historycommons.org/context.jsp?item=us international relations 41#us international relations 41 (accessed January 30,2013).
20 This version was partly declassified in 2008. http://www.archives.gov/declassification/iscap/pdf/2008-003-docsl-12.pdf (accessed January 30,2013).
21 Richard K. Betts. "U.S. National Security Strategy:Lens and Landmarks," p.24.
22 "Excerpts From Pentagon's Plan:'Prevent the Re-Emergence of a New Rival'," New York Times, March 8,1992, p.A.14.
23 Ibid.
24 Charles Krauthammer, "The Unipolar Moment," Foreign Affairs, Vol.70, No.1 (1990/1991), p.23.
25 It should be noted that by the time when the Defense Planning Guidance was drafted, "hopes for the new world order faded quickly" and President Bush "retired the phrase," See Robert D. Schulzinger, American Diplomacy in the Twentieth Century,3rd ed.. (New York:Oxford University Press.1994), p.356.
26 The White House. The National Security Strategy of the United States (Washington D.C.:The White House. 1993),p.i.
27 Antony Lake,"From Containment to Enlargement," speech delivered at Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies. September 21.1993. http://www.fas.org/news/usa/1993/usa-930921.htm (accessed January 31,2013).
28 "Excerpts from President-Elect's News Conference in Arkansas," New York Times. November 13,1992, p. A 18.
29 Les Aspin. Report on the Bottom-Up Review (October 1993). p.iii.
30 Ibid., p.1.
31 Ibid., p.2.
32 Ibid.
33 Ibid., p.3.
34 Ibid.
35 Antony Lake, "From Containment to Enlargement," speech delivered at Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies, September 21,1993.
36 Ibid.
37 David M. Lampton, Same Bed, Different Dreams:Managing U.S-China Relations,1989-2000 (Berkley: University of California Press,2001), p.261.
38 The White House. A National Security Strategy of Enlargement and Enlargement (Washington D.C:the White House,1994), p.1.
39 Ibid., p.2.
40 Robert Sutter, U.S.-Chinese Relations:Perilous Past, Pragmatic Present (Lanham. MD:Rowman & Littlefield Publishing Group,2010), p.78.
41 Ibid., pp.80-81.
42 Ibid., p.99.
43 Michel Oksenberg, "The China Problem." Foreign Affairs, Vol.70. No.3 (Summer,1991), p.2.
44 Matthew S. Hirshberg, "Consistency and Change in American Perceptions of China," Political Behavior, Vol.15, No.3 (Sep.,1993). pp.252-253. According to the author, the American patriotic schema serves as the central cognitive framework for national self-perception in American culture. The idea is that most Americans assume there to be close, positive relationships between the United States, freedom, democracy, good, and themselves. The American patriotic schema consists of these five conceptual elements and the positive relationships among them.
45 Warren Cohen, America s Response to China.5th ed. (New York:Columbia University Press,2010), p.234.
46 Ibid., p.239.
47 Ibid., p.240.
48 David M. Lampton, Same Bed, Different Dreams:Managing U.S-China Relations,1989-2000 (Berkley: University of California Press,2001), p.68.
49 Ibid.
50 Ibid., pp.134-5.
51 Harry Harding, A Fragile Relationship:The United States and China since 1972 (Washington D.C:The Brookings Institution.1992). p.169.
52 Harry Harding, "Crises in Communist Reform:Lessons from Tiananmen," The Brookings Review. Vol.8, No.3 (Summer,1990), p.47.
53 James Mann, "Framing China," in Robert H. Giles. Robert W. Snyder, Lisa DeLisle. eds.. Covering China (New Brunswick, NJ:Transaction Publishers.2001). pp.103-104.
54 Harry Harding, A Fragile Relationship:The United States and China since 1972. p.169.
55 Ibid., p.170.
55 Warren Christopher, "China's Market Reforms," New York Times. November 28,1984. A.27.
57 Harry Harding, A Fragile Relationship:The United States and China since 1972. p.224.
58 Nancy Bemkopf Tucker, China Confidential:American Diplomats and Sino-U.S. Relations since 1945 (New York:Columbia University Press,2001). p.437.
59 David M. Lampton. Same Bed, Different Dreams:Managing U.S-China Relations.1989-2000 (Berkley: University of California Press,2001), p.31.
60 Nicholas D. Kristof, "Ominous Embers from the Fire of 1989," New York Times, April 15,1990, p.A1.
61 Fox Butterfield, "China's Economy:Pushed and Pulled toward the Edge," New York Times, June 25,1989. p.A1.
62 Ibid.
63 Sheryl WuDunn, "Turmoil in China:Hard-liners Seem to Control Politics, But the Economy is Another Matter," New York Times, June 14,1989. p.A16.
64 Harry Harding, "Neither Friend nor Foe:A China Policy for the Nineties," The Brookings Review, Vol.10, No.2 (Spring,1992), p.7.
65 Antony Lake, "From Containment to Enlargement."
66 Harry Harding, "Neither Friend nor Foe:A China Policy for the Nineties," The Brookings Review, Vol.10, No.2 (Spring,1992), p.7.
67 Michel Oksenberg, "The China Problem," Foreign Affairs. Vol.70. No.3 (Summer.1991). p.2.
68 Harry Harding, "Crises in Communist Reform:Lessons from Tiananmen," The Brookings Review, Vol.8. No.3 (Summer,1990). p.47.
69 Michel Oksenberg. "The China Problem." Foreign Affairs. Vol.70. No.3 (Summer,1991). p.3.
70 James Mann, About Face:A History of America's Curious Relationship with China, from Nixon to Clinton (New York:Vintage Books.2000). pp.228-29. For Robert Gates'statement, see James Mann. "U.S. Sours on Beijing, Takes Tougher Stance," Los Angeles Time, October 1,1991, p.1. http://articles.latimes.com/1991-10-01/news/mn-35081 china-james-r-lilley/2 (accessed February 7,2013).
71 Winston Lord,"China and America:Beyond the Big Chill," Foreign Affairs, Vol.68, No.4 (Fall,1989), pp. 1-7.
72 Winston Lord, prepared testimony before Senate Judiciary Committee, January 23,1990. Cited in James Mann, About Face:A History of America s Curious Relationship with China, from Nixon to Clinton (New York:Vintage Books,2000), p.229.
73 David M. Lampton, Same Bed, Different Dreams:hdanaging U.S-China Relations,1989-2000 (Berkley: University of California Press.2001), p.136.
74 David Shambaugh, "China in 1990:The Year of Damage Control." Asian Survey. Vol.31. No.1 (January,1991). pp.48-49. However, he expressed his own view explicitly in January 1992:"My own senses is that CCP rule is not about to collapse or be overthrown because of its grip on the key levers of institutional power, the lack of a viable political alternative and organized opposition, the sheer political inertia of China's 800 million peasants, and the fact that China does not have an economy of scarcity or extreme deprivation." See David Shambaugh, "China in 1991:Living Cautiously," Asian Survey, Vol.32, No.l, (January,1991), p.31.
75 Michael Swaine. "China Faces the 1990's:A System in Crisis." Problems of Communism (May-June 1990). p.20.
76 Ibid., pp.20-21.
77 Nicholas D. Kristof,"Ominous Embers from the Fire of 1989." New York Times, April 15.1990, p.Al.
78 Roger W. Sullivan, "Discarding the China Card," Foreign Policy, No.86 (Spring,1992), p.19.
79 Ibid.
80Ibid., p.21中文文献参见：王曰庠等：《中美关系向何处去：克林顿对华政策趋势》,四川人民出版社1993年版,第56页。
81 Roderick MacFarquhar, "The Anatomy of Collapse," New York Review of Books, September 26,1991. http://www.chinafile.com/anatomy-collapse (accessed February 4,2013). In 2006, he argued that the CCP would not be able to sustain itself in a debate. See "Refraining China Policy," The Carnegie Debates, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace,October 5,2006. For more details about this event and his viewpoint, see http://www.carnegieendowment.org/2006/10/05/is-communist-party-rule-sustainable-in-china/exe (accessed February 4,2013).
82 Roderick MacFarquhar, "The End of Chinese Revolution," New York Review of Books, July 20,1989. http://www.chinafile.com/end-chinese-revolution (accessed February 4,2013).
83 David M. Lampton, Same Bed, Different Dreams:Managing U.S-China Relations,1989-2000 (Berkley: University of California Press,2001), p.31.
84 Thomas Lum, Human Rights in China and U.S. Policy (Washington D.C.:Congressional Research Service, 2011), p.3. http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/row/RL34729.pdf (accessed February 5,2013).
85 Henry Kissinger, On China (New York:The Penguin Press,2011), p.161. [PDF edition]
86 A. M. Rosenthal, "Clinton should slow growth of Communist China dictatorship." The Duke Chronicle, April 9, 1993. http://www.dukechronicle.coin/article/clinton-should-slow-growth-communist-china-dictato (accessed Februarys.2013).
87 Warren Christopher,"Statement at Senate Confirmation Hearing." http://dosfan.lib.uic.edu/ERC/briefing/dossec/1993/9301/930113dossec.html(accessed February 5,2013). Also see Warren Christopher, In the Stream of History:Shaping Foreign Policy for a New Era (Stanford:Stanford University Press,1998), p.31. Henry Kissinger comments that "Christopher's reference to "peaceful evolution" revived, whether intentionally or not, the term used by John Foster Dulles to project the eventual collapse of Communist states."'See Henry Kissinger, On China (New York:The Penguin Press,2011), p.163.
88 David M. Lampton, Same Bed, Different Dreams:Managing U.S-China Relations,1989-2000 (Berkley: University of California Press.2001), p.116.
89 See section 4.2.3 above.
90 James Mann, The China Fantasy:How Our Leaders Explain away Chinese Repression (New York:Viking Penguin,2007), p.80.
91 Wendell L. Willkie, Ⅱ. "Why Does MFN Dominate America's China Policy?" The Heritage Lectures. No.486 (Washington D.C.:The Heritage Foundation.1994). p.4. http://thf media.s3.amazonaws.com/1994/pdf/hl486.pdf (accessed February 6,2013).
92 Warren Cohen. America's Response to China, fifth edition, (New York:Columbia University Press,2010). p.245.
93 See James Mann. About Face:A History of America s Curious Relationship with China, from Nixon to Clinton (New York:Vintage Books,2000), p.226.
94 National Security Strategy of the United States (Washington D.C.:The White House,1990), p.12.
95 This notion was put forward by Henry Kissinger who warned in July 1989 that "'The United States needs China as a possible counterweight to Soviet aspirations in Asia, and needs China to remain relevant in Japanese eyes as a key shaper of Asian events. China needs the United States as a counterweight to perceived ambitions from the Soviets and Japan." See Henry Kissinger. "Turmoil on Top:A World of Changing Leaders, Struggling. Governments and Strange Bedfellows," Los Angles Times, July 30,1989. Opinion section, p.1. http://articles.latimes.com/1989-07-30/opinion/op-6381 united-states (accessed February 7,2013). According to James Mann. Bush "seemed to suggest that the United States needed China as a counterweight not to Soviet Union but to the growing power of Japan" in a January 1990 news conference. He stated that "I think there are some real reasons-Asian reasons, if you will. Cambodia and Japan-that we should retain relations with China.... I want to retain contact because, as you look around the world - take a look at Cambodia, take a look at Japan, take a look at a lot of countries in the Pacific-China is a key player." See James Mann. About Face, p.227; George Bush, "The President's News Conference." January 24.1990. Online by Gerhard Peters and John T. Woolley, The American Presidency Project, http://www.presidency,ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=18058 (accessed February 7,2013).
96 National Security Strategy of the United States (Washington D.C.:The White House,1991), p.9.
97 Roger W. Sullivan, "Discarding the China Card," Foreign Policy, No.86 (Spring,1992), p.13.
98 Harry Harding, A Fragile Relationship:The United States and China since 1972, p.250.
99 George Bush, "Remarks at the Yale University Commencement Ceremony in New Haven, Connecticut," May 27,1991. Online by Gerhard Peters and John T. Woolley. The American Presidency Project. http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid= 19629. (accessed February 5,2013).
100 George Bush, "Remarks to The Asia Society in New York City," November 12.1991. Online by Gerhard Peters and John T. Woolley, The American Presidency Project. http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=20216 (accessed February 5,2013).
101 Nancy Bernkopf Tucker. China Confidential:American Diplomats andSino-U.S. Relations since 1945 (New York:Columbia University Press.2001), pp.446-7.
102 George Bush, "Remarks and a Question-and-Answer Session With Newspaper Editors," December 11,1989. Online by Gerhard Peters and John T. Woolley, The American Presidency Project. http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid= 17929 (accessed February 6.2013).
103 National Security Strategy of the United States (Washington D.C.:The White House.1993), p.1.8.19.
104 David M. Lampton, Same Bed, Different Dreams:Managing U.S-China Relations,1989-2000 (Berkley: University of California Press.2001). p.34.
105 Ibid., p.36.
106 Thomas L. Friedman. "Clinton Says Bush Made China Gains,'" New York Times. November 20,1992, p.Al.
107 As for how this group carried out the job, see David M. Lampton. Same Bed, Different Dreams:Managing U.S-China Relations,1989-2000 (Berkley:University of California Press,2001), pp.37-41.
108 陶文钊：《中美关系史下卷(1972-2000)》,上海人民出版社2004年版,第238-39页。
109 The remaining five conditions pertain to the following:1) the observance of the UN Declaration of Human Rights; 2) protection of Tibet's distinctive culture:3) the humane treatment of prisoners:4) allowance of international radio and television broadcasts; and 5) the release and accounting of prisoners held for the nonviolent expression of political and religious beliefs. See David M. Lampton, Same Bed, Different Dreams:Managing U.S-China Relations,1989-2000 (Berkley:University of California Press.2001), p.41.
110 William J. Clinton. "Statement on Most-Favored-Nation Trade Status for China," May 28,1993. Online by Gerhard Peters and John T. Woolley. The American Presidency Project. http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=46632 (accessed February 6,2013).
111 David M. Lampton, Same Bed, Different Dreams:Managing U.S-China Relations,1989-2000 (Berkley: University of California Press.2001), pp.135-6.
112 Ibid.
113 David M. Lampton argues that President Clinton, by linking MFN with human right record, made five critical errors. For details, see David M. Lampton, Same Bed, Different Dreams:Managing U.S-China Relations, 1989-2000 (Berkley:University of California Press,2001), p.41.
114 William J. Clinton,-The President's News Conference,"May 26,1994. Online by Gerhard Peters and John T. Woolley, The American Presidency Project, http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=50241 (accessed February 6, 2013).
115 According to Winston Lord, Bill Clinton wanted a broader framework for dealing with China. See David M. Lampton. Same Bed, Different Dreams:Managing U.S-China Relations,1989-2000 (Berkley:University of California Press,2001), p.135.
116 A National Security Strategy of Engagement and Enlargement (Washington D.C.:the White House,1994), p.24.
117 According to James Mann, it was the exile leaders of the Chinese student movement who first suggested, in a fateful meeting held at Harvard University in early January 1990, that China's MFN status should be the next target in their efforts to further the causes of human rights and political change and this would keep Congress's attention focused upon China. One of the student leaders, Zhao Haiqing, admitted that he hadn't even known what the letter MFN stood for until the end of 1989. In the early skirmish in Congress over China's MFN benefits, the Chinese students were a strong influence in Congress. On May 16.1990 the first congressional hearings on curbing China's MFN benefits were held, marking the beginning of the politicization of the MFN issue and indicating more pressure would be on the way. See James Mann, About Face:A History of America's Curious Relationship with China, from Nixon to Clinton (New York:Vintage Books,2000), pp.229-31.
118 1972年7月24日毛泽东同周恩来、姬鹏飞等的谈话。参见：王永钦：《1969年：中美关系的转折点》,载《党的文献》,1996年第6期,第80页,注释⑦。
119 "Henry Kissinger and Mao Zedong "Memorandum of Conversation'," February 17-18,1973,11:30pm-1:20am, p.12, http://china.usc.edu/App_lmages//Memcon%20ot%20Kissinger's%20Conversation%20with%20Mao,%202-l7-19 73.pdf (accessed February 7.2013). Henry Kissinger comments about Mao's "horizontal line" concept in his 2011 book. See Henry Kissinger. On China (New York:The Penguin Press,2011), p.106. [PDF edition]
120 Henry Kissinger and Mao Zedong "Memorandum of Conversation," February 17-18,1973,11:30pm-1:20am. P.4. The Chinese leadership had misgivings about Japan before. According to Kissinger, in his secret trip to Beijing in July 1971. the Chinese leaders professed considerable suspicions about U.S.-Japanese collusion and in October 1971. Zhou Enlai stressed that "Japan's feathers have grown on its wings and it is about to take off." During Nixon's China visit, he told the Chinese leaders that Japan would be much more problematical if isolated than as part of an international order, including an alliance with the United States. By November 1973, Mao had accepted that point of view. See Henry Kissinger. On China, p.105 [PDF edition]参阅：宫力：《从中美缓和到实行“一条线”的战略——20世纪60年代末、70年代初中国对外战略的转变》,载《中共中央党校学报》,第6卷第2期(2002年5月),第75页。
121 迟爱萍：《毛泽东国际战略思想的演变》,载《党的文献》,1994年第3期,第50页。亦可参阅：宫力：《从中美缓和到实行“一条线”的战略——20世纪60年代末、70年代初中国对外战略的转变》,载《中共中央党校学报》,第6卷第2期(2002年5月),第75页；宫力：《毛泽东“一条线”构想的形成及战略意图》,载《毛泽东邓小平理论研究》,2012年第5期,第67-68页。
122 "Chairman Mao Zedong's Theory on the Division of the Three World and the Strategy of Forming an Alliance Against an opponent," http://www.fmprc.gov.cn/eng/ziliao/3602/3604/tl8008.htm (accessed February 8,2013).
123 Deng Xiaoping, "Speech By Chairman of the Delegation of the People's Republic of China, Teng Hsiao-Ping, At the Special Session of the U.N. General Assembly," April 10.1974. http://www.marxists.ore/reference/archive/deng-xiaoping/1974/04/10.htm (accessed February 8,2013). For the Chinese version, see《邓小平在联大第六届特别会议上的发言》,http://www.people.com.cn/GB/shizheng/252/6688/6715/20011023/588430.html (accessed February 8,2013).
124 Michael Yahuda, "Deng Xiaoping:The Statesman," The China Quarterly, No.135. Special Issue:Deng Xiaoping:An Assessment (September 1993). p.561.
125 刘连第汪大为编著：《中美关系的轨迹：建交以来大事纵览》,时事出版社1995年版,第34页
126 孔寒冰：《走出苏联：中苏关系及其对中国发展的影响》,新华出版社2011年版,第368贞。
127 孔寒冰：《走出苏联：中苏关系及其对中国发展的影响》,新华出版社2011年版,第371页。
128 孔寒冰：《走出苏联：中苏关系及其对中国发展的影响》,新华出版社2011年版,第384贞。
129 孔寒冰：《走出苏联：中苏关系及其对中国发展的影响》,新华出版社2011年版,第389页。
130 For more information about Hu Yaobang's report, see Vladimir Petrov. "China Goes It Alone." Asian Survey.
Vol.23. No.5 (May,1983), pp.580-597参阅：胡耀邦：《全面开创社会主义现代化建设的新局面——在中国共产党第十二次全国代表大会上的报告》(一九八二年九月一日)http://www.cssn.cn/news/136247.htm (accessed February 7,2013)
131 Carol Lee Hamrin, "China Reassesses the Superpowers." Pacific Affairs, Vol.56, No.2 (Summer,1983), p.210. This article traced the shift of foreign policy strategy in China and concluded that"Chinese uncertainty about international trends, particularly U.S. policy toward China, has spurred continuing debate in the leadership over foreign policy in recent years [1980-1982]. China's new stress on "independence" represents a consensus position (p.229)."
132 Michael Yahuda, "Deng Xiaoping: The Statesman," The China Quarterly, No.135. Special Issue:Deng Xiaoping:An Assessment (September 1993), p.561.
133 Deng Xiaoping, "Opening Speech at the Twelfth National Congress of the Communist Party of China," September 1,1982. http://english.peopledaily.com.cn/dengxp/vol3/text/c1010.html (accessed February 7,2013).
134 曲星：《邓小平外交思想的现实意义》,载《世界经济与政治》,2004年第11期,第17页。Michael Yahuda also argues that "The essence of the policy of independence was that China would not ally itself with any major power and that undoubtedly suited the broader Chinese psychological outlook on international affairs." See Michael Yahuda, "Deng Xiaoping:The Statesman," The China Quarterly, No.135, Special Issue:Deng Xiaoping: An Assessment (September 1993), p.561.
