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地方—国家视角下的转型中国大众抗争研究
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摘要
市场化改革的不断深化在使作为整体的国民享受经济改革成果的同时,也导致部分改革受众,例如国企产业工人、失地农民、城市外来务工人员等群体所承受的利益剥夺;而尚未成熟的司法与科层救济途径使部分被剥夺者在穷尽狭窄的制度化救济渠道而未果的情况下,不得不以对公共秩序施以影响或潜在影响的方式将诉求与不满展示在公开场合以期引起关注,这些大众抗争是本研究关注的对象。
     在研究思路方面,以结构中心视角为核心分析框架,通过对转型中国中央-地方关系与国家-社会关系的变化,把握影响和塑造当代社会抗争的宏观制度背景。在中央地方关系领域,尽管经济分权极大扩张了地方政府的权限和自治倾向,中央政府仍然能够通过科层体系中的指标考核,使其行为不偏离来自中央的政策导向并服从其政策目标;对于国家-社会关系而言,尽管市场化改革积累了大量经济财富,造就了具有潜在自主倾向的新兴经济精英,然而这些精英被通过统合与收编的方式在彼此之间营造了利益共同体,因此新兴的经济精英获得部分影响力的同时更加依赖行政权力的保护;与此类似,国家通过提供半开放的政治体系,将社会转型中被剥夺者的怨恨和不满吸收到体系之内,塑造了后者分散的行为结构特征。
     集体行动的结构中心视角将国家同时视为正式制度与自主行动者,国家与抗争者间的互动不仅体现在前者以相对静态的制度结构为后者的行为设定边界,也在于前者对后者行为的态度与处置,构成影响其他潜在行动者后续行为的动态“机会螺旋”。在实证研究的基础上,从中观视角观察地方基层政府与抗议民众行为互动的动态特征。这种特征体现在以正式规则填充非正式治理过程,物质安抚与人身强制的交替,政治动员与常规治理手段的双重倾向。研究发现基层地方政府的治理行为一方面激化了原本存在的社会矛盾,另一方面巩固了民众对行政权威的依赖。
     信访者构建的框架体现为情感与策略的交织,而国家对于行动者的重要影响不仅体现在以正式制度明确其行动界限,也在于通过话语支配影响其观念养成。一方面,抗争群体的叙述中频繁出现的“牺牲”、“付出”、“奉献”等词汇中可以发现计划经济时代集体记忆;另一方面,中国的抗议行动受制于国家的话语支配和制度设定,这一特征不仅影响抗议剧目的选择,也使行动者在框架中融入策略考量从而使其更具功利性和目标指向性。因此转型中国抗争者对问题的归因和解释中很容易发现除观念与情感之外的策略动机,即行动者为实现目标不仅需要将行为限制在正式制度允许或鼓励的范围内,也需要有意迎合某种意识形态或基调,以更可能被接受的方式实现自己的目标。
     此外,贯穿在本研究的另一重要线索在于不断调适与变迁的国家政策背后均可以发现国家对“控制”与“动员”双重手段的灵活借用,使抗争大众最初的抵抗行为以在议题、行为与话语上遵从国家规则的方式实现对国家容忍边界的谨慎试探,而国家对不同类型的抗争行为选择性的施以压制、容任与让步策略,通过强制与收买并行的策略强化抗争者对国家权威的服从与规则的遵照。
Transitional China has surprised the world with spectacular economic success, which did change the life of Chinese people and seems to have changed the stereotype on the relationship between liberty, democracy and economic development as well. However, this "win-win" success is not reached without any cost. Certain groups such as laid-off SOE employees, landless peasants and migrant workers are deprived their jobs, home and legal rights even though economic success has been a huge benefit to Chinese people as a whole. When the fledging legal system could not offer the protection they need, those "deprived" people are left no choice but letting out their grievance and discontent in public in order to get noticed, and these social protests are what this research aims to study.
     This dissertation begins with a brief review on theories and paradigm shift of social movement. From Durkheim to Robert Snow, researchers have been offering their intelligence by studying collective behavior from various perspectives. This research puts "state" at the center of the following study because structural perspective still dominates contentious theory and that China's party-state plays an indispensible part in political, economical and social arena. Instead of analyze "state" as a whole, this research pays extra attention to the active behavior and unique hierarchical location of local government, and discovers that even if economic decentralization has extended their autonomy considerably, local governments are "held together" by the nomenklatura system of CCP. Besides, the party-state takes a rather practical strategy with potential autonomy forces, including both the "winner" and the "sufferer" of economic reform, both of whom are cooperated into existing system.