135 宋以敏：《胡耀邦在对外关系上的拨乱反正》,载《炎黄春秋》2009年第5期,第17负。
136 宋以敏：《胡耀邦在对外关系上的拨乱反正》,载《炎黄春秋》2009年第5期,第18页。
137 宋以敏：《胡耀邦在对外关系上的拨乱反正》,载《炎黄春秋》2009年第5期,第18页。
138 曲星：《邓小平外交思想的现实意义》,载《世界经济与政治》,2004年第11期,第15页。
139 Michael Yahuda, "Deng Xiaoping:The Statesman," The China Quarterly, No.135, Special Issue:Deng Xiaoping:An Assessment (September 1993), p.560.
140 宋以敏：《胡耀邦在对外关系上的拨乱反正》,载《炎黄春秋》2009年第5期,第18页。
141 Deng Xiaoping, "We Regard Reform as a Revolution," October 10,1984, http://www.newsod.com/specials/deng100thbirthanniversary/dengtheory/200407290010.htm (accessed April 15, 2013).
142 宋以敏：《胡耀邦在对外关系上的拨乱反正》,载《炎黄春秋》2009年第5期,第18页。
143 Deng Xiaoping, "Speech at An Enlarged Meeting of the Military Commission of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China." June 4.1985. http://www.archive.org/stream/SelectedWorksOtDengXiaopingVol.3/Deng03 djvu.txt (accessed April 15,2013).
144 Michael Yahuda. "Deng Xiaoping:The Statesman," The China Quarterly. No.135. Special Issue:Deng Xiaoping:An Assessment (September 1993), p.561.
145 George H. W. Bush and Brent Scowcroft. A World Transformed (New York:Alfred A. Knopf,1998), pp.95-96.
146 After it was announced that Mikhail Gorbachev was to visit Beijing in May,1989, according to Bush and Brent Scowcroft. they "wanted very much to meet with the Chinese leaders to review and enhance Sino-American relations before Gorbachev had a chance to speak with them'" and they "anticipated that he might attempt a rapprochement between Moscow and Beijing, and would have liked to be certain it did not come" at the expense of the United States. See George H. W, Bush and Brent Scowcroft, A World Transformed (New York:Alfred A. Knopf,1998), p.91.
147 Michael Yahuda, "Deng Xiaoping:The Statesman." The China Quarterly. No.135. Special Issue:Deng Xiaoping:An Assessment (September 1993). p.563.
148 Deng Xiaoping, "With Stable Policies of Reform and Opening to the Outside World, China Can Have Great Hopes for the Future," September 4,1989, http://english.peopledaily.com.en/dengxp/vol3/text/d 1020.html (accessed February 7.2013).
149 Deng Xiaoping, "The International Situation and Economic Problems," March 3,1990, http://english.peopledailv.com.cn/dengxp/vol3/text/d1130.html (accessed February 11,2013).
150 Ibid.
151 Deng Xiaoping, "Seize the Opportunity to Develop the Economy," December 24,1990, http://english.peopledaily.com.cn/dengxp/vo13/text/d1170.html (accessed February 7,2013).
152 This is mainly based on Henry Kissinger's translation:"Observe carefully; secure our position; cope with affairs calmly; hide our capacities and bide our time; be good at maintaining a low profile; and never claim leadership." The last four characters are not translated. See Henry Kissinger, On China, p.155. [PDF edition]. For other versions of translation, see Quansheng Zhao, "Chinese Foreign Policy in the Post-Cold War Era," World Affairs, Vol.159, No.3 (Winter 1997), p.114; Michael Yahuda translates the strategy as follows:"Observe the development soberly, maintain our position, meet the challenge calmly, hid our capacities, bide our time, remain free of ambitions, and never claim leadership." The last phrase is not translated.
153 曲星：《试论东欧巨变和苏联解体后的中国对外政策》,载《外交学院学报》,1994年第4期,第19页；Quansheng Zhao, "Chinese Foreign Policy in the Post-Cold War Era." World Affairs. Vol.159, No.3 (Winter 1997), pp.114-5.
154 王玉林：《邓小平时代观为中国和平发展之路指明了基本思路》,载《天府新论》2007年12月S2期,第1页。亦可参见：赵存生、宇文利：《邓小平与中国的和平发展之路——兼论邓小平的爱国主义与国际主义》,载《北京大学学报(哲学社会科学版)》,第41卷,第5期(2004年9月),第12-19页。
155 邓小平：《邓小平文选》(第3卷),人民出版社1993年版,第82页。
156 Michael Yahuda, "Deng Xiaoping:The Statesman." The China Quarterly, No.135. Special Issue:Deng Xiaoping:An Assessment (September 1993). pp.558-9.
157 宫力：《邓小平对美政策思想与中美关系》,载《国际问题研究》,2004年第6期,第15负。
158 Quansheng Zhao, "Chinese Foreign Policy in the Post-Cold War Era," World Affairs. Vol.159, No.3 (Winter 1997), p.125.
159 Deng Xiaoping, "The United States Should Take the Initiative in Putting an End to the Strains in Sino-American Relations." October 31,1989. http://english.peopledaily.com.cn/dengxp/vol3/text/d1060.html (accessed February 11.2013).
160 Ibid.
161 Harry Harding. "Neither Friend nor Foe:A China Policy for the Nineties." The Brookings Review, Vol.10, No.2 (Spring,1992), p.9. Also see:Harry Harding, A Fragile Relationship:The United States and China since 1972, pp.236-7.
162 Harry Harding, "China's American Dilemma." Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Vol.519 (January,1992), p.13.
163 Harry Harding.//Fragile Relationship:The United States and China since 1972. p.235.
164 Harry Harding, "China's American Dilemma," Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Vol.519 (January,1992), pp.14-16.
165 宫力：《邓小平与美国》,中共党史出版社2004年版,第544页。
166 柴璐、楚树龙：《中国对美战略的历史演变与未来趋势》,载《现代国际关系》,2006年第6期,第19页。
167 Deng Xiaoping, "Sino-U.S. Relations Must Be Improved," December 10,1989. http://english.peopledaily.com.cn/dengxp/vol3/text/d1110.html (accessed February 12,2013).
168 Ding Xinghao, "Managing Sino-American Relations in a Changing World," Asian Survey, Vol.31, No.12 (December,1991), p.1159.
169 参见：钱其琛：《外交十记》,世界知识出版社2003年版,第182-184页。
170 参见：钱其琛：《外交十记》,世界知识出版社2003年版,第185-186页。
171 Ibid., p.186.
172 South China Morning Post (Hong Kong), April 4,1991, p.11. in FBIS-Chi, April 4,1991, p.3. Citied in Harry Harding, "China's American Dilemma," Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Vol.519 (January,1992), p.21. The name of Bo Yibo was not identified in this article but in Harry Harding's book later. See Harry Harding, A Fragile Relationship:The United States and China since 1972, p.274.
173 Harry Harding, "China's American Dilemma," Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Vol.519 (January,1992), p.21.
174 宫力：《邓小平与美国》,中共党史出版社2004年版,第633页。See Quansheng Zhao, "Chinese Foreign Policy in the Post-Cold War Era," World Affairs, Vol.159, No.3 (Winter 1997), p.126.
175 See Nicholas D. Kristof. "The Rise of China." Foreign Affairs, Vol.72, "No.5 (November-December,1993). pp.59-74.
176 参见：潘锐：《冷战后的美国外交政策——从老布什到小布什》,时事出版社2004年版,第238页。
177 Harry Harding, ""Neither Friend nor Foe:A China Policy for the Nineties," The Brookings Review, Vol.10, No.2 (Spring,1992), p.9.
178 Robert Sutter, U.S.-Chinese Relations:Perilous Past, Pragmatic Present (Lanham, MD:Rowman & Littlefield Publishing Group,2010), p.116.
179 Ding Xinghao, "Managing Sino-American Relations in a Changing World." Asian Survey. Vol.31, No.12 (December,1991), p.1159.
180 钱其琛：《外交十记》,世界知识出版社2003年版,第186页。
181 Ding Xinghao, "Managing Sino-American Relations in a Changing World." Asian Survey, Vol.31, No.12 (December.1991). p.1159.
182 钱其琛：《外交十记》,世界知识出版社2003年版,第187页。
l8j Harry Harding, A Fragile Relationship:The United Slates and China since 1972. p.272.
184 Warren Cohen. America's Response to China,5th ed. (New York:Columbia University Press.2010). p.246.
185 Ibid.
186 James Mann. About Face:A History of Americas Curious Relationship with China, from Nixon to Clinton (New York:Vintage Books,2000). pp.229-31.
187 Ding Xinghao, "Managing Sino-American Relations in a Changing World." Asian Survey. Vol.31, No.12 (December,1991). p.1160.
188 Harry Harding, A Fragile Relationship:The United States and China since 1972.p.264.
189 Harry Harding.//Fragile Relationship:The United States and China since 1972,p.263.
190 Ibid., p.264.
191 See Harry Harding. A Fragile Relationship:The United States and China since 1972. p.279.
192 Robert Sutter. U.S.-Chinese Relations:Perilous Past, Pragmatic Present, p.118.
193 Warren Christopher. In the Stream of History:Shaping Foreign Policy for a New Era (Stanford CA:Stanford University Press.1998). p.153.
194 Ibid., p.155.
195 According to Henry Kissinger, Jiang Zemin observed, in 1990, that China had "adopted a lot of measures" because they desired to improve relations with the United States. See Henry Kissinger, On China, p.159. [PDF edition]
196 Henry Kissinger. On China, p.164. [PDF edition]
1 For details about this crisis, see Andrew Scobell, "Show of Force:The PLA and the 1995-1996 Taiwan Strait Crisis," January 1999. http://iis-db.stanford.edu/pubs/10091/Scobell.pdf (accessed February 26,2013); "Taiwan Strait:21 July 1995 to 23 March 1996." http://www.globalsecurity.org/militarv/ops/taiwan strait.htm (accessed February 26,2013).
2吴心伯：《反应与调整：1996年台海危机与美国对台政策》,载《复旦学报(社会科学版)》,2004年第2期,第57页。
3 Jean A. Garrison, Making China Policy:From Nixon to G. W. Bush (Boulder, CO:Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2005), p.145.
4 Ibid.,p.146.
5 Antony Lake, "Remarks to the Japan-America Society, Washington D.C.," October 23,1996, http://clinton3.nara.gov/WH/EOP/NSC/html/speeches/19961023.html (accessed February 26,2013).
6 Ibid.
7 Jean A. Garrison, Making China Policy:From Nixon to G. W. Bush, p.148.
8 Memo from Undersecretary Spero to the Secretary of State, October 17,1996, Post-Publication File, available in the National Security Archives Collection, "China and the United States:From Hostility to Engagement, 1960-1998," Washington, D.C.. Cited in Jean A. Garrison, "Managing the U.S.-China Foreign Economic Dialogue: Building Greater Coordination and New Habits of Consultation," Asia Policy. No.4 (July 2007), p.173.
9 Robert L. Suettinger, Beyond Tiananmen:The Politics ofU.S.-China Relations,1989-2000 (Washington D.C. Brookings Institution Press.2003), p.324.
10 《外交部发言人答记者问时说江主席此次访美非常成功》,载《人民日报》,1997年11月5日第四版,http://www.people.com.en/item/ldhd/Jiangzm/1998/chufang/1997meiguo/cf0049.html (accessed February 27, 2013).
11 Secretary of State Madeleine Albright restated Taiwan policy in a way that later became known as the "three noes." She stated in a news conference on April 30,1998 "we have no change in our China policy.... We have a one-China policy-not a'two China,'not a'one China and one Taiwan' policy - and we do not support Taiwan independence or their membership in international organizations that are based on statehood." See Robert L. Suettinger. Beyond Tiananmen: The Politics of U.S.-China Relations,1989-2000, p.342.
12 When the administration submitted its PNTR legislation in March 2000, Clinton argued that China's entry into the WTO was "the most significant opportunity that we have had to create positive change in China since the 1970s, when President Nixon first went there and later in the decade when President Carter normalized relations" The United States could either use the WTO to influence China's future choices in the "right" direction or "turn our backs and almost certainly push it in the wrong direction" and "The WTO agreement will move China in the right direction. It will advance the goals America has worked for in China for the past three decades."See William J. Clinton, "Remarks by President Bill Clinton on China," remarks at the Paul Nitze School of Advanced International Studies. March 8.2000. http://www.gpo.gov/fdsvs/pkg/PPP-2000-bookl/html/PPP-2000-book1-doc-pg404.htm (accessed February 26, 2013).
13 Jean A. Garrison, Making China Policy:From Nixon to G. W. Bush, p.148.
14 NATO's military intervention in Kosovo in March 1999 led to "the Great Peace and Development Debate of 1999" in China, "much of the debate was driven by long-simmering Chinese concerns about U.S. strategic intentions and policies in the post-Cold War world order in general and towards China in particular." See David Finkelstein, China Reconsiders Its National Security:"The Great Peace and Development Debate of 1999" (Alexandria, VA:The CAN Corporation,2000), http://www.cna.org/sites/default/files/D0014464.Al.pdf (accessed February 27,2013).
15 According to Warren Cohen. Jiang Zemin's strategy for managing China's relationship with the United States came under fierce attack and some analysts argued that American policy had become hostile to China and called for the creation of an anti-hegemony coalition, an alliance of anti-American states, but Jiang Zemin stubbornly held his ground until the debate faded away a few months after the bombing. See Warren Cohen, America's Response to China, pp.256-266.
16 Jean A. Garrison, Making China Policy:From Nixon to G. W. Bush, pp.156-157.
17 GOP Debate on the Larry King Show,15 February 2000. http://transcripts.cnn.com/TRANSCRIPTS/0002/15/lk1.00.html (accessed February 26,2013).
18 Condoleezza Rice, "Promoting the National Interest," Foreign Affairs, Vol.79, No.1 (January-February,2000). p.56.
19 Jean A. Garrison, Making China Policy:From Nixon to G. IV. Bush, pp.156-157.
20 Warren Cohen, America's Response to China, p.267.
21 "Bush vows' whatever it takes'to defend Taiwan." April 25,2001, http://articles.cnn.com/2001-04-25/politics/bush.taiwan.031 chinese-attack-taiwan-strait-china-and-taiwan? s=P M:ALLPOLITICS (accessed February 26.2013).
22 "Confirmation Hearing by Secretary-Designate Colin L. Powell," January 17,2001. http://2001-2009.state.gov/secretary/former/powell/remarks/2001/443.htm (accessed February 26,2013).
23 Jean A. Garrison, Making China Policy:From Nixon to G. W. Bush, p.169. President Bush also declared the relationship between China and the United States the "best ever" in December 2006. See Warren Cohen, America's Response to China,5th ed.. p.276.
24 Jean A. Garrison, Making China Policy:From Nixon to G. W. Bush, p.165.
25 Henry Kissinger, On China (New York:The Penguin Press,2011), p.171. [PDF edition]
26 James Goldgeier. "Twenty Years after the Fall," The Washington Post. November 8,2009, http://www.washingtontimes.com/news/2009/nov/8/twenty-years-after-the-fall/(accessed April 1.2013).
27 Henry Kissinger, On China (New York:The Penguin Press,2011). p.171. [PDF edition]
28 The U.S. government announced that it was placing the East Turkestan Islamic Movement on the U.S. list of terrorist groups on August 26.2002.
29 "Powell Says US-China Ties Best Since 1972," http://english.peopledaily.com.cn/200309/07/eng20030907123883.shtml (accessed February 26,2013).
30 Robert Sutter, U.S.-Chinese Relations:Perilous Past, Pragmatic Present, p.124.
31 Flynt Leverett & Jeffrey Bader. "Managing China-U.S. Energy Competition in the Middle East," The Washington Quarterly. Vol.29. No.1 (winter 2005-06). p.187.
32 Bonnie S. Glaser and Jane Skanderup, "U.S.-China Relations: Disharmony Signals End to Post-Sept.11 Honeymoon," Comparative Connections, Vol.7, No.2 (July 2005), http://csis.org/files/media/csis/pubs/0502qus_china.pdf (accessed April 2.2013). According to Yu Bin. a Sino-Russo eight-day joint war game named "Peace Mission 2005" in August 2005 seemed to mark the end of Russia and China's post-9/11 "honeymoon" with the Bush administration, see Yu Bin, "Russia and China Together Again, Gingerly," YaleGlobal, September 6 2005. http://yaleglobal.yale.edu/content/russia-and-china-together-again-gingerly (accessed April 2,2013); Also see Warren Cohen, America's Response to China, p.273. A series of events in early June 2005 could be said to mark the end of the Sino-US honeymoon:Secretary of Defense Rumsfeld commented in Singapore that China's military buildup was a threat to Asian security on June 4,2005. The hearing entitled "The Emergence of China Throughout Asia:Security and Economic Consequences of the United States" was held in the Capitol Hill on June 7,2005. For the transcript of the hearings, see http://www.gpo.gov/fdsys/pkg/CHRG-109shrg25358/pdf/CHRG-109shrg25358.pdf (accessed March 18,2013);参见：《中美“蜜月期”可能结束》,2005年06月13日http://news.sina.com.cn/w/2005-06-13/15376159757s.shtml (accessed March 17,2013).
33 The contributors of this special issue include Suisheng Zhao, Evan S. Medeiros.Kurt Campbell and Richard Weitz, Flynt Leverett and Jeffrey Bader. See http://csis.org/files/media/csis/pubs/pr0532.pdf (accessed April 2, 2013).
'4 Robert B. Zoellick. "Whither China:From Membership to Responsibility?" Remarks to National Committee on U.S.-China Relations, September 21,2005. http://2001-2009.state.gov/s/d/former/zoellick/rem/53682.htm (accessed February 26,2013).
35 Jonathan Czin, "Dragon-slayer or Panda-hugger? Chinese Perspectives on'Responsible Stakeholder' Diplomacy." Yale Journal of International Affairs (Spring/Summer 2007),p.102.
36 Jonathan Czin. "Dragon-slayer or Panda-hugger? Chinese Perspectives on "Responsible Stakeholder' Diplomacy,"Yale Journal of International Affairs (Spring/Summer 2007), p.102.
37 National Strategy of the United States of America (Washington D.C.:the White House,2006), p.40.
'8 U.S. U.S. Department of Defense. Quadrennial Defense Review Report. February 2006, p.29.
■*'Aaron L. Friedberg, "What Does It Take for China to Be a "Responsible Stakeholder'?" p.83. http://www.nids.go.ip/english/event/symposium/pdf/2006/e2006_10.pdf (accessed February 27,2013).
40 Two camps emerged in the debate:those who embraced Zoellick's stakeholder terminology with varying degrees of wariness, and skeptics who saw the term as a discursive weapon for criticizing China. See Jonathan Czin, "Dragon-slayer or Panda-hugger? Chinese Perspectives on "Responsible Stakeholder'Diplomacy," Yale Journal of International Affairs (Spring/Summer 2007). pp.100-112.
41 宫力：《利益攸关方与建设性合作者——新世纪中美关系的定位与思考》,载《上海行政学院学报》,第9卷第2期(2008年3月),第77页。
42 刘卫东：《G2、“中美国”与中美关系的现实定位》,载《红旗文稿》,2009年第13期,第6页。
43 刘卫东：《G2、“中美国”与中美关系的现实定位》,载《红旗文稿》,2009年第13期,第6页。
44 Aaron L. Friedberg, "What Does It Take for China to Be a'Responsible Stakeholder'?" p.85.
45 Thomas J. Christensen, "China's Role in the World:Is China a Responsible Stakeholder?" Remarks Before the U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission. Washington. DC. August 3.2006. http://2001-2009.state.gov/p/eap/rls/rm/69899.htm (accessed February 27.2013).
46 参见：刘卫东：《G2、“中美国”与中美关系的现实定位》,载《红旗文稿》,2009年第13期,第6页。
47 Jonathan Czin, "Dragon-slayer or Panda-hugger? Chinese Perspectives on'Responsible Stakeholder' Diplomacy." Yale Journal of International Affairs (Spring/Summer 2007), p.102.
48 Kerry Dumbaugh, CRS lssue Brief 1B98018:China-US Relations, Congressional Research Service, Library of Congress, January 31,2003. http://www.au.af.mil/au/awc/awcgate/crs/ib98018.pdf (accessed February 27.2013).
49 Robert Sutter, U.S.-Chinese Relations:Perilous Past, Pragmatic Present, p.126.
50 Ibid.
51 David Shambaugh, "A New China Requires a New US Strategy," Current History (September 2010), p.220. According to James Przystup and Philip Saunders. Richard Armitage and Robert Zoellick are associated with two different conceptual approaches to the challenge of building a peaceful international order at the regional and global levels:one centered on Japan articulated by the former and the other on China by the latter. See James Przystup and Philip Saunders. "Visions of Order:Japan and China in U.S. Strategy." Strategic Forum, No.220 (June 2006), http://kms2.isn.ethz.ch/serviceengine/Files/ESDP/25500/ipublicationdocument singledocument/57alab4a-3939-4 46d-al11-c91b4a1fbf3d/en/SF220.pdf (accessed February 28,2013).
52 David Shambaugh, "A New China Requires a New US Strategy," Current History (September 2010), p.220.
53 Richard L. Armitage and Joseph S. Nye. U.S.-Japan Alliance:Getting Asia Right through 2020 (Washington D.C.:Center for Strategic and International Studies,2007), p.4 & p.6. According to these two authors. "Getting Asia right... does not mean the imposition of U.S. values on the region, but rather encouraging an environment in which the region's leaders define their own national success in terms that are consonant with U.S. political and economic objectives. That means economic prosperity based on market principles, free and open trade, and protection of intellectual property rights, labor rights, and the environment. It means greater political freedom with liberal institutions to reinforce the economic successes the region now enjoys. It means transparency in the military field and greater application of national assets to the common good in areas of humanitarian relief and reconstruction. It means a region where the major powers cooperate to focus on transnational threats such as avian influenza or terrorism. It means a region where leaders choose to address the internal and external problems arising from troubled states, like Burma, rather than turning a blind eye based on an outdated concept of noninterference in internal affairs.' It means a region where nationalism and patriotism are channeled into efforts to solve regional problems for the greater common good. It means collaborative efforts to extract and share natural resources rather than engage in mercantilist competition and geopolitical rivalry." See Richard L. Armitage and Joseph S. Nye, U.S.-Japan Alliance:Getting Asia Right through 2020. pp.1-2.
54 See Dan Twining, "Get China Right by Getting Asia Right," January 21.2010. http://shadow.foreignpolicv.com/posts/2010/01/21/get china right by getting asia right (accessed February 27, 2013); Michael Green. "Get Asia Right," Asia Policy, No.7 (January 2009), p.2.
55 Robert Sutter, U.S.-Chinese Relations:Perilous Past, Pragmatic Present, pp.143-144.
56 Condoleezza Rice, "Remarks at Sophia University," Tokyo, March 19,2005. http://2001-2009.state.gov/secretary/rm/2005/43655.htm (accessed February 27,2013).
57 Robert Sutter. U.S.-Chinese Relations:Perilous Past, Pragmatic Present, p.144.
58 National Security Strategy of the United States of America (Washington D.C.:the White House,2006). p.42.
59 Robert Sutter. U.S.-Chinese Relations:Perilous Past, Pragmatic Present, p.148.
60 The unemployment rate of the United States went up to 7.8%in January 2009 from 5.0%in January 2008. See http://data.bls.gov/timeseries/LNS14000000 (accessed March 18,2013).
61 Jeffrey Bader, Obama and China s Rise:An Insider's Account of America s Asia Strategy (Washington D.C.: Brookings Institution Press.2012). p.2.
62 Ibid.
63 Ibid., p.3.
64 "Barack Obama and Joe Biden:Protecting U.S. Interests and Advancing American Values in Our Relationship with China," https://doc-14-94-docsviewer.googleusercontent.com/viewer/securedownload/dsnlaovipa718461sfcf94nedi8q2p4u/ 259o18p79uujfreohq2hidv2e7cchgmu/1362041100000/Ymw=/AGZ5hq8BgbJYlgwaOYx83cPOdNw6/QURHRU VTaWIINW15RmdmTEluLTIUUUIuZWNIYVZEUzI5NIdCVINod115TTRPbTIKdHN3cFdPTIE4MWZmQ2FC TVNBc2JwRzExdVdKYTINVGRRRmlqZ2hZZUd6SDBucnk2ZDcxYmJBSnJFSDhfUF13WilraDhvVEtuaXFRS Gswazl2SXFTb05SN2JGYjl=?docid=1d8d5fD32ef9dblbclf4900b371fSce6&chan=EwAAADJMd/Fbwy%2B9q6 usGgT%2BLnfA39WiG7kwgzN1SaQITo/U&sec=AHSqidbZvwXgnFxkTFxgwQVi23UPfL6P JX5Lnoh7bX9fX CEu-wbEOOZDLCG0ftAY4Zv-F9fhh2O&a=gp&filename=103368 Obama+China+Policv.pdf&nonce=cam4vpv 6vs80k&user=AGZ5hq8BgbJY1ewaOYx83cPOdNw6&hash=hbtinlpceae2mo7k7mvgbikhok5ks54tt (accessed February 28.2013).
55 Fareed Zakaria. "The Challenge from China." The Washington Post, February 28.2013. http://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/fareed-zakaria-the-challenge-from-china/2013/02/27/debceef6-8100-11e 2-b99e-6baf4ebe42df story.htm) (accessed February 28.2013).
66 Jeffrey Bader, Obama and China's Rise:An Insiders Account of Americas Asia Strategy (Washington D.C.: Brookings Institution Press,2012), p.3.
67 Ibid., p.7.
68 It is argued that "If Obama has enjoyed foreign policy success-as even his critics concede-it lies more in his adoption of what Bush set in train than in his repudiation of it. His foreign policy is more a third Bush term than a revolution against it.'" See Timothy J. Lynch. "'Review article:Obama and the third Bush term:towards a typology of Obama studies." International Affairs, Vol.88, No.5 (2012), p.1102.
69 Jeffrey Bader. Obama and China s Rise:An Insider s Account of America s Asia Strategy (Washington D.C.: Brookings Institution Press.2012). p.69.
70 Fareed Zakaria. "The Challenge from China." The Washington Post. February 28.2013.
71 National Security Strategy of the United States (Washington D.C.:The White House,2010), p.i. http://www.whitehouse.gov/sites/default/files/rss_viewer/national security strategy.pdf (accessed August 30, 2012).
72 National Security Strategy of the United States (Washington D.C:The White House,2010), p.1.
73 National Security Strategy of the United States (Washington D.C:The White House,2010), p.7.
74 U.S. Department of Defense, Sustaining U.S. Global Leadership:Priorities for 21st Century Defense, January 5, 2012. http://www.defense.gov/news/Defense Strategic Guidance.pdf (accessed March 11,2013), p.1.
75 "PRESIDENT BARACK OBAMA'S 2013 STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS - AS DELIVERED," February 12,2013, http://www.whitehouse.gov/state-of-the-union-2013 (accessed April 2,2013).
76 Economic Report of the President, March 2013, http://www.whitehouse.gov/sites/default/files/docs/erp2013/full 2013 economic report of the president.pdf (accessed April 8,2013).
77 Barack Obama, "Text of President Obama's State of the Union Address," January 25,2011, http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2011/01/25/AR2011012506398 pf.html (accessed March 18,2013).
78 National Intelligence Council, Global Trends 2030:Alternative Worlds, p.v.
79 See Fareed Zakaria, The Post American World (New York:W. W. Norton & Company,2008), Chap.1.
80 Hillary Clinton, "America's Pacific Century," November 2011, http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2011/10/11/americas pacific century (accessed April 9,2013).
81 According to scholars at the Brookings Institution, there are four elements of this strategy:multilateral organization, economics and trade, security and democracy. See Martin S. Indyk, Kenneth G. Liberthal and Michael E. O'Hanlon, Beyond History:Barack Obatna's Foreign Policy (Washington D.C.:Brookings Institution Press,2012). pp.58-60.
82 National Intelligence Council. Global Trends 2030:Alternative Worlds, pp.ix-x.
83 National Intelligence Council, Global Trends 2030:Alternative Worlds, p.v.
84 Jeremy Rifkin,The End of Work:The Decline of the Global Labor Force and the Dawn of the Post-Market Era (New York:Putnam Publishing Group,1995).
85 Jeremy Rifkin. The Third Industrial Revolution:How Lateral Power Is Transforming Energy, The Economy, and the World (New York:Palgrave Macmillan,2011).
86 Jeremy Rifkin. "The Third Industrial Revolution:How the Internet, Green Electricity, and 3-D Printing are Ushering in a Sustainable Era of Distributed Capitalism,"http://www.worldfinancialreview.com/?p=547 (accessed April 9,2013). According to him, the five pillars of the Third Industrial Revolution are (1) shifting to renewable energy; (2) transforming the building stock of every continent into micro-power plants to collect renewable energies on-site:(3) deploying hydrogen and other storage technologies in every building and throughout the infrastructure to store intermittent energies; (4) using Internet technology to transform the power grid of every continent into an energy internet that acts just like the Internet (when millions of buildings are generating a small amount of renewable energy locally, on-site,they can sell surplus green electricity back to the grid and share it with their continental neighbors):and (5) transitioning the transport fleet to electric plug-in and fuel cell vehicles that can buy and sell green electricity on a smart, continental, interactive power grid.
87 Jeremy Rifken. San Antonio:Leading the Way Forward to the Third Industrial Revolution. September 28,2009, http://www,sanantonio.gov/oep/SustainabilityPlan/Appendices/Initiative%201/Atttachment%202-%20Leading%2 0the%20Third%20Industrial%20Revolution%20bv%20Jeremy%20Rifkin.pdf (accessed April 13,2013).
88 "The Third Industrial Revolution," The Economist, April 21,2012. http://www.economist.com/node/21553017/print (accessed April 9,2013).
89 See TJ McCue,"Additive Manufacturing Will Change in the Next 5-10 Years," May 2,2013, http://www.forbes.com/sites/tjmccue/2012/05/02/additive-manufacturing-will-change-in-the-next-5-10-years/ (accessed April 9.2013).
90 Scientists are even testing the feasibility of building a lunar base by using the terrestrial 3D printing technology which has produced entire structures. See Thomas Anderson, "How to build a lunar base with 3D printing," February 2,2013, http://www.tgdaily.com/space-features/69207-how-to-build-a-lunar-base-with-3d-printing#ICo76wpVE6IFuVOw. 99 (accessed May 13.2013):
91 Jason Pepper, "NASA experimenting with 3D printing for space exploration," Apri117,2013, http://news.cnet.com/8301-11386_3-57579626-76/nasa-experimenting-with-3d-printing-for-space-exploration/ (accessed May 13,2013).
92 Ibid.
93 Henrik Christensen. as quoted in Jeffrey R. Young."The New Industrial Revolution." March 25,2013, http://chronicle.com/article/The-New-Industrial-Revolution/138015/(accessed April 9.2013).
94 Jeffrey R. Young, "The New Industrial Revolution." March 25,2013.
95 A Roadmap for U.S. Robotics-From Internet to Robotics, May 21,2009. http://www.us-robotics.us/reports/CCC%20Report.pdf (accessed April 9.2013).
96 Fareed Zakaria, The Post-American World (New York:W. W. Norton & Company.2008), pp.1-2.
97 Simon Evenett,''When Should the West Worry About Its Decline?' http://stgallenmba.ch/2011/04/22/when-should-the-west-worry-about-its-decline/(accessed March 5,2013).
98 Fareed Zakaria, The Post-American World (New York:W. W. Norton & Company.2008).
99 Richard N. Haass, "The Age of Nonpolarity:What Will Follow U.S. Dominance." Foreign Affairs.Vcl.87. No. 3 (May/June 2008). According to him, "[t]hree factors have brought this about. First, some states have gained power in tandem with their increased economic clout. Second, globalization has weakened the role of all states by enabling other entities to amass substantial power. And, third. American foreign policy has accelerated the relative decline of the United States vis-a-vis others. The result is a world in which power is increasingly distributed rather than concentrated."See Richard N. Haass. "Living in a Non-Polar World," Apr.18.2008, http://www.proiect-syndicate.org/commentarv/living-in-a-non-polar-world (accessed March 21,2013).
100 It is stated in the 2010 National Security Strategy that "we must recognize that no one nation-no matter how powerful-can meet global challenges alone." See National Security Strategy (Washington D.C.:the White House. 2010), p.l.
101 Barack Obama. "Remarks by the President in State of the Union Address," January 27,2010. http://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/remarks-president-state-union-address (accessed March 10,2013).
102 Australian Broadcasting Corporation, "Face to face with Obama," April 14,2010, http://www.abc.net.au/7.30/content/2010/s2872726.htm (accessed February 16,2013).
ICb In a 2009 Pew Research Center poll, majorities or pluralities in thirteen of twenty-five countries believed that China would replace the United States as the world's leading superpower; the National Intelligence Council projected that the American dominance would be"much diminished" by 2025. See Joseph S. Nye, Jr., The Future of Power (New York:Public Affairs.2011), pp.xi-xii.
104 Henry A. Kissinger, "Power Shifts," Survival, Vol.52. No.6 (December 2010-January 2011), p.209.
105 Barack Obama. "Text of President Obama's State of the Union Address." http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dvn/content/article/2011/01/25/AR2011012506398 pf.html (accessed March 18,2013).
106 National Security Strategy (Washington D.C.:the White House,2010), p.7.
107 National Security Strategy (Washington D.C.:the White House.2010). p.1
108 U.S. Department of Defense. Sustaining U.S. Global Leadership:Priorities for 21st Century Defense, January 5,2012, p.1. http://www.defense.gov/news/Defense Strategic Guidance.pdf (accessed March 11.2013).
109 Barack Obama, "Text of President Obama's State of the Union Address," http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dvn/content/article/2011/O1/25/AR2011012506398 pf.html (accessed March 18,2013).
110 Fareed Zakaria. "Are America's Best Days behind US?", March 3.2013, http-.//fareedzakaria.com/2011/03/03/are-americas-best-days-behind-us/(accessed May 13.2013).
111 Joseph S. Nye, Jr., "Zakaria's World:Are America's best days really behind us?" March 8,2011, http://www.foreignpolicv.com/articles/201l/03/08/zakaria s world (accessed May 13.2013).
112 This is borrowed from Michael Beckley. See Michael Beckley, "China's Century? Why America's Edge Will Endure," International Security. Vol.36. No.3 (Winter 2011/12). p.56.
113 Joseph S. Nye, Jr., "The Twenty-First Century Will Not Be a'Post-American'World," International Studies Quarterly, Vol.56 (2012). p.215.
114 Samuel Huntington claimed that "In 1988 the United States reached the zenith of its fifth wave of declinism since the 1950s." See Samuel Huntington, "The U.S.:Decline or Renewal?" Foreign Affairs, Vol.67, No.2 (Winter,1988), p.76.
115 69 percent of Americans think that the United States is "in decline" (The Hill, October 2011); 54 percent think that the U.S. is not simply "experiencing the kind of tough times the country faces from time to time," but is at "the start of a longer-term decline where the U.S. is no longer the leading country in the world" (NBC News/Wall Street Journal, November 2011); 66 percent think that "U.S. power and influence in the world" have decreased since 9/11 (University of Maryland/Program on International Policy Attitudes. August 2011):57 percent think that "America is no longer unique," with 52 percent concluding that the world looks to China "to see where things are headed in the future" (Xavier University, March 2011); 39 percent think that "another nation will become as powerful" as the U.S. by 2060, and 25 percent expect "another nation [to] surpass" it (Chicago Council on Global Affairs, June 2010). See Ali Wyne, "America's "Que Sera, Sera" Declinism," April 6,2012. http://www.citywatchla.com/archive/2987-americas-que-sera-sera-declinism (accessed March 5,2013).
116 Paul Kennedy. The Rise and Fall of Great Power (New York:Vintage Books,1989).
117 Joseph S. Nye, Jr.,"Zakaria's World: Are America's best days really behind us?" March 8,2011.
118 Ali Wyne, "America's "Que Sera, Sera" Declinism," April 6,2012.
119 Robert Sutter. "Sun to Set on US Role in APAC?" http://apac2020.thediplomat.com/feature/sun-to-set-on-us-role-in-apac/#comment-49986 (accessed March 13, 2013).
120 Joseph S. Nye Jr., The Future of Power (New York:Public Affairs.2011), p.155.
121 Joseph S. Nye, Bound to Lead:The Changing Nature of American Power (New York:Basic Books,1990); The Future of Power (New York:Public Affairs.2011); Henry Nau, The Myth of America s Decline:Leading the World Economy into the 1990s (New York:Oxford University Press,1990):
122 Robert Kagan, "Not Fade Away," The New Republic, January 11.2012. http://www.newrepublic.com/article/politics/magazine/99521/america-world-power-declinism# (accessed March 6,2013).中文译文参见：岁伯特·卡根,谢皑(译)：《美国衰落的神话》,载《国外理论动态》,2012年第11期,第8-19页。
123 Josh Rogin, "Obama embraces Roinney advisor's theory on "The Myth of American Decline'," January 26, 2012. http://thecable. foreignpolicy.com/posts/2012/01/26/obama_embraces_romney_advisor_s_theory_on_the_myth_of american decline (accessed March 6,2013).
124 Barack Obama, "As Delivered:Obama's 2012 State of the Union Address." http://www.pbs.org/newshour/rundown/2012/01/as-prepared-for-delivery-prcsident-obamas-2012-state-of-the-unio n-address.html (accessed March 6.2013).
125 Robert Kagan, "Not Fade Away," January 11.2012.
129 Ibid.
130 John Dumbrell,-American Power:Crisis or Renewal?" Politics, Vol.30 (2010), p.17.
131 Derek Scissors, "The United States vs. China:Which Economy Is Bigger, Which Is Better," Backgrounder, No.2547 (Washington D.C.:the Heritage Foundation.2011), p.1, http://report.heritage.org/bg2547 (accessed March 22,2013).
132 Michael Beckley, "Don't Worry. America:China is Rising But Not Catching Up," Christian Science Monitor, December 14,2011, http://belfercenter.ksg.harvard.edu/publication/21624/dont worry america.html (accessed March 30,2013).
l33 Michael Beckley. "China's Century? Why America's Edge Will Endure," International Security. Vol.36, No.3 (Winter 2011/12),p.43.
136 Ibid., p.59.
137 Michael Beckley, "China's Century? Why America's Edge Will Endure,"pp.60-61. Alexander L. Vuving argues that "China will overtake the United States as the world's largest economy during the 2020s. But sheer economic size is not a good indicator of power, and economic primacy is both conceptually distinct and practically distant from strategic primacy" and "although the United States may lose its hard power advantage over China for a few decades starting from the 2030s. it may still be able to maintain its leadership of the international system due to its larger soft power capacity." See Alexander L. Vuving, Paper presented at the International Studies Association annual meeting, Panel on "How China's Rise is Changing Asia's Landscape and Seascape" San Diego, April 4,2012. http://ssrn.com/abstract=2035188 (accessed March 18,2013).
138 Michael Beckley, "China's Century? Why America's Edge Will Endure,"pp.60-61. This point is from Mark L. Haas, "A Geriatric Peace? The Future of U.S. Power in a World of Aging Populations," International Security, Vol.32, No.1 (Summer 2007), pp.138-140, http://live.belfercenter.org/files/is3201_pp112-147.pdf (accessed May 1, 2013).
139 Ibid., pp.62-63.
140 Ibid., pp.64-66.
144 Ibid., pp.72-73.
145 Ibid., p.74.
146 Ibid., p.75.
147 Richard F. Grimmett & Paul K. Kerr, "Conventional Arms Transfers to Developing Nations,2004-2011" Congressional Research Service, August 24,2012, p.7. http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/weapons/R42678.pdf (accessed March 18,2013).
148 Ibid., p.10.
149 Michael Beckley, "China's Century? Why America's Edge Will Endure," International Security, Vol.36, No.3 (Winter 2011/12), p.77.
lso Economic Report of the President, March 2013, p.38. http://www.whitehouse.gov/sites/default/files/docs/erp2013/full 2013 economic report of the president.pdf (accessed April 8,2013).
151 Ibid.
152 Ibid.
153 lbid.,p.2O4.
154 Ibid., p.202.
155 "U.S. Set to Become World's Largest Oil Producer by 2017," httD://www.energytrendsinsider.com/2012/11/13/u-s-set-to-become-worlds-largest-oil-producer-by-2017/(accessed April 13,2013).
156 金灿荣、段晧文：《后危机时代的大国关系格局与新动向》,载《湖北大学学报(哲学社会科学版)》,第40卷第1期(2013年1月),第61-62页.There is a minor mistake in the article. The reserve of shale gas in the United States is not 750 trillion cubic meters but 750 trillion cubic feet参见：李东超：《美“能源独立”将重塑国际格局》,载《第一财经日报》2012年12月24日,第A05版。
157 National Security Strategy (Washington D.C.:The White House.2010), p.30.
158 National Intelligence Council, Global Trends 2030:Alternative Worlds, p.v
159 Economic Report of the President. March 2013. p.202.
160 Roger C. Altman, "The Fall and Rise of the West:Why America and Europe Will Emerge Stronger From the Financial Crisis." Foreign Affairs, Vol.92, No.1 (January/February 2013). p.10.