     Since the state plays as both an active agent and a set of institutional structure, it offers political opportunities to contentious people and shapes their behavior through the interaction between state and society during social protest at the same time. Based on various theoretical analytic and emperial observations, the author suggetsts that social protests in China displays a kind of "decentrarlized" structural character, a kind of "responsive" rather than "aggressive" feature of behavior patterns, and a mixture of "right consciousness" and "rule consciouness" of repertoire, and its framing and narrative process is weaved with values, emotions, ideas and strategies, w
     hich has to do with their collective memories, shared experiences and ideological hegemony of the party-state. A sketchy landscape of contemporary China's social protest is that contentious activities are highly decentralized, weakly organized, economic interest, instead of political or social appeals based behaviors, and the state plays a significant part in shaping this behavior by providing political opportunities that distinctively set apart encouragable and unencouragable protest behaviors and even by shaping protestors or possible protesters'values, congitions and interpretations that mirrors themselves in the framing process of "the outside world".
     As in local-state level, a kind of "adaptive policy style" has been adopted by local government. For example, the informal deployment of formal institutions, and the utarian switch between populism and professionalism policy instruments in local experience, as well as a mixture of bribing-punishing strategy applied when dealing with petitioners. All of them reflects a separation between policy objection and policy instruments, and a distinctive "result-oriented" rationality of local government or its agencies.
引文
① 对于经济发展与民主程度关联的预期与论断集中体现为著名的“李普塞特假设”与华盛顿共识(Washington Consensus)。
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    ① 发生于转型中国的许多抗争行为均源于对抗争者“生存伦理”的侵犯,在包括陈峰(Chen Feng)与李静君(Ching Kwan Lee)在内的许多学者的访谈中均可看到类似内容。
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    ① 前改革时代的单位制度与城乡二元结构也是形成这一特征的重要原因。
    ② 包括吕晓波、白斯鼎在内的部分学者认为,当代中国大众抗争更多体现为对经济利益的争取,即作为救济渠道的抗争;而学者于建嵘以农民“以法抗争”为例说明其抗争行为包含的政治诉求与权利宣示。③例如从“效率优先、兼顾公平”中可以看出中央政府对“经济发展”的重视程度,伴随经济高速发展,日益严峻的分化与矛盾使中央政府开始关注“构建和谐社会”——社会秩序的稳定与矛盾的缓和。
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    ① 例如国企失业工人已经意识到国家对跨工作单位群体抗争的严厉态度与对分散抗争方式的相对宽容,并据此自觉调整抗争策略。Ching Kwan Lee, Against the law:Labor Protests in China's Rustbelt and Sunbelt. University of California Press, Berkeley,2007:69-123.
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    ③ 指不同层级之间的政府在利益与取向方面的差异,这种差异伴随着改革开放与经济权力的下放,体现的尤为明显。这一概念的详细解释见Wang Shaoguang. "The Rise of the Regions:Fiscal Reform and the Decline of Central State Capacity in China," in Andrew Walder, ed., The Waning of the Communist State. Berkeley:University of California Press,1995:87-113; Andrew Walder.1994. The Decline of Communist Power:Elements of a Theory of Institutional Change." Theory and Society 23 (2):297-323;
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    ① 值得注意的是经济分权伴随立法与行政领域的规制缓和,体现为1979年通过的地方组织法赋予省级地方人大和常委会地方法规的制定权,以及人事任免权由“下管两级”变为“下管一级”。
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    ⑤ 中国式财政联邦主义描述的是财政分权下的中央地方关系,维护市场型联邦主义则强调地区间经济竞争对地方政府的激励作用。
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    ③ 指的是一个国家有关权力分配、参与、代表、决策和强制力使用的原则、规范、规则、程序和制度。
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    ⑧ Wallace Oates and Robert Schwab.1988. "Economic Competition among Jurisdictions:Efficiency Enhancing or Distortion Inducing." Public Economics.35:333-354; Roger Gordon.1983. "An Optimal Taxation Approach to Fiscal Federalism." Quarterly Journal of Economics 98(4):567-86.
    ① Yang Cao and Victor Nee. "Comment:Controversies and Evidence in Market Transition Debate." American Journal of Sociology. Vol.105. No.4 (Jan.2000):1175-1189.
    ② Hongbin Cai and Daniel Treisman.2004. "State Corroding Federalism." Journal of Public Economics 88:819-843.
    ③ Davood Hamid and Hengfu Zou.1988. "Fiscal Decentralization and Economic Growt". Journal of Urban Economics.43 (2):244-257; Zhang Tao and Hengfu Zou.1998. "Fiscal Decentralization, Public Spending and Economic Growth in China". Public Economics 67(2):221-240.
    ④ Prasenjit Duara. Culture, Power, and the State:Rural North China,1900-1942.1st ed. Stanford:Stanford University Press,1988:42.
    ① Olivier and Andrei Shleifer.2000. "Federalism with and without Political Centralization:China Versus Russia." NBER workingpaper 7616.
    ② Jonathan Rodden.2002.Beyond the Fiction of Federalism:Macroeconomic Management in Multitiered Systems World Politics.54(4):494-531.然而黄亚生认为与其他计划经济国家不同的是,中央从来没有丧失过对地方政治权力的控制,特别是对地方官员的人事任免权。此外,官僚选拔任用、换岗体制以及任期年限的缩短,都加强了地方官员对中央的服从程度。因此他认为,中国经济改革成功的地方就在于在经济权力下放的同时,却仍然保持了强有力的政治集权。
    ③ Victor Nee..1991. "Social Inequalities in Reforming State Socialism:Between Redistribution and Markets in China." American Sociological Review,56(3):267-282.