161 Barack Obama. "Text of President Obama's State of the Union Address.' http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2011/01/25/AR2011012506398 pf.html (accessed March 18,2013).
162 Henry A. Kissinger, "The Future of U.S.-Chinese Relations," Foreign Affairs, Vol.90, No.2 (March/April 2012), http://www.henryakissinger.com/articles/fa0412.html (accessed May 1.2013).
163 See David A. Gabel, "American Scientists Make Great Leap in Battery Technology," February 29,2012, http://www.enn.com/enn_original_news/article/44064; "Electricity from Plastic:Breakthrough Technology from U.S. Scientists, February 20.2013, http://www.greendiary.com/electricity-from-plastic-breakthrough-technology-from-us-scientists.html (accessed March 28,2013).
164 National Security Strategy (Washington D.C.:The White House,2010), p.30.
165 National Security Strategy (Washington D.C.:The White House,2010), p.30.
165 Roger C. Altman. "The Fall and Rise of the West:Why America and Europe Will Emerge Stronger From the Financial Crisis," Foreign Affairs. Vol.92, No.1 (January/February 2013), p.8.
167 The Quadrennial Defense Review Independent Panel, The QDR in Perspective:Meeting America s National Security Needs In the 21st Century (Washington D.C.:United States Institute of Peace,2010), pp.26-28. http://www.usip.org/files/qdr/qdrreport.pdf (accessed April 9,2013).
165 National Intelligence Council, Global Trends 2025:A Transformed World (Washington D.C.:National Intelligence Council.2010), p.vi.
169 National Intelligence Council, Global Trends 2025. p. iv.
170 National Intelligence Council, Global Trends 2030:Alternative Worlds (Washington D.C.:National Intelligence Council.2012), p.ii.
171 Under the guidance of Condoleezza Rice in the capacity of Secretary of State, the Bush Jr. administration initiated the transformational diplomacy, which is aimed at advancing democratic reform and support basic rights throughout the greater Middle East. See Condoleezza Rice, "Princeton University's Celebration of the 75th Anniversary Of the Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs," http://2001-2009.state.gov/secretary/rm/2005/54176.htm (accessed March 22.2013).
172 Michael Evans, "Power and Paradox:Asia Geopolitics and Sino-American Relations in the 21s'Century,'' Orbis, Vol.55, No.1 (Winter 2011). p.85. https://www.fpri.org/docs/evans.asiangeopolitics.pdf (accessed March 26. 2013).
173 Thomas Donilon, "The United States and the Asia-Pacific in 2013." Remarks delivered at Asia Society New York on March 11.2013. http://asiasocietv.org/new-yorkycomplete-transcript-thomas-donilon-asia-society-new-york (accessed March 15, 2013).
174 According to Thomas Donilon. "We asked what the U.S. footprint and face to the world was and what it ought to be. We set out to identify the key national security interests that we needed to pursue. We looked around the world and asked:where are we over-weighted? Where are we underweighted?" See Thomas Donilon, "The United States and the Asia-Pacific in 2013." Remarks delivered at Asia Society New York on March 11,2013.
175 Thomas Donilon, "The United States and the Asia-Pacific in 2013." Remarks delivered at Asia Society New York on March 11.2013.
176 Ibid.
177 However, such an interpretation was subsequently denied by NSC spokesman Tommy Vietor - though he declined to make Brim ley available for interview. See John Barry, "Historic Shift in U.S. Defense Strategy Will Have Major Impact on Europe," April 2012. http://www.europeaninstitute.org/EA-April-2012/historic-shift-in-us-defense-strategy-will-have-major-impact-on-e urope.html (accessed March 22.2013).
178 Michele A. Flournoy and Shawn Brimley, "Introduction," in Michele A. Flournoy and Shawn Brimley eds. Finding Our Way:Debating American Grand Strategy (Washington D.C.:the Center for A New American Century,2008). p.19.
179 Leon E. Panetta. "Statement on Defense Strategic Guidance," January 5.2012. http://www.defense.eov/speeches/speech.aspx?speechid=1643 (accessed March 22,2013).
180 John Barry. "Historic Shift in U.S. Defense Strategy Will Have Major Impact on Europe." April 2012.
181 "Defense Strategic Guidance Briefing from the Pentagon," January 5.2012. http://www.defense.gov/Transcripts/Transcript.aspx?TranscriptID=4953 (accessed March 22,2013).
182 Ibid.
183 参见：刘卫东：《G2、“中美国”与中美关系的现实定位》,载《红旗文稿》,2009年第13期,第6页。
184 John L. Thornton, "Forward," in Yu Keping. Democracy Is A Good Thing:Essays on Politics, Society, and Culture in Contemporary China (Washington D.C.:The Brookings Institution Press,2009), p.viii.
185 参见：《陶文钊谈奥巴马访华：美国看到了中国的崛起不可阻挡》,http://news.xinhuanet.com/world/2009-11/11/content_12431017_3.htm (accessed March 22,2013). As early as 2005. it was reported that the mainstream opinion about China in the United States was that the rise of China was not stoppable and so the United States should think strategically about the question how China could play a constructive role参见：龙安云、黎萌：《美国高官为何密集访华“中国崛起”热透美国》,http://news.sohu.com/20051019/n227248330.shtml (accessed March 22,2013).
186 U.S. Department of Defense, Annual Report to Congress: Military Power of the People's Republic of China (Washington D.C.:U.S. Department of Defense,2006), p.7.
187 U.S.-China Relations:An Affirmative Agenda. A Responsible Course:Report of an Independent Task Force (New York:Council on Foreign Relations,2007), p.97. http://www.cfr.org/content/publications/attachments/ChinaTaskForce.pdf (accessed April 7,2013).
188 Robert B. Zoellick. "Whiter China:from Membership to Responsibility?" Remarks to National Committee on U.S.-China Relations. New York. September 21 2005. http://2001-2009.state.gov/s/d/former/zoellick/rem/53682.htm (accessed March 25.2013).
189 Editor's Notes to "Debating China's Future."China Security, Vol.4. No.2 (Spring 2008), p.3, http://www.chinasecurity.us/pdfs/cs10_1.pdf (accessed May 1.2013).
190 Ibid.,p.4.
191 U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission,2012 Report to Congress, November 2012, p.21.
192 "China's New Leadership and Implications for the United States," Hearing before the U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission. February 7,2013. http://origin.www.uscc.gov/sites/default/files/transcripts/February%207%2C%202013%20-%20Hearing%20Trans cript.pdf (accessed April 25,2013).
193 Laurence Knight, "Economist magazine bets professor over China's future," November 11,2012, http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/business-19897695 (accessed March 22,2013).
194 Ibid.
195 "Lardy vs. Pettis - Debating China's Economic Future," November 2,2012, http://blogs.wsj.com/chinarealtime/2012/11/02/lardy-vs-pettis-debating-chinas-economic-future/(accessed March 22,2013).
196 World Bank, China 2030:building a modern, harmonious, and creative society (Washington D.C.:The World Bank,2013), p.361. http://www-wds.worldbank.org/external/default/WDSContentServer/WDSP/1B/2013/03/27/000350881 20130327 163105/Rendered/PDF/762990PUB0china0Box374372B00PUBLIC0.pdf (accessed April 3,2013).
197 Ibid.
198 Ibid., p.363.
199 Robert Fogel, "$123,000,000,000,000," Foreign Policy, January/February,2010, http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2010/01/04/123000000000000?page=full (accessed March 22,2013).
200 Albert Keidel, "China's Economic Rise:Fact and Fiction," Policy Brief, No.61 (July 2008), p.1. http://www.carnegieendowment.org/files/pb61 keidel final.pdf (accessed March 22,2013).
201 Minxin Pei, "Think Again:Asia's Rise," Foreign Policy, July/August 2009. http://www.foreignpolicv.com/articles/2009/06/22/think again asias rise?page=full (accessed March 22,2013).
202 Derek Scissors. "Q&A with Derek Scissors on China's Economy." June 15.2009. http://www.foreignaffairs.com/discussions/interviews/qa-with-derek-scissors-on-chinas-economy# (accessed March 22,2013).
203 Derek Scissors, "The United States vs. China:Which Economy Is Bigger, Which Is Better," Backgrounder, No.2547 (Washington D.C.:the Heritage Foundation,2011), p.5.
204 Ibid., p.6.
205 Ibid.
206 U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission,2012 Report to Congress, November 2012, p.25. http://origin.www.uscc.gov/sites/default/files/annual reports/2012-Report-to-Congress.pdf (accessed April 25, 2013).
207 Ibid., p.28.
208 Lael Brainard,"Remarks on China at the Center for American Progress," July 18,2012, http://iipdigital.usembassy.gov/st/english/texttrans/2012/07/201207189295.html#axzz2RSOqxFRl (accessed April 25,2013).
209 Robert D. Hormats, "The View from the Obama Administration," Remarks at the Council on Foreign Relations on March 12.2012. http://www.cfr.org/united-states/view-obama-administration/p27646 (accessed April 25,2013).
210 U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission,2012 Report to Congress,November 2012, pp.35-37.
211 Ibid., p.34.
212 The Gini coefficient, a commonly used measure of income inequality, ranging from 0 to 1-representing perfect equality to maximal inequality respectively - is a telling sign. "A more recent survey conducted by a joint Chinese-American research team based on surveys of several thousand households concludes that China's Gini coefficient is 0.61. considerably higher than the official figure (only South Africa, with a Gini coefficient of 0.63, has a higher level of income inequality than China)." See Minxin Pei, "China's income gap solution; Too little, too late?" February 15,2013, http://management.fortune.cnn.com/2013/02/15/chinas-income-gap-solution-too-little-too-late/(accessed April 2, 2013).
213 "China's geographical inequality is extreme compared to other countries. Per capita urban incomes in China are more than three times that of rural residents, and coastal incomes are more than twice that of the interior." See Yukon Huang, "Fixing China's Harmful Inequality." February 21,2013, http://online.wsi.com/article/SB10001424127887323549204578317633183827770.html (accessed April 2,2013).
214 Tania Branigan, "China's Wen Jiabao signs off with growth warning," March 3,2013, http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2013/mar/05/china-wen-jiabao-growth-warning (accessed April 7,2013).
215 U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission,2012 Report to Congress, November 2012. p.26.
216 Mauric R. Greenberg made this point in "Additional and Dissenting Views", in U.S.-China Relations:An Affirmative Agenda, A Responsible Course:Report of an Independent Task Force (New York:The Council on Foreign Relations,2007), p.101.
217 "'No multi-party rule in China, only consultative democracy'," March 12.2013. http://articles.economictimes.indiatimes.com/2013-03-12/news/376511441 yu-zhengsheng-multi-party-new-lead er (accessed April 2,2013). The assertion that China will never adopt the Western-style multi-party system was made first by Li Shenming, vice president of CASS in 2003参见：文翰：《中国决不搞西方多党制》,2003年7月5日,http://paper.wenweipo.com/2003/07/05/CH0307050037.htm (accessed April 2.2013)亦可参见：房宁：《中国决不能搞西方的多党制》,载《人民日报》2009年2月14日,http://news.163.com/09/0214/13/5249HN0B00012O9L.html (accessed April 2.2013). In 2011. Wu Bangguo stressed the Five Nos:1) no multiple party system:2) no pluralism in ideology; 3) no checks and balances in power or bicameral parliament:4) no federal system:and 5) no privatization.
218 Joshua Kurlantzick & Perry Link, "China:Resilient, Sophisticated Authoritarianism," in Christopher Walker, ed., Undermining Democracy:21st Century Authoritarians (Washington D.C.:Freedom House,2009), p.13.
219 See James Mann, The China Fantasy:How Our Leaders Explain Away Chinese Repression (New York: Viking,2007).
220 Will Inboden, "The Reality of the'China Fantasy'," June 16,2010, http://shadow.foreignpolicy.com/posts/2010/06/16/the_reality_of_the_china_fantasy (accessed March 8,2013).
221 Arthur Kroeber, "The Underestimated Party-State," Financial Times, February 26,2007, http://www.ft.com/intl/cms/s/0/6325dcf8-c554-11db-b110-000b5df10621.html#axzz2PawOkr1T (accessed April 5, 2013).
222 Ibid.
223 Ibid.
224 J.J. Gould, "Chinese Democracy:Will It Ever Be More Than A Guns n'Roses Album?" July 2,2012, http://www.theatlantic.com/intern ational/archive/2012/07/chinese-democracy-will-it-ever-be-more-than-a-guns-n-r oses-album/259349/(accessed April 9,2013). See the video of the debate at: http://asiapacificwatch.com/2012/11/05/china-and-democracy-debate-minxin-pei-vs-eric-li-video/(accessed April 9,2013).
225 Gordon G. Chang, "The Coming Collapse of China:2012 Edition." December 29,2011, http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2011/12/29/the coming collapse of china 2012 edition?page=full%E2% 80%8F.0(accessed April 3.2013).
226 Andrew J. Nathan. "'China's Changing of the Guard:Authoritarian Resil ience," Journal of Democracy, Vol.14. No.l (January 2003), p.6. For other representative works on the theme of resilient authoritarianism, see Olga Kryshtanovskaya and Stephen White, "The Sovietization of Russian Politics," Post-Soviet Affairs, Vol.25, No.4 (October 2009). pp.283-309:Marsha Pripstein Posusney, "Enduring Authoritarianism:Middle East Lessons for Contemporary Theory," Comparative Politics, Vol.36, No.2 (January 2004). pp.127-138; Eva Bellin, "The Robustness of Authoritarianism in the Middle East:Exceptionalism in Comparative Perspective," Comparative Politics, Vol.36, No.2 (January 2004), pp.139-157; Jason Brownlee, "Low Tide after the Third Wave:Exploring Politics under Authoritarianism,'" Comparative Politics. Vol.34. No.4 (July 2002), pp.477-498; Bruce Bueno de Mesquita and Alastair Smith. "Political Survival and Endogenous Institutional Change," Comparative Political Studies, Vol.42. No.2 (February 2009). pp.167-197.
227 The four aspects are:1) the increasingly norm-bound nature of its succession politics:2) the increase in meritocratic as opposed to factional considerations in the promotion of political elites:3) the differentiation and functional specialization of institutions within the regime:and 4) the establishment of institutions for political participation and appeal that strengthen the CCP's legitimacy among the public at large. Andrew J. Nathan, "China's Changing of the Guard:Authoritarian Resilience," Journal of Democracy, Vol.14, No.1 (January 2003), pp.6-7.
228 Andrew J. Nathan, "China Since Tiananmen:Authoritarian Impermanence," Journal of Democracy, Vol.20, No.3 (July 2009). p.38.
229 David Shambaugh. China's Communist Party:Atrophy and Adaptation (Berkeley. CA:University of California Press,2008). p.176.
230 See James F. Paradise, "Underestimating China's 'resilient authoritarianism'?" January 1,2007, http://china.usc.edu/ShowArticle.aspx?articleID=690&AspxAutoDetectCookieSupport=1 (accessed April 2, 2013).
231 Richard McGregor. "5 Myths about the Chinese Communist Party," Foreign Policy (January/February 2011), http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2011/01/02/5_myths_about_the_chinese_communist party?print=yes&hide comments=yes&page=full (accessed April 3,2013).
232 David Lundquist, "Why China Won't Collapse," June 22,2012, http://nationalinterest.org/print/commentary/china-isnt-headed-collapse-7046?page=l(accessed April 3,2013).
233 Daniel A. Bell, "Why China Won't Collapse", The Christian Science Monitor, July 11,2012, http://www.csmonitor.com/layout/set/print/Commentary/Global-Viewpoint/2012/0711/Why-China-won-t-collapse (accessed April 3,2013).
234 Larry Diamond, "The Coming Wave," Journal of Democracy, Vol.23, No.1 (January 2012), p.6.
235 Ibid., p.11.
236 Minxi Pei, "Is CCP Rule Fragile or Resilient?" Journal of Democracy, Vol.23, No.1 (January 2012), p.29.
237 Ibid., p.36.
238 Zhenhua Su, Hui Zhao & Jinkai He, "China at the Tipping Point? Authoritarianism and Contestation," Journal of Democracy. Vol.24. No.1(January 2013). p.27.37.
239 Cheng Li. "The End of the CCP's Resilient Authoritarianism? A Tripartite Assessment of Shifting Power in China," The China Quarterly. No.211 (September 2012). p.595.
240 Ibid.
241 Xin Chen, "The Rising Cost of Stability," Journal of Democracy, Vol.24. No. I (January 2013), p.57.
242 Daniel Twining. "Democracy can make China a great power," October 28.2012. http://www.ft.com/intl/cms/s/0/b9b742d4-1 f60-11e2-b273-00144feabdc0.html#axzz2OGJpsgLd (accessed March 22.2013).
243 Andrew J. Nathan, "China since Tiananmen:Authoritarian Impermanence," Journal of Democracy, Vol.20, No.3 (July 2009). p.38.
244 Suisheng Zhao, "Political Liberalization without Democratization:Pan Wei's Proposal for Political Reform," Journal of Contemporary China, Vol.12, No.35 (2003), p.353.
245 Ibid.
246 Zhenhua Su, Hui Zhao & Jinkai He, "China at the Tipping Point? Authoritarianism and Contestation," Journal of Democracy, Vol.24, No.1 (January 2013), p.37.
247 Tatu Vanhannen. Prospects of Democracy:A Study of 172 Countries (New York:Routledge,1997), p.31.
248 Andrew J. Nathan,"China's Political Trajectory," in Cheng Li, ed., China's Changing Political Landscape: Prospects for Democracy (Washington D.C.:Brookings Institution Press,2008), p.27. For a deliberation of this notion, see Larry Diamond, Developing Democracy:Toward Consolidation (Washington D.C.:Johns Hopkins University Press,1999), chap.1.
249 S. E. Finer, The History of Government from the Earliest Times Vol. Ⅲ:Empires, Monarchies and the Modern State (New York:Oxford University Press.1997), p.1568.
250 Joshua Cohen, "Democracy and Liberty," in Jon Elster, ed., Deliberative Democracy (New York:Cambridge University Press.1998). pp.185-186.
251 U.S. Department of State, China 2012 Human Rights Report. April 2013, p.1. www.state.gov/documents/organization/204405.pdf (accessed April 26.2013).
252 Susan V. Lawrence & Michael F. Martin, Understanding China's Political System (Washington D.C.: Congressional Research Service,2013), CRS Report for Congress R41007, p.2.
253 Susan V. Lawrence & Michael F. Martin, Understanding China's Political System (Washington D.C.: Congressional Research Service,2013), CRS Report for Congress R41007, p.13.
254 U.S. Department of Defense, Annual Report to Congress:Military Power of the People's Republic of China (Washington D.C.:U.S. Department of Defense,2006), p.8.
255 U.S. Department of Defense, Annual Report to Congress:Military and Security Developments Involving the People's Republic of China (Washington D.C.:U.S. Department of Defense,2011), p.14, http://www.defense.gov/pubs/pdfs/2011 CMPR Final.pdf (accessed April 26,2013). However, the issue of the legitimacy is not mentioned in the 2012 Report. See U.S. Department of Defense, Annual Report to Congress: Military and Security Developments Involving the People's Republic of China (Washington D.C.:U.S. Department of Defense,2012), http://218.249.165.47/download/27524793/35033179/4/pdf/249/121/1337568104185 889/2012 CMPR Final.pdf (accessed April 26,2013).
256 Susan V. Lawrence & Michael F. Martin, Understanding China's Political System (Washington D.C: Congressional Research Service,2013), CRS Report for Congress R41007, p.40.
257 U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission,2012 Report to Congress, November 2012, p.21.
258 John Dotson. Outcomes of the Chinese Communist Party's 18th National Congress, December 21,2012, p.4. http://origin.www.uscc.gov/siles/default/files/Research/18th-CCP PartyCongress Overview.pdf (accessed April 26,2013).
259 Minxin Pei, "Is China's Communist Party Doomed?"'October 1,2012, http://thediplomat.com/2012/10/01/is-chinas-communist-party-doomed/2/?all=true (accessed April 26,2013).
260 William Reinsch and Robin Cleveland. "Additional Views of Commissioners William Reinsch and Robin Cleveland." in 2012 USCC Report to Congress, p.460.
261 David M. Lampton, "The United States and China in the Age of Obama:looking each other straight in the eyes," Journal of Contemporary China. Vol.18. No.62 (2009), pp.703-727.
262 See "Kissinger:China Displaying Assertive Behavior," http://live.wsj.com/video/kissinger-china-displaying-assertive-behavior/237BFF27-8338-4BA7-80EA-47E059BC2 E07.html#!237BFF27-8338-4BA7-80EA-47E059BC2E07 (accessed March 7.2013):Nick Bisley, "An assertive China rattles the region," February 24th.2012, http://www.eastasiaforum.org/2012/02/24/an-assertive-china-rattles-the-region/(accessed March 7,2013); For a detailed discussion about reasons behind China's assertiveness, see Suisheng Zhao. "Understanding China's assertive foreign policy behavior during the global financial meltdown," http://www.worldfinancialreview.com/?p=409 (accessed March 7,2013).
263 Michael D. Swaine, "China's Assertive Behavior Part One:On "Core Interests'." Chinese Leadership Monitor, No.34, http://media.hoover.org/sites/default/tiles/documents/CLM34MS.pdf (accessed March 7.2013).
264 See Robert Ross, "The Problem with the Pivot: Obama's New Asia Policy Is Unnecessary and Counterproductive," http://www.chinausfocus.com/foreign-policy/the-problem-with-the-pivot-obamas-new-asia-policv-is-unnecessary and-counterproductive/(accessed March 10.2013). Also see:Bonnie S. Glaser. "A Shifting Balance:Chinese Assessments of U.S. Power," in Craig S. Cohen, ed., Capacity and Resolve:Foreign Assessment of U.S. Power (Washington D.C.:the Center for Strategic and International Studies.2011), pp.14-15. http://csis.org/files/publication/H0613 Cohen CapacityResolve Web.pdf (accessed March 26,2013).
265 "Senior Chinese official calls on U.S. to respect China's core national interests." July 29,2009. http://english.people.com.cn/90001/90776/90883/6713167.html (accessed March 19.2013).
66 It is stated that "The two sides agreed that respecting each other's core interests is extremely important to ensure steady progress in U.S.-China relations." See "U.S.-China Joint Statement." November 17.2009, http://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/us-china-ioint-statement (accessed March 19.2013).
267 Dai Bingguo, "Adhere to the Path of Peaceful Development," December 6.2010, http://china.usc.edu/ShowArticle.aspx?articlelD=2325 (accessed March 18,2013)中文参见戴秉国：《坚持走和平发展道路》,载《当代世界》,2010年12月,第7页。
268 Information Office of the State Council. China's Peaceful Development. September 2011, http://english.gov.cn/official/2011-09/06/content 19413544,htm (accessed March 19,2013).
269 Edward Wong, "Chinese Military Seeks to Extend Its Naval Power," New York Times, April 24,2010, A.I.
270 U.S. State Department, "Remarks by Secretary Clinton:Interview with Greg Sheridan of The Australian,' Melbourne. Australia. November 8.2010, http://www,state.gov/secretary/rm/2010/11/150671.htm (accessed March 19,2013).
271 Ibid.
272 Nong Hong, "US-China Perception Gap on the Messy South China Sea Dispute Assessment of Post-2009 Developments," September 22,2011, www.chinausfocus.com/print/?i=10547 (accessed March 19.2013)参见：漆菲,徐鑫：《南海五大争议解析：中国应建立国家海事委员会》,载《凤凰周刊》,http://news.ifeng.com/shendu/fhzk/detail 201108/30/8790523 O.shtml? from ralated (accessed March 19. 2013).
273 Leszek Buszynski, "The South China Sea:Oil. Maritime Claims, and U.S.-China Strategic Rivalry." The Washington Quarterly, Vol.35, No.2 (Spring 2012). p.148.
274 Ibid.
275 参见：《美再迷恋冷战思维只能导致更大的战略挫折》,http://www.cdrb.com.cn/html/2010-08/14/content 1025973.htm (accessed March 19.2013).
276 Wenlin Tian, "'Strategic Anxiety'Leads US Diplomacy in Asia-Pacific to a Wrong Track," People's Daily, July 19,2012, http://watchingamerica.com/News/167378/strategic-anxiety-leads-us-diplomacy-in-asia-pacific-to-a-wrong-track/ (accessed March 19.2013).'中文参见：田文林：《“战略焦虑”使美国亚太外交陷歧途》,载《人民日报(海外版)》,2012年07月19日http://theory.people.com.cn/n/2012/0719/c 136457-18549104.html (accessed March 19,2013).
277 Stephen Mihm and Jeffrey Wasserstrom,'"How Today's China Resembles 19th Century America," TIME Asia, November 15.2010. http://www.indiandefence.com/forums/chinese-defence-affairs/1250-chinas-economic-news-5.html#ixzz2NxVLA Wj3 (accessed March 19.2013).
278 Joseph S. Nye. Jr.."China's Hubris Colours US Relations." January 18,2011. http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-us-canada-12209538 (accessed March 19.2013).
279 Alan M. Wachman. testimony before the U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission on "China's Current and Emerging Foreign Policy Priorities." April 13,2011.
280 Ibid.
281 Michael D. Swaine, "Perceptions of an Assertive China," China Leadership Monitor. No.32 (Spring 2010). http://carnegieendowment.ore/files/CLM32MSl.pdf (accessed March 19,2013). p.1.
282 Ibid., p.1
283 Robert Burns, "Panetta Praises China for Arms Sale Reaction." October 23,2011, http://www.armytimes.com/news/2011/10/ap-military-leon-panetta-praises-china-taiwan-arms-sale-reaction-10231 1/.
284 "China. Vietnam sign accord on resolving maritime issues," http://news.xinhuanet.com/english2010/china/2011-10/12/c 131185606.htm (accessed March 19,2013).
285 Robert Sutter & Chin-Hao Huang, "China-Southeast Asia Relations:China Reassures Neighbors, Wary of US Intensions," Comparative Connections, January 2011,http://csis.org/files/publication/1004qchina seasia.pdf (accessed March 19.2013).
286 In the 2013 annual report to Congress by U.S. Department of Defense, it is claimed that "China's efforts to defend national sovereignty and territorial integrity (underpinned by growing economic and military capabilities) have occasionally manifested in assertive rhetoric and behavior that generate regional concerns about its intentions." See U.S. Department of Defense. Annual Report to Congress:Military and Security Developments Involving the People's Republic of China 2013 (Washington D.C.:Department of Defense,2013), p.16.
287 Daryl Morini. "Paradigm Shift:China's Rise and the Limits of Realism." Security Challenges, Vol.7, No.1 (Autumn 2011). p.91. http://www.securitvchallenges.org.au/ArticlePDFs/vol7nolMorini.pdf (accessed May 1, 2013).
288 According to Michael Evans, there are three contending schools of thought on the future of Asia all of which pivot around the future stability of East Asia and the significance of China's rise, and they can be labeled the primacist or "strategic competition." exceptionalist or "peaceful rise," and pragmatic or "competitive coexistence." See Michael Evans. "Power and Paradox:Asia Geopolitics and Sino-American Relations in the 21st Century," Orbis, Vol.55. No.1 (Winter 2011). p.88.
289 Aaron L. Friedberg, "Europe's Past, Asia's Future," SAIS Policy Forum Series, No.3 (October 1998):John J. Mearsheimer, The Tragedy of Great Power Politics (New York:W. W. Norton,2001); Robyn Lim, The Geopolitics of East Asia:The Search for Equilibrium (London:Routledge,2003); Hugh White, "Why War in Asia Remains Thinkable," Survival, Vol.50, No.6 (Dec.2008-Jan.2009), pp.85-104; and Hugh White, Power Shift: Australia's'Future between Washington and Beijing, Quarterly Essay No.39 (Melbourne:Black Inc.,2010).
290 Michael Evans, "Power and Paradox:Asia Geopolitics and Sino-American Relations in the 21st Century," Orbis, Vol.55, No.1 (Winter 2011), p.89.
291 John J. Mearsherimer, "The Gathering Storm:China's Challenge to US Power in Asia," The Chinese Journal of International Politics. Vol.3,2010, p.381.
296 Ibid., pp.388-389.
297 John Mearsheimer, "Why China's Rise Will Not Be Peaceful," September 17,2004, pp.4-5. http://mearsheimer.uchicago.edu/pdfs/A0034b.pdf(accessed February 19,2013).
298 Aaron Task, "U.S. War with China'Inevitable,'Author Glain Says," Aug 11,2011, http://finance.yahoo.com/blogs/daily-ticker/u-war-china-inevitable-author-glain-says-185732514.html (accessed February 19,2013).
299 刘明福：《中国梦：中国的目标、道路及自信力》,中国友谊出版公司2010年版。
300 Henry A. Kissinger, "The China Challenge," May 14,2011, http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052748703864204576315223305697158.html (accessed March 11, 2013).
301 Ibid.
302 Max Fisher, "China is happy with John Kerry because it thinks he'll drop the "pivot to Asia"." February 27, 2013. http://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/worldviews/wp/2013/02/27/china-is-happy-with-john-kerry-because-it-thin ks-hell-drop-the-pivot-to-asia/(accessed March 12,2013).
303 John Kerry remarks:"I'm not convinced that increased military ramp-up is critical yet. I'm not convinced of that. That's something I'd want to look at very carefully when and if you folks confirm me and I can get in there and sort of dig into this a little deeper. But we have a lot more bases out there than any other nation in the world, including China today. We have a lot more forces out there than any other nation in the world, including China today. And we've just augmented the president's announcement in Australia with additional Marines. You know, the Chinese take a look at that and say, what's the United States doing? They trying to circle us? What's going on? And so, you know, every action has its reaction. It's the old-you know, it's not just the law of physics; it's the law of politics and diplomacy. I think we have to be thoughtful about, you know, sort of how we go forward." See Elizabeth C. Economy, "Secretary of State John Kerry on China,"'February 27,2013. http://blogs.cfr.org/asia/2013/02/27/secretary-of-state-johnkerry-on-china/#cid=soc-twitter-at-blogs-secretary of s tate John kerry-022713 (accessed March 12.2013).
304 Elizabeth C. Economy. "Secretary of State John Kerry on China." February 27.2013.
305 Bill Gcrtz, "Asia pivot threatened," March 6,2013. http://www.washinalontimcs.com/news/2013/mar/6/inside-the-ring-asia-pivot-threatened/(accessed March 13,
2013).
306 《克里首访选欧洲与中东 专家：不意味美国调整东移战略》,2013年2月25日。http://ab.cri.cn/27824/2013/02/25/6611s4029522.htm (accessed March 12,2013).
307 "Icing the'Asian Pivot'." March 8,2013. http://www.alobaltimes.cn/content/766758.shtml (accessed March 12,2013).
308 Walter Russell Mead, "The Unpivot to Asia?" February 28,2013. http://blogs.the-american-imerest.com/wrm/2013/02/28/the-unpivot-to-asia/(accessed March 12,2013).
311 Thomas Donilon. "The United States and the Asia-Pacific in 2013." Remarks delivered at Asia Society New York on March 11.2013. http://asiasocietv.org/new-vork/complete-transcript-thomas-donilon-asia-societv-new-york (accessed March 15, 2013).
312 Michael Swaine, America s Challenge:Engaging a Rising China in the Twenty-First Century (Washington D.C.:Carnegie Endowment for International Peace,2011), p.151.
313 See Clifford A. Kiracofe, "Building on Past Success," May Ⅱ,2012. http://www.bjreview.com.cn/Cover_Stories_Series_2012/2012-05/11/content_452859.htm (accessed April 30, 2013).
314 Martin S. Indyk, Kenneth G. Liberthal and Michael E. O'Hanlon, Beyond History:Barack Obama's Foreign Policy (Washington D.C.:Brookings Institution Press.2012). p.67.
315 Wang Feng as quoted in "US, China to seek common interests." November 22.2012. http;//www,theindependent.cn.zw/2012/11/22/us-china-lo-seek-common-interests/(accessed April 11.2013).
116 Thomas Donilon, "The United States and the Asia-Pacific in 2013," Remarks delivered at Asia Society New York on March 11.2013.
117 Michael Swaine. America's Challenge:Engaging a Rising China in the Twenty-First Century (Washington D.C.:Carnegie Endowment for International Peace,2011). p.193.
318 Ibid.
119 David Shambaugh, "Falling Out of Love with China," New York Times. March 19.2013. p.27. http://ebird.osd.mil/ebird2/ebfiles/e20130319918533.html (accessed April 27.2013).
320 Thomas Donilon, "The United States and the Asia-Pacitlc in 2013." Remarks delivered at Asia Society New York on March 11,2013.
321 William Reinsch and Robin Cleveland. "Additional Views of Commissioners William Reinsch and Robin Cleveland," in U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission.2012 Report to Congress, November 2012, p.460.
322 U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission.2012 Report to Congress, November 2012, p.2.
323 Martin S. Indyk, Kenneth G. Liberthal and Michael E. O'Hanlon. Beyond History:Barack Obama's Foreign Policy (Washington D.C.:Brookings Institution Press,2012), pp.65-66.
324 Thomas Donilon, "The United States and the Asia-Pacific in 2013." Remarks delivered at Asia Society New York on March 11.2013.
325 Martin S. Indyk, Kenneth G. Liberthal and Michael E. O'Hanlon. Beyond History:Barack Obama's Foreign Policy (Washington D.C.:Brookings Institution Press,2012). p.66.
326 U.S. Department of Defense. Annual Report to Congress:Military and Security Developments Involving the People's Republic of China 2013 (Washington D.C.:Department of Defense,2013), p.i. http://www.defense.gov/pubs/2013 China Report FlNAL.pdf (accessed May 8.2013).
127 Michael Evans, "Power and Paradox:Asia Geopolitics and Sino-American Relations in the 21st Century,' Orbis, Vol.55, No.1 (Winter 2011), p.90.
328 Peter Symonds, "US think tank plans military build-up against China," August 13,2012. http://www.wsws.org/en/articles/2012/08/csis-a13.html (accessed March 92013).
329 钱文荣：《美国全球战略重心东移对我国造成的安全威胁(1)》,http://www.chinanews.com/gi/2013/01-09/4471855.shtml (accessed March 9.2013).
330 U.S. Force Posture Strategy in the Asia Pacific Region:An Independent Assessment (Washington D.C.:Center for Strategic and International Studies,2012), p.5.
331 Eric Talmadge, "Chinese missile could shift Pacific power balance," August 5,2010. http://www.washingtontimes.com/news/2010/aug/5/chinese-missile-could-shift-pacific-power-balance/print/ (accessed March 11,2013). The American strategists are talking about "a game-changing weapon being developed by China:an unprecedented carrier-killing missile called the Dong Feng 21D that could be launched from land with enough accuracy to penetrate the defenses of even the most advanced moving aircraft carrier at a distance of more than 900 miles.'
332 Nathan Freier,"The Emerging Anti-Access/Area-Denial Challenge," May 17.2013. http://csis.org/publication/emerging-anti-accessarea-denial-challenge (accessed March 11.2013).
333 Andrew Krepinevich. Barry Watts & Robert Work, Meeting the Anti-Access and Area-Denial Challenge (Washington D.C.:Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments.2003), p.ii. http://www.csbaonline.org/wp-content/uploads/2011/03/2003.05.20-Anti-Access-Area-Denial-A2-AD.pdf (accessed March 11.2013).
334 Eric Hagl and Matthew Durnin. "China's Antiship Ballistic Missile:Developments and Missing Links." Naval War College Review, Vol.62, No,4 (Autumn 2009), p.87.
http:/www.chinasecuritv.us/pdfs/others/Hagt&Durnin.pdf (accessed March 11,2013).
335 Ibid.
336 U.S. Department of Defense, Sustaining U.S. Global Leadership:Priorities for 21st Century Defense, January 5,2012. http://www.defense.gov/news/Defense Strategic Guidance.pdf (accessed March 11,2013).
337 Catherine Dale & Pat Towel 1, In Brief:Assessing DOD's New Strategic Guidance (Washington D.C. Congressional Research Service,2012). p.l. http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/natsec/R42146.pdf (accessed March 11. 2013).
338 Ibid.
339 U.S. Department of Defense, Sustaining U.S. Global Leadership:Priorities for 21st Century Defense, January 5.2012, p.2.
340 朱峰：《奥巴马政府的“新军事战略”及其评估》,载黄平、倪峰主编：《美国问题研究报告(2012)：美国全球及亚洲战略调整》,社会科学文献出版社,2012年5月第一版,第109页。
341 U.S. Department of Defense, Sustaining U.S. Global Leadership:Priorities for 21st Century Defense, January 5,2012, pp 4-5.
342 U.S. Department of Defense, Joint Operational Access Concept (JOAC), January 17.2012. http://www.defense.gov/pubs/pdfs/JOAC Jan%202012 Signed.pdf (accessed March 11,2013).
343 Ibid., p.i.
344 Ibid.
345 Thomas P.M. Barnett, "Big-War Thinking in a Small-War Era:The Rise of the AirSea Battle Concept," China Security. Vol.6 No.3 (2010). p.4.
346 Ibid., p.6.
347 U.S. Department of Defense, Quadrennial Defense Review (February 2010). p.32.
348 Thomas P.M. Barnett, "Big-War Thinking in a Small-War Era:The Rise of the AirSea Battle Concept," China Security, Vol.6 No.3 (2010). pp.12-13.
349 Henry A. Kissinger, "The China Challenge." May 14,2011.
350 Walter C. Clemens. "Why Pick a Fight with China?" May 5.2012, http://thediplomat.com/2012/05/05/whv-pick-a-fight-with-chinay (accessed May 1,2013).
351 王缉思：《中美关系新趋势及其对东北亚安全的影响》,载《国际政治研究》,2011年第1期,第2页。
352 Ibid.
353 Hu Jintao, "Pull Together in Difficult Times To Build A Common Future," speech delivered at the 64th session of the UN General Assembly. September 23.2009. http://www.china-un.org/eng/gdxw/t606150.htm (accessed March 25.2013).
154 Hu Jintao, "Full Text of Hu's remarks at BRICS Leaders Meeting." April 14,2011, http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/china/brics2011/2011-04/14/content 12327626.htm (accessed April 12,2013).
355 Hu Jintao, "Firmly March on the Path of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics and Strive to Complete the Building of A Moderately Prosperous Society in All Respects." November 8.2012.
356 Hu Jintao, "Firmly March on the Palh of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics and Strive to Complete the Building of A Moderately Prosperous Society in All Respects," November 8,2012.
357 王缉思：《全球发展趋势与中国的国际环境》,载《当代世界》,2013年第1期,第5-6页。
358 Ruan Zongze, "A Historic Opportunity to Establish a New Type of Great Power Relationship between China and the United States." December 31,2012. http://www.ciis.org.cn/english/2012-12/31/content 5638120.htm (accessed April 12.2013).
359 Ibid.
360 Hu Jintao, "Firmly March on the Path of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics and Strive to Complete the Building of A Moderately Prosperous Society in All Respects," November 8,2012.
361 Hu Jintao, "Firmly March on the Path of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics and Strive to Complete the Building of A Moderately Prosperous Society in All Respects," November 8,2012.
362 Hu Jintao, "Firmly March on the Path of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics and Strive to Complete the Building of A Moderately Prosperous Society in All Respects," November 8,2012.
363 Wen Jiabao. "The Path to China's Future." speech delivered at the Royal Society in London, June 27,2011. http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/2011-06/28/content 12788449.htm (accessed March 27.2013).
364 Hu Jintao. "Firmly March on the Path of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics and Strive to Complete the Building of A Moderately Prosperous Society in All Respects," November 8,2012.
365 Dai Bingguo, "China's Peaceful Development Is Good for America," The Wall Street Journal. May 9,2011, http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052748703730804576312041320897666.html#articleTabs%3 Particle (accessed February 28,2013).
366 "Development Roadmap," Beijing Review, Vol.55. No.46 (November 15.2012). p.2.
367 "Wen:China disagrees to so-called G2," November 18.2009. http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/china/2009-11/18/content 8998039.htm (accessed March 28.2013).
368 《德新社记者提问中国国际角色》,2010年3月14日,http://www.dzwww.com/2010/qglh/wzlh/wdsl/201003/t20100314 5437050.html (accessed March 28.2013).
369 Dai Bingguo, "China's Peaceful Development Is Good for America," The Wall Street Journal, May 9,2011.
370 Dai Bingguo, "Adhere to the Path of Peaceful Development," December 6.2010.
371 Dai Bingguo, "China's Peaceful Development Is Good for America." The Wall Street Journal, May 9,2011.
372 "Premier Li Keqiang meets the press today." March 17,2013, http://www.chinadailv.com.cn/china/2013npc/2013-03/17/content_16314030.htm (accessed March 28,2013).
373 俞正樑：《中国进入战略挑战期的思考》,载《国际观察》2011年第6期,第1-7页：陈冰：《中国将进入“战略挑战期”》,《深圳卫视》2012年1月6日播出,http://v.ifeng.com/news/taiwan/201201/73d18977-1efa-4b4e-8e3a-3d9551c1ec6f.shtml (accessed March 28. 2013).
374 "Chinese president calls for new-type int'l relations centered on win-win cooperation." March 24.2013, http://www.shanghaidaily.com/article/article xinhua.asp?id=132748 (accessed March 28.2013).
375 Ibid.
176 "Theme of the Times." Beijing Review. Vol.56. No.16 (April 18.2013),p.2.
377 Zhu Liqun, China's Foreign Policy Debate (Paris:EU Institute for Security Studies,2010) [Chaillot Papers, September 2010]. p.39, http://www.iss.europa.eu/uploads/media/cp 121-China s Foreign Policy Debates.pdf (accessed Nov.18.2012).
378 Sebastian Harnisch as quoted in "Living With the World,"Beijing Review, Vol.56, No.16 (April 18,2013), p.23.
379 In 2009. China had over 2.000 personnel in the field serving in UN peacekeeping operations, second to France among the five permanent members (P-5) of the Security Council and fourteenth among 119 troopcontributing countries. See China's Growing Role in UN Peacekeeping, Crisis Group Asia Report N° 166, April 17,2009, http://www.crisisgroup.org/--/media/Files/asia/north-east-asia/166 chinas growing role in un peacekeeping.pdf (accessed April 27,2013). According to a national defense white paper of the Chinese Government, "China earnestly fulfills its international responsibilities and obligations, and supports and actively participates in UN peacekeeping missions. In accordance with UN resolutions as well as agreements between the Chinese Government and the UN. China dispatches peacekeeping troops and specialized peacekeeping personnel to designated countries or regions, who carry out peacekeeping operations under the auspices of the UN.... To date, the PLA has dispatched 22,000 military personnel to 23 UN peacekeeping missions. So far, China is the biggest troop and police contributor among the five permanent members of the UN Security Council. It also dispatches the most numbers of troops for engineering, transportation and medical support among all the 115 contributing countries. China pays and contributes the largest share of UN peacekeeping costs among all developing countries." See Information Office of the State Council of the People's Republic of China.''The Diversified Employment of China's Armed Forces (Ⅰ)," April 2013, Beijing Review, Vol.56, No.17 (April 25,2013). It is available at: http://english.peopledaily.com.cn/90786/8209362.html (accessed May 1,2013).
380 As of December 2012. Chinese navy task groups have provided protection for four WFP ships and 2,455 foreign ships, accounting for 49 percent of the total of escorted ships. They helped four foreign ships; recovered four ships released from captivity and saved 20 foreign ships from pursuit by pirates. See Information Office of the State Council of the People's Republic of China. "The Diversified Employment of China's Armed Forces (Ⅰ),' April 2013. Beijing Review. Vol.56. No.17 (April 25.2013).
381 Hu Jintao. "Firmly March on the Path of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics and Strive to Complete the Building of A Moderately Prosperous Society in All Respects," November 8,2012.
382 Hu Jintao, "Firmly March on the Path of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics and Strive to Complete the Building of A Moderately Prosperous Society in All Respects," November 8.2012.
385 National Security Strategy (Washington D.C.:The White House.2010), p.17.
384 See Sun Ru, "China's New Vision of'Relations with the US." March 5.2013. http://www,chinausfocus.com/foreign-policy/chinese-leaders-new-vision-of-relations-with-the-us/(accessed April 11.2013).
385 Gustaaf Geeraerts. "A Growing Quandary,"China Daily, April 15,2013, p.8 http://www.chinadailv.com.cn/cndy/2013-04/15/content_ 16400938.htm (accessed April 27,2013).
386 "Xi Jinping's first public address," November 15,2012, http://edition.cnn.com/2012/11/15/world/asia/china-xi-jinping-speech/(accessed April 27,2013)中文参见：《习
近平在常委见面会上的讲话(全文)》,2012年11月15日,http://news.sina.com.cn/c/2012-11-15/121925587435.shtml (accessed April 27.2013).
187 Bonnie S. Glaser and Lyle Morris, "Chinese Perceptions of U.S. Decline and Power,"" China Brief, Vol.9, No.14. Jamestown Foundation. July 9 2009, p.4. http://www.iamestown.org/uploads/media/cb 009 21.pdf (accessed March 7.2013).
388 Jenny Lin, "Navigating US-China Relations:Complicated by China's "Unrelenting Strategy'." PacNet # 15, March 5.2013, Pacific Forum CSIS. http://csis.org/publication/pacnet-15-navigating-us-china-relations-complicated-chinas-unrelenting-strategy (accessed May 9,2013.)
389 World Economy Outlook:Coping with High Debt and Sluggish Growth (Washington D.C.:International Monetary Fund,2012), p.69.
390 The cliff, as named by Ben Bernanke, chairman of the US Federal Reserve, was a package of automatic tax rises and swingeing spending cuts that was set to take effect on January 1,2013 as a result of previous political negotiations. See John Authers, "Fiscal cliff avoided but pitfalls loom," January 4.2013, http://www.ft.com/intl/cms/s/0/40a63318-567a-lle2-aaaa-00144feab49a.html#axzz2OhEtYLLa (accessed March 27,2013).
391 David Usbome, "Austerity America:The United States Face An Uncertain Future," The Independent, February 28,2013. http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/americas/austeritv-america-the-united-states-face-an-uncertain-future-8 515769.html?printService=print (accessed March 26,2013).
392 Suzy Khimm. "The Sequester, explained." September 14,2012, http://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/wonkblog/wp/2012/09/14/the-sequester-explained/(accessed March 26. 2013). Also see:http://bipartisanpolicv.org/sites/default/files/BCA%20Sequester%20Fact%20Sheet.pdf (accessed March 26,2013).
393 Lucy Madison, "Three Weeks in, Sequester Impacts Growing," March 21.2013, http://www.cbsnews.com/8301-250162-57575472/three-weeks-in-seguester-impacts-growing/(accessed March 26.2013).
394 Ibid.
395 David Usborne, "Austerity America:The United States Face An Uncertain Future," The Independent, February 28.2013.
396 Jim Tankersley, "Sequester, to Some Economists. Is No Sweat," March 20,2013, http://articles.washingtonpost.com/2013-03-20/business/378702931 sequester-cuts-budget-cuts-defense-cuts (accessed March 26.2013).
397 Ibid.
398 Barack Obama. "Text of President Obama's State of the Union Address," January 25.2011.
399 Jim Kuhnhenn, "Tax the rich. Obama says:class warfare, says GOP," September 19,2011, http://news.yahoo.com/tax-rich-obama-says-class-warfare-says-gop-213322999.html (accessed April 27,2013).
400 Jeanne Sahadi, "What's In Obama's Budget." April 10,2013, http://monev.cnn.com/2013/04/10/news/economy/obama-budget/index.html?iid=EL (accessed April 27,2013).
401 Jeanne Sahadi, "How Obama's tax hikes would hit the rich and middle class."'April 23,2013, http://money.cnn.com/2013/04/23/pf/taxes/obama-taxes/index.html (accessed April 27.2013).
402 The Washington Post found that almost three-quarters support soaking those who make$250,000 a year, and more than half support it strongly. A tax on billionaires is a different story. Politically, there is no way it can lose. The traditional aim of taxation is to raise revenue for the state. In the wake of the financial crash, taxation has acquired a second aim:vengeance. As the Post poll makes clear, and as the 2009 scandal over bonuses paid to A1G employees makes clearer, Americans do not just want fairness. They want clawbacks. There are only about 400 billionaires in the country. But there would probably be little electoral downside to raising taxes on anyone making more than, say,$10 million a year. That is about the level where you can be sure you are no longer dealing with people who work at the corner pharmacy. The political problem is that billionaires, as opposed to millionaires, are an Obama constituency. In the 2007-08 election cycle.19 of the 20 richest ZIP codes gave the majority of their political donations - the vast majority in most cases - to Democrats, according to the Center for Responsive Politics. See Christopher Caldwell, "Weekly Standard:Taxing The Rich? Obama Is All Talk." May 18,2011, http://www.npr.org/2011/05/18/136422578/weekly-standard-taxing-the-rich-obama-is-all-talk (accessed April 28. 2013).
403 Bruce Bartlett, "America's Return to Political Polarization," May 4,2012, http://www.thefiscaltimes.com/Columns/2012/05/04/Americas-Return-to-Political-Polarization.aspx (accessed
March 26,2013)参见：张业亮：《“极化”的美国政治：神话还是现实?》,载《美国研究》2008年第3期,
第7-31页；周琪、王欢：《值得关注的美国政治“极化”趋势》,载《当代世界》2011年第41期,第24-27页。
404 Richard H. King, "American Political Culture since 1945," in Jean-Christophe Agnew, Roy Rosenzweig, eds., A Companion to Post-1945 America (Oxford. UK:Blackwell Publishing Ltd..2002), p.155.
405 See Philip E. Agre, "What Is Conservatism and What Is Wrong with It?" August 2004. http://polaris.gseis.ucla.edu/pagre/conservatism.html(accessed March 26.2013).
406 Tim Mak, "Gallup poll:Conservatives outnumber liberals," January 12,2012, http://www.politico.com/news/stories/0112/71385.html (accessed March 26,2013).
407 Mytheos Holt, "30 States Petition Federal Government to Secede After Election." November 12,2012, http://www.theblaze.com/stories/2012/11/12/27-states-petition-federal-government-to-secede-after-election/ (accessed March 27.2013).
408 For example, Henry Barbour, one of five GOP strategists spearheading the Republican National Committee's post-campaign reboot, described President Barack Obama as a "socialist." See Lisa Miller, "Henry Barbour Criticizes Obama as "Socialist'," The Hufflngton Post, March 19,2013. http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2013/03/19/henry-barbour-obama-socialist n 2906919.html (accessed March 27, 2013).
409 John Perazzo, "Barack Obama, the Socialist," September 6,2012, http://frontpagemag.com/2012/iohn-perazzo/barack-obama-the-socialist/(accessed March 27,2013); Paul Roderick Gregory, "Is President Obama Truly A Socialist?" January 22,2012, http://www.forbes.com/sites/paulroderickgregory/2012/01/22/is-president-obama-truly-a-socialist/print/(accessed March 27,2013).
410 Schlesinger has believed in the cyclical nature of American politics:periods of public purpose have been followed by periods of private interest, stemming from the fatigue brought on by liberal activism rather than by the attractiveness of conservative ideas. See Edward S. Shapiro. "Conservatism," in Stephen J. Whitfield, A Companion to 20th-Century America (Oxford. UK:Blackwell Publishing Ltd.,2004), p.463.
41'Samuel P. Huntington, Who Are We? The Challenges to America s National Identity (New York:Simon& Schuster,2004), p.41.
412 Samuel P. Huntington, Who Are We? The Challenges to America's National Identity (New York:Simon & Schuster,2004).
413 Department of Homeland Security, Yearbook of Immigration Statistics:2011 (Washington, D.C.:U.S. Department of Homeland Security, Office of Immigration Statistics,2012). p.10.
414 Ibid., p.55.
415 "Immigration:Key Data Points from Pew Research," February 6.2013, http://www.pewresearch.org/2013/02/06/immigration-tip-sheet-on-u-s-public-opinion/(accessed March 27,2013).
416 Brad Knickerbocker, "Illegal immigrants in the US:How many are there?"The Christian Science Monitor. May 16,2006. http://www.csmonitor.com/2006/0516/p01s02-ussc.html (accessed March 27.2013).
417 Michael Hoefer. Nancy Rytina and Bryan C. Baker, Estimates of the Unauthorized Immigrant Population Residing in the United States:January 2009 (Washington D.C.:Office of Immigration Statistics, Homeland Security,2010). http://www.dhs.gov/xlibrary/assets/statistics/publications/ois ill pe 2009.pdf (accessed March 27, 2013).
418 张朋辉：《美国国家认同的挑战》,载《人民日报》,2013年2月22日第003版。
419 Lucy Madison, "At Naturalization Ceremony. Obama Makes Immigration Push," CBS NEWS, March 25,2013, http://www.cbsnews.com/8301-250 162-57576135/at-naturalization-ceremonv-obama-makes-immigration-push/ (accessed March 27,2013).
420 Ibid.
421 Maeve Reston. "Most Californians favor citizenship path for illegal immigrants." Los Angeles Times, March 24,2013, http://articles.latimes.com/2013/mar/24/local/la-me-0324-poll-immigration-20130324 (accessed March 27,2013).
422 There seems to be a possible breakthrough in the making in April 2013. but it is far from certain that an immigration bill will be passed by Congress. The Boston Marathon bombings might cast a shadow over immigration reform. See Jason Linkins, "Congress And Immigration Reform:The Complete Guide To High Hopes, Certain Doom," April 27,2013, http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2013/04/27/congress-immigration-reform-2013 n 3166603.html (accessed April 28,2013); Elizabeth Llorente,"Immigration Reform Could Sink Due To Differences Within GOP, Analysts Say,' April 25,2013, http://latino.foxnews.com/latino/politics/2013/04/24/immigration-reform-could-sink-due-to-differences-within-gop-analysts-say/(accessed April 27.2013).庄巧祎:《波士顿爆炸案为美国移民改革再添变数》,2013年4月24日, http://news.sina.com.cn/w/gc/2013-04-24/162659.shtml (accessed April 28,2013).
423 Sharon R. Ennis. Merarys Rios-Vargas, and Nora G. Albert. The Hispanic Population:2010 (Washington D.C.: US Census Bureau, May 2011), p.5.
424 The number of electoral votes in these three states increased from 54.32 and 25 in 2000. Politically speaking, the influence of these states has increased.
425 Ed Pilkington, "Immigration reform:Obama to lay out package to dovetail with senators'plan." The Guardian. January 29,2013. http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2013/ian/28/obama-immigration-proposal-compromise (accessed March 27,2013).
426 Ed Pilkington. "Immigration reform:Obama to lay out package to dovetail with senators'plan," The Guardian, January 29,2013.
427 Albor Ruiz, "Day after President cites immigration reform among policy priorities in his inaugural address, immigration advocacy groups urge Washington to act," New York Daily News. January 22,2013. http://www.nydailynews.com/new-york/time-act-immigration-reforms-article-l.1245303#ixzz2OkSK8pEI (accessed March 27,2013).
428 吴正龙：《美为何放松移民政策》,载《解放日报》2013年2月4日,第007版。
429 "Hispanic or Latino" refers to a person of Cuban, Mexican, Puerto Rican. South or Central American, or other Spanish culture or origin regardless of race.
430 Sharon R. Ennis. Merarys Rios-Vargas. and Nora G. Albert. The Hispanic Population:2010 (Washington D.C. US Census Bureau, May 2011). pp.2-7.
431 Paul Taylor and D'Vera Cohn, "A Milestone En Route to a Majority Minority Nation," November 7,2012, http://www.pewsocialtrends.org/2012/11/07/a-milestone-en-route-to-a-majoritv-minority-nation/(accessed March 27.2013).
432 Ed Pilkington, "Immigration reform:Obama to lay out package to dovetail with senators'plan," The Guardian, January 29,2013参见温宪：《美国非法移民可望有条件“落户口”》,载《人民日报》2013年1月30日,第003版。
433 楚树龙、方力维：《美国人口状况的发展变化及其影响》,载《美国研究》2009年第4期,第75-89页。
434 王义桅：《防止美国过快衰落将成未来中国外交最大挑战》,载《环球时报》,2006年8月10,第11版。http://news.xinhuanet.com/world/2006-08/12/content 4951919.htm (accessed March 26.2013).
435 Fu Mengzi, "Old order should yield place to new," China Daily, May 18,2009. http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/bizchina/2009-05/18/content 7787953.htm (accessed March 26,2013).
436 Li Hongmei, "The U.S. Hegemony ends, the era of global multipolarity enters."February 24,2009, http://english.people.com.cn/90002/96417/6599374.html (accessed March 26,2013).
437 良：《重振或衰落——美国战略大调整评估》,载黄平、倪峰主编：《美国问题研究报告(2012)：美国全球及亚洲战略调整》,社会科学文献出版社,2012年5月第一版,第94-96页。
438 吴心伯：《“中国热”烫醒了美国人》,载《环球时报》,http://news.xinhuanet.com/world/2007-12/23/content 7298119_1.htm (accessed March 26.2013).
439 Wu Xinbo, "Understanding the Geopolitical Implications of the Global Financial Crisis," The Washington Quarterly, Vo.33, No.4 (October 2010), p.155.
440 陈玉刚：《金融危机、美国衰落与国际关系格局扁平化》,载《世界政治与经济》,2009年第5期,第29-30页。
441 Bonnie S. Glaser. "A Shitting Balance:Chinese Assessments of U.S. Power," in Craig S. Cohen, ed.. Capacity and Resolve:Foreign Assessment of U.S. Power (Washington D.C.:the Center for Strategic and International Studies,2011), p.7.
442 金灿荣、段皓文：《后危机时代的大国关系格局与新动向》,载《湖北大学学报(哲学社会科学版)》,第40卷,第1期(2013年1月),第58页。
443 Wang Jisi, "We're All Declinist Pundits These Days," Foreign Policy, January/February 2013, p.8, http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2013/01/02/were all declinist pundits these days (accessed May 1,2013).参见：王缉思,张维迎等：《未来10年的中国与美国》,载《国际经济评论》2011年第3期,第17页。
444 王缉思：《全球发展趋势与中国的国际环境》,载《当代世界》,2013年第1期,第5负。
445 王缉思,张维迎等：《未来10年的中国与美国》,载《国际经济评论》2011年第3期,第17页。
446 朱成虎、孟凡礼：《简论美国实力地位的变化》,载《美国研究》2012年第2期,第35页。
447 关权：《中国依然需要韬光养晦——从经济发展角度看大国兴衰》,载《人民论坛·学术前沿》,2012年09(1),第72页。
448 袁鹏：《国际体系变迁与中国的战略选择》,载《现代国际关系》,2009年第11期,第39-44页。
449 刘江永：《发展中国家兴起改变了时代与世界格局》,载《现代国际关系》,2009年第11期,第24页。
450 Andrew Bolt, "Lee:beware China's rise,' http://blogs.news.com.au/heraldsun/andrewbolt/index.php/heraldsun/comments/lee beware chinas rise/(accessed March 6,2013).
451 See http://www.pmo.gov.sg/content/pmosite/mediacentre/speechesninterviews/primeminister/2012/September/speech by prime ministerleehsienloongatcentralpartvschoolenglish.html (accessed March 20,2013).
452 See Richard Jackson, "The Aging of China," Critical Questions (Washington, D.C.:Center for Strategic and Internationa] Studies. April 20.2010), http://csis.org/files/publication/100420 Jackson AgingChina.pdf (accessed March 6,2013).
453 Walter C. Clemens. "Why Pick a Fight with China?" May 5,2012. http://thediplomat.com/2012/05/05/whv-pick-a-fight-with-china/?all=true (accessed March 6,2013).
454 National Intelligence Council. Global Trends 2030:Alternative Worlds, p.xii.
455 Joseph S. Nye, Jr.,"U.S.-China relationship:A shift in perceptions of power." Los Angeles Times, April 6,2011. http://articles.latimes.com/2011/apr/06/opinion/la-oe-nve-china-20110406 (accessed March 8,2013).
456 Lieberthal, Kenneth & Wang Jisi, Addressing U.S.-China Strategic Distrust (Washington D.C.:The Brookings Institution,2012). pp.vii-viii.
457 Warren Bass, "Book review:"Why Nations Fail,'by Daron Acemoglu and James A. Robinson," The Washington Post, April 20,2012, http://articles.washingtonpost.com/2012-04-20/entertainment/354539181 vast-mineral-wealth-economic-instituti ons-democratic-republic (accessed March 29,2013).
458 National Security Strategy (Washington D.C.:The White House.2010). p.i.
459 Mark J. Perry. "Charting World Shares of GDP," Nov.18,2011. http://seekingalpha.com/article/308958-charting-world-shares-of-gdp (accessed April 8.2013).
460 Jeffrey R. Young, "The New Industrial Revolution," March 25,2013.
461 "The Third Industrial Revolution," The Economist, April 21,2012, http://www.economist.com/node/21553017/print (accessed April 9,2013).
462 In his 2012 State of the Union address. President Obama called for a rollback for tax breaks for American companies that outsource jobs overseas and proposed new tax cuts for manufacturers that build their products stateside. See Holly Bailey, "In State of the Union Address, Obama says' basic American promise'is at risk,' January 24,2012. http://news.yahoo.com/blogs/ticket/highlights-president-obama-2012-state-union-address-000338337.html (accessed April 9,2012).
463 In November 2011. the high-profile announcement of the strategy is accompanied by the extensiveness of the pivot:militarily, the U.S. enhanced its defense cooperation with Australia by planning for rotational deployments of Marines to Darwin; diplomatically, at the East Asia Summit (EAS) Obama stressed Washington's commitment to freedom of navigation and peaceful resolution of the disputes in the South China Sea:economically, Obama announced the blueprint for the ambitious TPP.
464 王缉思：《美国是否将以中国为敌》,载《东方早报》,2011年9月7日,第D20版。
465 U.S. Department of Defense, Annual Report to Congress:Military and Security Developments Involving the People's Republic of China 2013 (Washington D.C.:Department of Defense,2013). p.16.
466 冷溶：《夺取中国特色社会主义新胜利的政治宣言和行动纲领——就党的十八大报告学习体会答(党的文献>记者问》,载《党的文献》,2013年第1期,第30-31页。
467 洪源：《美国重返亚太背景下的“空海一体战”》,载黄平、倪峰主编：《美国问题研究报告(2012)：美国全球及亚洲战略调整》,社会科学文献出版社,2012年5月第一版,第129页。
468 《中国之定力：应对复杂局势的核心所在》,载《人民论坛》,2012年09月(下),第12-33页。
469 马振岗：《当前局势与外交对策》,载《人民论坛》,2012年09月(下),第14-17页。
470 Walden Bello, "Washington Debates the Pivot to Asia," http://www.fpif.org/articles/washington debates the pivot to asia (accessed March 8.2013).
471 Justin Logan, "China, America, and the Pivot to Asia," Policy Analysis, No.717. January 2013. 472 Gary Schmitt and Dan Blumenthal."Rethinking our China strategy," January 27.2013, http://articles.latimes.com/2013/ian/27/opinion/la-oe-schmitt-china-policy-20130127 (accessed April 12,2013).
473 Robert S. Ross, "The Problem with the Pivot:Obama's New Asia Policy Is Unnecessary and Counterproductive," http://www. chinausfocus.com/foreign-pol icy/the-problem-with-the-pivot-obamas-new-asia-policy-is-unnecessary-and-counterproductive/(accessed March 1,2013).
474 Shawn Brimley and Ely Ratncr, "Smart Shift." Foreign Affairs, Vol.92, No.1(January/February 2013), pp.178.
475 Walden Bello, "Washington Debates the Pivot to Asia," http://www.fpif.org/articles/washington debates the pivot to asia (accessed March 8.2013).
476 张清敏：《谨防有害思维误导国人》,载《人民论坛》,2012年09月(下),第19页。
477 乔良：《重振或衰落——美国战略大调整评估》,载黄平、倪峰主编：《美国问题研究报告(2012)：美国全球及亚洲战略调整》,社会科学文献出版社,2012年5月第一版,第86-87页。
478 杨毅：《周边安全需要全方位战略——兼与王缉思教授商榷》,载《环球时报》2012年10月26日,http://news.xinhuanet.com/world/2012-10/26/c 1238752522.htm (accessed March 30,2013).
479 Walden Bello, "'Washington Debates the Pivot to Asia."
480 Yun Sun. "March West:China's Response to the U.S. Rebalancing." January 31.2013. http://www.brookings.edu/blogs/up-front/posts/2013/01/31-china-us-sun (accessed March 30.2013).
481 参见：包蓓蓓：《王缉思：习近平为什么首访俄岁斯》,2013年3月21日,http://www.worldchineseweekly.com/a/guandian/huati/2013/0321/21160.html (accessed March 30,2013).
482 Walter C. Clemens,"Why Pick a Fight with China?' http://thediplomat.com/2012/05/05/why-pick-a-fight-with-china/(accessed March 6.2013).
483 U.S. Department of Defense, Annual Report to Congress:Military and Security Developments Involving the People's Republic of China 2013 (Washington D.C.:Department of Defense,2013). p.15.
484 Dai Bingguo, "China's Peaceful Development Is Good for America," The Wall Street Journal, May 9,2011.
485 "Views from China's Vice President," The Washington Post, February 12,2012. http://articles.washingtonpost.com/2012-02-12/world/354452411 amchamchina-mutual-benefit-chinese-products (accessed March 28,2013).
1 "U.S.-China Joint Statement," January 19.2011, http://www.vvhitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2011/01/19/us-china-joint-statement (accessed March 28,2013).
2 Henry A. Kissinger, "The Future of U.S.-Chinese Relations." Foreign Affairs, Vol.90. No.2 (March/April 2012). http://www.viet-studies.info/kinhte/FA Kissingher China US.htm (accessed March 28,2013).
3 Orville Schell as quoted in "US. China to seek common interests," November 22,2012, http://www.theindependent.co.zw/2012/11/22/us-china-to-seek-common-interests/(accessed April 11.2013).
4 Yan Xuetong, "The Instability of China-US Relations," The Chinese Journal of International Politics. Vol.3 (2010), p.272.
5 See http://www,census.gov/foreign-trade/balance/c5700.html#2012 (accessed April 10,2013). The number is $484.68 billion according to China's General Administration of Customs. See Li Jiabao. "U.S. Stance on China Likely to Remain Tough." February 22.2013. http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/cndv/2013-02/22/content 16246054.htm (accessed April 10,2013).
(?) 楚树龙、应琛：《中美长期关系的两根支柱》,载《现代国际关系》2013年第3期,第2页。
7 Wayne M. Morrison. China-U.S. Trade Issues (Washington D.C.:Congressional Research Service.2012), CRS Report RL 33536, "Summary," www, fas.org/sgp/crs/row/RL33536.pdf (accessed April 10,2013).
8 In this regard. Wu Xinbo's wording is:helping to secure strong, sustainable, and balanced global economic growth. See Wu Xinbo. China and the United States:Core Interests, Common Interests, and Partnership (Washington D.C.:The United States Institute of Peace.2011). p.5.
9 See Wu Xinbo. China and the United States:Core Interests, Common Interests, and Partnership (Washington D.C.:The United States Institute of Peace.2011). p.4. However, according to Patrick Cronin. an Asia expert at the Center for a New American Security and a senior State Department official during the George W. Bush administration, "There are limits to how far China and the U.S. have coincidental interests with regard to North Korea." See Associated Press. "White House focus on Asia bolstered as US, China find common ground against Pyongyang threat," April 5,2013. http://articles,washingtonpost.com/2013-04-05/world/383094251 east-asia-xi-jinping-security-issues/2 (accessed April 11,2013).
10 See "President Hu Jintao's Interview with American Press." January 17,2011. http://www.fmprc.gov.cn/eng/zxxx/t787237.htm (accessed April 10,2013)参见：《中美共同利益大量增加需合作应对挑战》,2012年11月19日http://www.china.com.cn/international/txt/2012-11/19/content 27156527.htm (accessed April 10.2013)《王岐山：中美在产品质量和食品安全有共同利益》,2008年12月04日,http://news.hexun.com/2008-12-04/111986860.html (accessed April 10.2013)《美国问题专家肖炼：奥巴马访华找中美共同利益》,2009年11月17日http://news.eastdav.com/c/20091117/u 1 a4814972.html (accessed April 10,2013).
11 In this regard, Wu Xinbo's wording is:bringing about a global arrangement for environmental concerns. See Wu Xinbo. China and the United Stales:Core Interests, Common Interests, and Partnership (Washington D.C.: The United States Institute of Peace.2011). p.7.
12 Tao Wenzhao, "Common Regional Interests." February 10,2011. http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/thinktank/2011-02/10/content 11973945.htm (accessed April 10.2013).
13 Yan Xuetong, "The Instability of China-US Relations," The Chinese Journal of International Politics, Vol.3 (2010), p.273.
14 Ibid.
15 Yan Xuetong has a totally different view on this by arguing that "There are more mutually unfavorable interests than mutually favorable ones between China and the United States." See Yan Xuetong. "The Instability of China-US Relations." The Chinese Journal of International Politics. Vol.3 (2010). p.272.
16 "President Hu Jintao's Interview with American Press," January 17.2011. http://www.fmprc.gov.cn/eng/zxxx/t787237.htm (accessed April 10.2013).
17 Barack Obama. "US-China Policy Under an Obama Administration." China Brief(AmCham-China, October 2008). www.amchamchina.org/upload/wvsiwyg/ObamaENArticle.pdf (accessed April 11.2013).
18 Susan V. Lawrence & David MacDonald. U.S.-China Relations:Policy Issues (Washington D.C.:Congressional Research Service.2012), CRS Report for Congress R41108. http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/row/R41108.pdf (accessed April 11 2013).
19 Ibid.
20 National Security Strategy (Washington D.C.:The White House,2010), p.3.
21 "U.S.-China Joint Statement," January 19,2011, http://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2011/01/19/us-china-joint-statement (accessed April 11,2013).
22 Dai Bingguo, "China's Peaceful Development Is Good for America,"The Wall Street Journal, May 9,2011. httn://online.wsi.com/article/SB10001424052748703730804576312041320897666.html#articleTabs%3Darticle.
23 Aaron L. Friedberg. "Bucking Beijing," Foreign Affairs, Vol.91. No.5 (September/October 2012). p.49.
24 According to a 2012 PEW Research survey, only 15%of the general public say that China is an enemy; virtually nobody among the expert groups (government officials, retired military officers, business/trade leaders, scholars and news media practitioners) labels China an enemy of the U.S. "U.S. Public, Experts Differ on China Policies," September 18.2012. http://www.pewglobal.org/2012/09/18/chapter-l-how-americans-view-china/ (accessed April 13.2013).
25 See http://www.pewglobal.org/2012/09/18/u-s-public-experts-differ-on-china-policies/(accessed April 13, 2013).
26 "U.S. Public, Experts Differ on China Policies." September 18.2012.
27 U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission,2012 Report to Congress. November 2012. p.26.
28 Anna Yukhananov and Aileen Wang. "Trade, economy top agenda as China's Xi meets U.S."s Lew," March 19, 2013. http://www.reuters.com/article/2013/03/19/us-china-usa-lew-idUSBRE92100Y20130319 (accessed March 29,2013).
29 "Views from China's Vice President," The Washington Post. February 12,2012. http://articles.washingtonpost.com/2012-02-12/world/354452411 amchamchina-mutual-benefit-chinese-products
(accessed March 28.2013).
30 "President Hu Jintao"s Interview with American Press." January 17.2011, http://www.fmprc.gov.cn/eng/zxxx/t787237.htm (accessed February 15.2013).
31 刘亚伟：《不要有太多的“美国阴谋论”》2011年1月http://opinion.huanqiu.com/roll/2011-01/1427202.html (accessed March 28.2012).
32 Dai Bingguo, "China's Peaceful Development Is Good for America," The Wall Street Journal. May 9.2011.
33 Dai Bingguo.'"China's Peaceful Development Is Good for America," The Wall Street Journal. May 9.2011.
34 Anna Yukhananov and Sui-Lee Wee, "New U.S., Chinese officials reach out ahead of talks later this year," March 20,2013, http://www.reuters.com/article/2013/03/20/us-china-usa-idUSBRE92JOLB20130320 (accessed March 28,2013).
35 U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission,2012 Report to Congress, November 2012, p.26.
36 See "US, China should respect each others'core interests," February 16,2012, http://www.china.org.cn/world/Xiiinping visit/2012-02/16/content 24647142.htm (accessed April 11,2013).
37 "U.S.-China Joint Statement," January 19,2011, http://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2011/01/19/us-china-joint-statement (accessed April 11,2013).
38 Ibid.
39 Numbers are based on http://www.tradingeconomics.com/(accessed April 11.2013).
40 《人民日报：传统的粗放型经济增长模式已走到尽头》,2012年11月27日,http://news.ifeng.com/mainland/special/2honggongl8da/content-2/detail 201211/27/19562838 O.shtml? from r alated (accessed April 11.2013).
41 See Tyler Durden, "China:'Aiipocalypse'Now," March 16.2013. http://www.2erohedge.com/news/2013-03-16/china-airpocalypse-now (accessed April 11.2013)参见：若离：《法
巴：中国经济增长模式的“厚德载雾”代价》.2013年3月24日http://wallstreetcn.com/node/23240 (accessed April 11,2013).
42 The latest numbers seem to be heartening. According to figures from the National Bureau of Statistics, of the 7.7-percent GDP growth registered in the first quarter, more than half-or 55.5 percent-was due to consumption, while investment contributed 30.3 percent to growth. Net exports of goods and services only accounted for 14.2 percent. See "Rebalancing Efforts on Track." Beijing Review. Vol.56. No.17 (April 25.2013). p.2.
43 Tao Wenzhao. "China-US Relations Are Now at A New Juncture," December 19,2012, http://www.chinausfocus.com/foreign-policy/china-us-relations-are-now-at-a-new-iuncture/(accessed April 11 2013).
44 楚树龙、应琛：《中美长期关系的两根支柱》,载《现代国际关系》2013年第3期,第1页。
45 "US. China should respect each others'core interests," February 16,2012. http://www.china.org.cn/world/Xiiinping visit/2012-02/16/content 24647142.htm (accessed April 11.2013).
46 See "Xi vows no surrender on'legitimate rights, core interests'," January 30.2013, http://www.china.org.cn/china/2013-01/30/content 27833725.htm (accessed April 10.2013).
47 Information Office of the State Council. China's Peaceful Development. September 2011. http://english.gov.cn/otTicial/2011-09/06/content 19413544.htm (accessed March 19.2013).
48 See Carlyle A. Thayer, "US arms sales to Taiwan:impact on Sino-American relations," October 4.2011, http://www.eastasiaforum.org/2011/10/04/us-arms-sales-to-taiwan-impact-on-sino-american-relations/(accessed April 11.2013).
49 "Tibetan Policy Act of 2002," May 16,2003, http://2001-2009.state.gov/p/eap/rls/rpt/20699.htm (accessed April 4.2013).
50 Pang Guoping. a professor of international laws at Southwest University of Political Science and Law in Chongqing, argues that "it has become necessary for China and the US to sign a fourth joint communique to make it binding on the US to comply with the one-China policy, abolish the Taiwan Relations Act and stop selling arms to Taiwan, as well as to reinforce the previous three communiques." However, we can't expect to get the Taiwan Relations Act abolished through another communique. See Pang Guoping, "China. US need a fourth communique," August 31.2011, http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/opinion/2011-08/31/content 13224748.htm (accessed April 12, 2013).
51 Some commented that, "I think the most obvious thing that U.S. can do, is to reexamine, or abolish the Taiwan Relations Act. Because that is the apparent domestic law that interferes with another country's internal business. And with thai Taiwan Relations Act, U.S. is selling arms, against its promise in the Aug.17th Communique, in which it promised the reduction of arms sales with Taiwan." See http://www.schillerinstitute.org/lar_related/2007/1124 usa china,html#top (accessed April 12.2013).
52 "China officially labels Scnkakus a "core interest'," April 27,2013, http://www.japantimes.co.jp/news/2013/04/27/national/china-officially-labels-senkakus-a-core-interest/#.UXzi9kg S12Y (accessed ApriI 28.2013).
53 As Ian Johnston puts it: 'Concerning whether or not the PRC has officially declared the Diaoyu/Senkaku islands to be a "core interest", the source of this story, a Kyodo report, accurately reports that the PRC Foreign Ministry spokesperson stated on April 26, "Of course, the Diaoyudao are part of China's core interests." But Kyodo does not report that the official transcripts of the spokesperson's remarks removed this sentence. The transcripts officially state that''...China resolutely upholds the nation's core interests, including national sovereignty, national security, territorial integrity etc. The Diaoyudao issue touches on China's territorial sovereignty." This is about as close to saying that the islands are part of core interests without, however, saying it. It is possible that the PRC spokesperson strayed a bit from the official position. The official record reflects official policy. This particular formulation - "touches on territorial sovereignty"-probably reflects a dilemma the PRC government faces. It cannot say the Diaoyudao/Senkaku are not a core interest. This would create domestic problems for the regime. But it cannot say explicitly that the islands are a core interest, because this could constrain any future space for negotiation. A critical piece of evidence will be whether or not the PRC drops the demand for negotiations with Japan over the islands. If it does, then this would be consistent with an official declaration that the islands are a core interest. If it continues to demand negotiations, this would be consistent with the official position of not (yet) directly stating the islands are a core interest." See http://www.japantimes.co.jp/news/2013/04/27/national/china-officially-labels-senkakus-a-core-interest/#.UXzi9kq S12Y (accessed April 28,2013).
54 Cui made the remarks in response to U.S. Defense Secretary Chuck Hagel's unfounded assertion on the dispute between Japan and China over the Diaoyu Islands. Addressing a joint news conference on April 29,2013 with visiting Japanese Defense Minister Itsunori Onodera, Hagel claimed that the U.S."opposes any unilateral or coercive action that seeks to undermine Japan's administrative control, a message (Chairman of the U.S. Joint Chiefs of Staff) General (Martin) Dempsey conveyed to his counterparts last week in Beijing." See "Japan, not China, taking "unilateral or coercive actions'on Diaoyu Islands dispute:Chinese envoy," April 30.2013, http://news.xinhuanet.com/english/china/2013-05/01/c 132352059.htm (accessed May 7.2013).
55 台湾大学政治系教授石之瑜认为,“核心利益不可能太多,而且应该具体,否则没有公信力。”参见：石之瑜：《中国外交总是要靠最后摊牌?》,2012年7月2日,http://www.21ccom.net/articles/qqsw/zlwi/anicle 2012070262939.html (accessed April 12.2013).
56 National Security Strategy (Washington D.C.:The White House,2010), p.7.
57 楚树龙、应琛：《中美长期关系的两根支柱》,载《现代国际关系》2013年第3期,第6页。
58 楚树龙、应琛：《中美长期关系的两根支柱》,载《现代国际关系》2013年第3期,第7页。
59 See Wang Yusheng, "Can China and the U.S. Build a New Relationship?" January 23,2013, http://www.chinausfocus.com/foreign-policy/can-china-and-the-u-s-build-a-new-relationship/(accessed April 12, 2013).
60 See Ruan Zongze. "A Historic Opportunity to Establish a New Type of Great Power Relationship between China and the United States," December 31,2012, http://www.ciis.ora.cn/english/2012-12/31/content 5638120.htm (accessed April 12.2013).
61 参见：楚树龙、应琛：《中美长期关系的两根支柱》,载《现代国际关系》2013年第3期,第6页。
62 参见：楚树龙、应琛：《中美长期关系的两根支柱》,载《现代国际关系》2013年第3期,第7页。
63 Andrew J. Nathan & Andrew Scobell, "How China Sees America:The Sum of Beijing's Fears," Foreign Affairs, Vol.91, No.5 (September/October 2012). p.32.
64 Ibid., p.33.
65 Tao Wenzhao, "Building a New Model for the China-US Relationship," May 7.2012, http://www.chinausfocus.com/foreign-policy/to-build-new-type-great-power-relationship/(accessed April 12, 2013).
66 According to a CRS report, "Making the challenge harder is the fact that the U.S.-China relationship remains dogged by longstanding mutual mistrust. That mistrust stems in part from the two countries'very different political systems. Many in the United States are uncomfortable with China's authoritarian system of government and sometimes brutal suppression of dissent, and see continued Communist Party rule in a post-Cold War world as an anachronism. Some in China believe that the United States seeks to destabilize China, with the goal of foisting multi-party democracy upon it and pushing the Communist Party from power. The two countries'different economic models have led to mistrust, too. Some in the United States believe that China has achieved its economic successes by playing by a different, and not always fair, set of rules. Such critics point to the heavy role of the Chinese state in the Chinese economy, the PRC's strong reliance on exports for growth, and its policy of keeping China's currency artificially weak, in part to make Chinese exports more attractive to importing nations. Other points of contention include Chinese industrial policies that appear to be intended to help Chinese domestic firms scale the value chain by discriminating against foreign firms, and China's inability or unwillingness to prevent violations of foreign intellectual property by Chinese entities. For their part. PRC officials have criticized the United States for its high levels of consumption, low savings rate, long-term debt, and alleged protectionism. Mistrust is particularly pronounced on security matters. The United States government sees China's military modernization as aimed, in part, at constraining the U.S. military's freedom of movement in Asia and deterring U.S. intervention in the case of Chinese use of force against Taiwan, the self-ruled island of 23 million people over which China claims sovereignty. It also sees China's disputes with its neighbors over territory in the South China Sea and the East China Sea as threatening to undermine the stability upon which the prosperity of the region depends. A wave of cyber intrusions originating from China have also undermined trust. For its part. China's government is unnerved by the late 2011 announcement of a U.S. rebalancing toward Asia, seeing it as aimed at strengthening the hands of China's neighbors in their disputes with China, constraining the activities of the Chinese military throughout Asia, and even signaling that the United States views China as a potential future enemy. Other sources of grievance include U.S. policy toward Taiwan-many in China see the United States as intent on thwarting the PRC's unification with Taiwan-and surveillance activities undertaken by the U.S. military along China's coast." See Susan V. Lawrence & David MacDonald, U.S.-China Relations: Policy Issues (Washington D.C.:Congressional Research Service.2012). CRS Report for Congress R41108. pp.1-2. http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/row/R41108.pdf (accessed April 11 2013).
67 Tao Wenzhao, "Building a New Model for the China-US Relationship," May 7,2012.
68 楚树龙、应琛：《中美长期关系的两根支柱》,载《现代国际关系》2013年第3期,第7页。
69 Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton, "Remarks at Strategic and Economic Dialogue U.S. Press Conference." Beijing. China. May 4.2012, http://www.state.gov/secretary/rm/2012/05/189315.htm (accessed April 12.2013).
70 楚树龙、应琛：《中美长期关系的两根支柱》,载《现代国际关系》2013年第3期,第8页。
71 This vision is not only for the future Sino-U.S. relations but also for the bilateral relationships between China and other great powers such as Russia.
72 Sun Ru, "China's New Vision of Relations with the US," March 5,2013, http://www.chinausfocus.com/foreign-policy/chinese-leaders-new-vision-of-relations-with-the-us/(accessed April 12,2013).
73 See Congressional Record-House, April 9,2008, H2127, http://beta.congress.gov/crec/2008/04/09/CREC-2008-04-09-ptl-PgH2127-2.pdf (accessed April 27,2013).
74 Clifford A. Kiracofe. "Building on Past Success," May 11,2012. http:/www.bjreview.com.cn/Cover_Stories_Series_2012/2012-05/11/content_452859.htm (accessed April 27, 2013).
75 Clifford A. Kiracofe. "Building on Past Success," May 11.2012.
76 Clifford A. Kiracofe, "Building on Past Success," May 11,2012.
77 Clifford A. Kiracofe, "Building on Past Success," May 11,2012. Here, he refers to John McCain's 2008 proposal for a League of Democracies, which caused a debate in the United States. Proponents of this new grouping see it as a mechanism to legitimize the American use of foree when the United Nations fails to authorize collective action, and as a vehicle to strengthen the forces of democracy in the face of rising authoritarian states, such as China and Russia. Critics see it as a dangerous idea-potentially subverting the UN and creating divisions among the great powers precisely when the US should be building closer ties. However, the notion of "concert of democracies" was first put forward by G. John Ikenberry and Anne-Marie Slaughter in the final report of the Princeton Project on National Security in 2006. In 2008, Ikenberry and Slaughter published a piece in Financial Times in which they argue that "both sides of this debate have failed to see the true promise and role of greater co-operation among the world's leading democracies. The pre-eminent need today is not an exclusive club of democracies, but renewal of the world's global architecture-the UN, Bretton Woods and the Group of Eight leading nations. It is in the context of this larger agenda that a Concert of Democracies can be helpful." See G. John Ikenberry and Anne-Marie Slaughter. Forging a World of Liberty Under Law:U.S. National Security In The 21st Century, Final Report of the Princeton Project on National Security. September 27.2006. http://www.princeton.edu/-ppns/report/FinalReport.pdf (accessed April 27.2013):Anne-Marie Slaughter and John Ikenberry, "Democracies must work in concert," July 10,2008, http://www.ft.com/intl/cms/s/0/fd9e2fdc-4e7f-lldd-ba7c-000077b07658.html#axzz2Rd7uxFXJ (accessed April 27, 2013); For more about this notion, see Ivo H. Daalder, "Who and Why:The Conceit of Democracies," December 15,2006, http://www.brookings.edu/research/opinions/2006/12/15diplomacv-daalder (accessed April 27.2013): James D. Fearson, "An International Organization for Democracies? Accreditation versus a eague'." July 15, 2009, www.stanford.edu/-ifearon/papers/demleague4.doc (accessed April 27.2013).
78 See Yu Lintao, "Building a "Special Relationship'." Beijing Review. Vol.56, No.17 (April 25.2013), p.18.
79 Jia Xiudong, as quoted in Yu Lintao, "Building a'Special Relationship'," Beijing Review, Vol.56, No.17 (April 25,2013), p.18.
80 Sun Ru, "China's New Vision of Relations with the US," March 5,2013. According to Michael Swaine, there is an extreme strategic approach to China that "moves significantly toward a zero-sum strategy by seeking to create a grand coalition of democracies explicitly designed to counter what, according to it, is a growing Chinese challenge to the United States and all democratic nations. This approach views Beijing as deliberately attempting to undermine the West by promoting a potent countermodel to democracy that combines an authoritarian political apparatus with a neomercantilist economic order. And this approach clearly assumes that the forces driving competition and confrontation between China and the United States will increasingly predominate over those forces driving cooperation. In response, it calls for the United States to lead in the formation and steady expansion of a political-security-economic consortium of democracies. It also calls for a major increase in the capacity of the United States and its allies to deter China from using its growing military power to fundamentally alter the existing distribution of military power globally, and especially in the Asia-Pacific region, largely through major increases in military spending designed to sustain U.S. military predominance in the Western Pacific. See Michael Swaine, America's Challenge:Engaging a Rising China in the Twenty-First Century (Washington D.C.:Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.2011). pp.30-31.
81 Michael S. Chase, "China's Search for a "New Type of Great Power Relationship'," China Brief. Vol.12. No.17. (September 7.2012). p.14. http://www.iamestown.org/uploads/media/cb 09 04.pdf (accessed April 12.2013). The author bases this point on his reading of Cui Tiankai and Pang Hanzhao's article published in China International Strategy Review 2012 (Beijing:Foreign Language Press.2012). Sec http://www.fmprc.gov.cn/eng/zxxx/t953682.htm (accessed April 12.2013):For the original Chinese article, see http://www.gov.cn/gzdt/att/att/sitel/20120720/1 c6f6506c2381173639bO 1.doc (accessed April 12.2013).
82 U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission.2012 Report to Congress, November 2012, p.26.
83 Martin S. Indyk, Kenneth G. Liberlhal and Michael E. O'Hanlon. Beyond History:Barack Obama's Foreign Policy (Washington D.C.:Brookings Institution Press.2012), p.62.
84 Yang Jiemian. "China's Vision of New Type of Major Power Relations with US." April 9,2013, http://www.chinausfocus.com/foreign-policy/chinas-new-vision-of-new-type-of-major-power-relations-with-the-us /(accessed April 12.2013).
85 Cui Tiankai and Pang Hanzhao, "China-US Relations in China's Overall Diplomacy in the New Era:On China and US Working Together to Build a New-Type Relationships Between Major Countries." July 20,2012, http://www.fmprc.gov.cn/eng/zxxx/t953682.htm (accessed April 12.2013).
86 David M. Lampton, "The United States and China in the Age of Obama:Looking Each Other Straight in the Eyes,"Journal of Contemporary China, Vol.18. No.62 (2009), pp.703-727.
87 "To improve relations. US must respect China's core interests," July 14,2011. http://english.people.com.cn/90001/90780/91343/7440158.html (accessed April 12,2013).
88 According to Martin Jacques, "There has always been an asymmetry at the heart of the relationship. China once needed the American market, and its co-operation, more than America needed China. From the outset of the reform programme, Deng Xiaoping made it clear that American co-operation would be a precondition of its success. But the balance of power has now been transformed and, whether or not it chooses to recognise the fact, the US needs Chinese co-operation as much as China needs the US's." so the United States needs to recognize China as an equal partner. See Martin Jacques, "Global recovery rests on a fresh US approach to China," The Guardian, Friday 13,2009. http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2009/feb/13/china-economics-martin-iacques (accessed April 12, 2013).
89 Martin Jacques, "Global recovery rests on a fresh US approach to China." The Guardian, Friday 13,2009.
90 As a prerequisite to join the World Trade Organization, China has received a number of restrictive clauses, one of which is China's accession to the World Trade Organization within 15 years, its market economy status could not be recognized around the world. In other words, only by 2016 China's market economy status to be automatically recognized. However, in 2004 New Zealand officially recognized China's market economy status, which is the first country to do so. So far, some more than 80 countries and regions recognize China's market economy status, but the world's major developed countries like the U.S. do not recognize China's market economy status.
91 参见：《中美商贸联委会议敦促美国平等对待中国企业赴美投资》,2011年11月21日,http://china.cnr.cn/gdgg/201111/t20111121 508811782.shtml
92 One case in point is the Chen Guangcheng incident, which raised serious concerns in China about whether the US is becoming more disrespectful of China and increasingly meddling in China's domestic problems. See Shi Yinhong, quoted in Teddy Ng, "Respect Our Path, China Tells U.S.," August 15,2012, http://www.scmp.com/article/1000038/respect-our-path-china-tells-us (accessed April 12,2013).
93 Yang Jiemian, "China's Vision of New Type of Major Power Relations with US," Apri19,2013.
94 However, in the so-called honeymoon decade between 1979 and 1988 there was virtually no crisis at all in Sino-U.S. relations. See Yang Jiemian, "Crisis Management and U.S.-China Relations," January 09.2004, http://www.international.ucla.edu/article.asp'?parentid=6171 (accessed April 12.2013).
95 See Yang Jiemian. "Crisis Management and U.S.-China Relations," January 09,2004.
96 Wu Xinbo, Managing Crisis and Sustaining Peace between China and the United States (Washington D.C. United States lnstitute of Peace.2008). p.29. http://wwwv.usip.org/files/resources/PW61 FinalAprl6.pdf (accessed April 12.2013).
91 Hao Yufan as quoted in "Living With the World." Beijing Review. Vol.56, No.16 (April 18.2013), p.23.
98 Wang Jisi, quoted in "What is the future of Sino-U.S. relations?", November 12,2009, http://news.xinhuanet.com/english/2009-11/12/content 12443271.htm (accessed April 12,2013).
99 "U.S. Public, Experts Differ on China Policies." September 18,2012. http://www.pewglobal.org/2012/09/18/chapter-l-how-americans-view-china/(accessed April 13.2013).
100 See http://www.pewglobal.org/2012/09/18/u-s-public-experts-differ-on-china-policies/(accessed April 13, 2013).
101 "U.S.-China Relations:Key Data Points from Pew Research." February 7,2013. http://www.pewresearch.org/2013/02/07/u-s-china-relations-kev-data-points-from-pew-research/(accessed April 13,2013).
102 Bruce Drake,"China and Cyber Attacks:A Top Concern of U.S. Experts," February 11.2013. http://www.pewglobal.org/2013/02/11/china-and-cyber-attacks-a-top-concern-of-u-s-experts/(accessed April 13, 2013).
103 Bruce Drake, "American, Chinese Publics Increasingly Wary of the Other."November 1,2012. http://www.pewglobal.org/2012/11/01/american-chinese-publics-increasingly-warv-of-the-other/(accessed April 13,2013).
104 Wu Xinbo. Managing Crisis and Sustaining Peace between China and the United States (Washington D.C. United States Institute of Peace,2008). p.23.
105 According to Wu Xinbo, "A careful examination of these past crises reveals salient characteristics of both Chinese and U.S. crisis management, revealing commonality and distinctiveness in their respective practices. For example, on one hand, both sides tend to take steps to pressure for concessions during crisis, which only escalates crisis and heightens tensions. Additionally, both sides face the pressures of domestic politics during a crisis, thereby complicating the decision-making process of the two governments in resolving it. On the other hand, China emphasizes the preservation of sovereignty and national dignity in its approach to a crisis and places great significance on symbolic gestures, while the United States demonstrates a strong utilitarian tendency in responding to crisis and puts strong import on direct communication." See Wu Xinbo, Managing Crisis and Sustaining Peace between China and the United States (Washington D.C:United States Institute of Peace.2008). p.1. Xia Liping also compares the mechanisms of China-U.S. crisis management decision-making, see Xia Liping,"Crisis Management in the Relationship Between China and the United States," International Review, Vol.45 (Winter 2006). pp.61-86.
106 Bruce Drake. "American. Chinese Publics Increasingly Wary of the Other." November 1,2012. http://wwvv.pevvglobal.org/2012/11/01/american-chinese-publics-increasinglv-warv-of-the-other/(accessed April 13,2013).
107 See Tao Wenzhao, "China-US Relations Are Now at A New Juncture," December 19,2012:Xia Liping, "Crisis Management in the Relationship Between China and the United States." International Review, Vol.45 (Winter 2006). pp.61-86. http://www.siis.org.cn/Sh_Yi_Cms/Mgz/200604/2008724231858HNBH.PDF (accessed April 12, 2013).
108 See Xia Liping. "Crisis Management in the Relationship Between China and the United States," International Review, Vol.45 (Winter 2006). p.86.
109 Kevin Rudd, "Beyond the Pivot:A New Road Map for U.S.-Chinese Relations." Foreign Affairs, Vol.92, No.2 (March/April 2013), p.9.
110 Ibid.
111 According to Michael Swaine. some U.S. policy observers and participants highlight the deterrence side of U.S. security policy and argue that the United States should treat China as an actual or likely adversary. They point to China's ambitious military modernization program, along with its supposed efforts to reduce U.S. influence in various regional multilateral forums and organizations, as providing prima facie evidence of Beijing's intent to achieve military and political predominance in the Asia-Pacific region, at the expense of the United States. Their conclusion is that China is fully engaged in an intense zero-sum strategic competition that directly challenges American interests. See Michael Swaine, America's Challenge:Engaging a Rising China in the Twenty-First Century (Washington D.C.:Carnegie Endowment for International Peace,2011). p.148.
112 Michael Swaine. America's Challenge:Engaging a Rising China in the Twenty-First Century (Washington D.C.:Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.2011), pp.150-151.
113 Warren 1. Cohen, America's Response to China.5th ed. (New York:Columbia University Press.2010), p.292.
114 Kevin Rudd, "Beyond the Pivot:A New Road Map for U.S.-Chinese Relations," Foreign Affairs, Vol.92. No.2 (March/April 2013). p.13.
115 According to several scholars at the Brookings Institution, there has been deep distrust of'America's overall intentions in China. China is convinced that America, as the most powerful country in the world, must be working actively to slow down or disrupt China's own rise. At both popular and elite levels, this underlying perception leads the Chinese to believe that every American action is in some way part of a strategic, disciplined, highly coordinated set of initiatives to entangle China in responsibilities that will distract it from its development tasks, exacerbate its relations with its neighbors, and increase the changes of instability, which America will then seize upon to effect the collapse of the Chinese Communist Party. See Martin S. lndyk, Kenneth G. Liberthal and Michael E. O'Hanlon, Beyond History:Barack Obama's Foreign Policy (Washington D.C.:Brookings Institution Press.2012), p.29. According to Hao Yufan."[t]he United States chooses to believe that China has a well-crafted strategy, and its ultimate purpose is to replace the United States as the hegemonic power of the world. But in fact, China appears to take only a responsive approach in its diplomacy. China's overall strategy for the future is to ensure that it will be able to secure its rise in an increasingly complex and probably worsening external environment. Such an expected rise is not to overtake or to replace the United States on the international stage, but to build a stable and well-off society." See Hao Yufan as quoted in "Living With the World," Beijing Review, Vol.56. No.16 (April 18.2013). p.23. According to David Lampton. there are four sources of mutual strategic mistrust that, if insufficiently attended to by Washington and Beijing, will metastasize:(1) defining the challenge of U.S.-China relations in such a manner that there is no "win-win" solution, (2) miscalculating U.S. and Chinese power, (3) desires in China to "change the game," and (4) challenge and response dynamics. These four phenomena create a toxic mix that is corrosive to mutual trust and conducive to higher levels of future conflict if inadequately addressed in both nations. See David M. Lampton, Power Constrained:Sources of Mutual Strategic Suspicion in U.S.-China Relations. NBR Analysis 93 (Seattle:National Bureau of Asian Research.2010). http://www.nbr.org/publictions/nbranalysis/pd172010_US_China.pdf (accessed May 7.2013).
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毛泽东：《原子弹吓不倒中国人民》,载《毛泽东选集》第五卷,人民出版社1977年4月第1版,第136-137页。
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陈冰：《中国将进入“战略挑战期”》,《深圳卫视》2012年1月6日播出,http://v. ifeng.com/news/taiwan/201201/73d18977-1 efa-4b4e-8e3a-3d9551clec6f.shtml.
戴旭：《越菲日是美国三条亚太走狗,杀一条其他两条都老实》,2012年8月25日,http://www.haijiangzx.com/2012/seasky 0825/13340.html.
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《国家统计局上调中国2009年GDP增长率0.1个百分点》,http://news.xinhuanet.com/2011-01/11/c_12969676.htm.
《华国锋承认“两个凡是”错误邓小平终上台》,2008年9月3日,http://www.china.com.cn/aboutchina/zhuanti/dsrw/2008-09/03/content 16383434.htm。
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李东超：《美“能源独立”将重塑国际格局》,载《第一财经日报》2012年12月24日,第A05版。
刘亚伟：《不要有太多的“美国阴谋论”》2011年1月,http://opinion.huanqiu.com/roll/2011-01/1427202.html.
龙安云、黎萌：《美国高官为何密集访华“中国崛起”热透美国》,http://news.sohu.com/20051019/n227248330.shtml.
《美国问题专家肖炼：奥巴马访华找中美共同利益》,2009年11月17日,http://news.eastday.com/c/20091117/u1a4814972.html.
《美再迷恋冷战思维只能导致更大的战略挫折》,http://www.cdrb.com.cn/html/2010-08/14/content 1025973.htm.
漆菲.徐鑫：《南海五大争议解析：中国应建立国家海事委员会》,载《凤凰周刊》,http://news.ifeng.com/shendu/flizk/detail 201108/30/8790523 O.shtml? from ralated,
钱文荣：《美国全球战略重心东移对我国造成的安全威胁(1)》,http://www.chinanews.com/gj/2013/01-09/4471855,shtml.
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石之瑜：《中国外交总是要靠最后摊牌?》,2012年7月2日,http://www.21ccom.net/articles/qqsw/zlwi/article 2012070262939.html.
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田文林：《“战略焦虑”使美国亚太外交陷歧途》,载《人民日报(海外版)》,2012年07月19日, http://theory.people.com.cn/n/2012/0719/cl36457-18549104.html.
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王缉思：《美国是否将以中国为敌》,载《东方早报》,2011年9月7日,第D20版。
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王义桅：《防止美国过快衰落将成未来中国外交最大挑战》,载《环球时报》,2006年8月10,第11版。http://news.xinhuanet.com/world/2006-08/12/content 4951919.htm.
文翰：《中国决不搞西方多党制》,2003年7月5日,http://paper.wenweipo.com/2003/07/05/CH0307050037.htm.
温宪：《美国非法移民可望有条件“落户口”》,载《人民日报》2013年1月30日,第003版。
吴弟伦：《总参部署新年度全军军事训练工作按实战要求组织训练检验成效》,载《解放军报》,2013年1月14日,http://www.chinamil.com.cn/ifibmap/content/2013-01/14/content 24862.htm.
吴心伯：《“中国热”烫醒了美国人》,载《环球时报》,http://news.xinhuanet.com/world/2007-12/23/content 7298119 1.htm.
吴正龙：《美为何放松移民政策》,载《解放日报》2013年2月4日,第007版。
杨毅：《周边安全需要全方位战略——兼与王缉思教授商榷》,载《环球时报》2012年10月26日,http://news.xinhuanet.com/world/2012-10/26/c_123875252_2.htm.
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张朋辉：《美国国家认同的挑战》,载《人民日报》,2013年2月22日第003版。
《中美共同利益大量增加需合作应对挑战》,2012年11月19日,http://www.china.com.cn/international/txt/2012-11/19/content 27156527.htm.
《中美“蜜月期”可能结束》,2005年06月13日,http://news.sina.com.cn/w/2005-06-13/15376159757s.shtml.
《中美商贸联委会议敦促美国平等对待中国企业赴美投资》,2011年11月21日,http://china.cnr.cn/gdgg/201111/t2011112 1508811782.shtml.
庄巧祎：《波士顿爆炸案为美国移民改革再添变数》,2013年4月24日,http://news.sina.com.cn/w/gc/2013-04-24/162659.shtml.
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