    ① Yimin. Between Politics and Markets:Finns, Competition, and Institutional Change in Post-Mao China, Mass: Cambridge University Press,2004:16.
    ① Jean Oi. "The Role of the Local State in China's Transitional Economy." China Quarterly,1995,144:1132-1149.
    ② 赵鼎新:《西方社会运动与革命理论发展之述评:站在中国的角度思考》,《社会学研究》2005年第1期:赵鼎新:《社会与政治运动讲义》,社会科学文献出版社,2006年版,第23页。
    ③ 曾鹏:《社区网络与集体行动》,社会科学文献出版社2008年版,第1-20页;曾鹏:《集体行动何以可能——关于集体行动动力机制的文献综述》,《开放时代》2006年第1期。
    ① 刘能:《社会运动理论:范式变迁及其与中国当代社会研究现场的相关度》,《江苏行政学院学报》2009年第4期。
    ② 赵鼎新:《社会与政治运动理论:框架与反思》,《学海》2006年第2期;冯仕政:《西方社会运动研究:现状与范式》,《国外社会科学》2003年第5期;王瑾:《西方社会运动研究理论述评》,《国外社会科学》2006年第2期;裴宜理、阎小骏:《社会运动理论的发展》,《当代世界社会主义问题》2006年第4期。
    ③ 王国勤:《西方关于当代中国集体行动研究述评》,《国外社会科学前沿》2008年第12辑。
    ④ 王国勤:《“集体行动”研究中的概念谱系》,《华中师范大学学报》2007年第5期;刘能:《当代中国群体性集体行动的几点理论思考——建立在经验案例之上的观察》,《开放时代》2008年第3期;赵鼎新:《西方社会运动与革命理论发展之述评——站在中国的角度思考》,《社会学研究》2005年第1期。
    ⑤ 尹利民:《策略性均衡:维权抗争中的国家与民众关系》,《华中科技大学学报(社会科学版)》2010年第5期。
    ⑥ 孙培军:《当前中国社会抗争研究:基于抗争性质、动因与治理的分析》,《社会科学》,2011年第2期。
    ① 黄振辉、王金红:《捍卫底线正义:农民工维权抗争行动的道义政治学解释》,华南师范大学学报,2010年第1期,第21-26页。
    ② 陈峰:《国家、制度与工人阶级的形成——西方文献及其对中国劳工问题研究的意义》,《社会学研究》2009年第5期。
    ③ 李培林、张翼、赵延东、梁栋:《社会冲突与阶级意识——当代中国社会矛盾问题研究》,北京:社会科学文献出版社,2005年版,第267页:桑玉成:《利益分化的政治时代》,上海:学林出版社.2002年版。
    ① David Meyer and Sidney Tarrow. "A Movement Society:Contentious Politics for a New Century." in David Meyer and Sidney Tarrow (eds.). The Social Movement Society:Contentious Politics for a New Century. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers:1-28; Sidney Tarrow. Power in Movement:Social Movements, Collective Action and Politics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,1994.
    ① Robert Park. The Crowd and the Public, and Other Essays. Chicago:University of Chicago Press,1972; Robert Park and Ernest Burgess. Introduction to the Science of Sociology. Chicago:University of Chicago Press, 1921.
    ② James Rule. Theories of Civil Violence. Berkeley:University of California Press,1988:97.
    ① Herbert Blumer. "The Field of Collective Behavior." in Alfred Lee (ed.), Principles of Sociology. New York: Barnes & Noble,1951:167-222.
    ② Ralph Turner and Lewis Killian. Collective Behavior. New Jersey:Prentice-Hall,1987.
    ② Herbert Blumer. "Elementary Collective Behavior." in Alfred Lee (ed.). New Outline of the Principles of Sociology. New York:Barnes and Noble, Inc.,1946:170-177; Neil Smelser. Theory of Collective Behavior. New York:Free Press,1962; Ted Gurr. Why Men Rebel. New Jersey:Princeton University Press,1970; Gustave Le Bon. The Crowd:A Study of the Popular Mind. Penguin Books.1977.
    ③ James Rule. Theories of Civil Violence. Berkeley:University of California Press,1988:83.
    ④ David Snow and Phillip Davis. "The Chicago Approach to Collective Behavior." in Gary Fine (ed.). A Second Chicago School? Chicago:University of Chicago Press,1995:188-220.
    ① James Davies.1962. "Toward a Theory of Revolution." American Sociological Review 27:5-19; Ted Gurr. Why Men Rebel. New Jersey:Princeton University Press,1970. James Gesch wender.1968. "Explorations in the Theory of Social Movements and Revolutions." Social Forces 47:127-35.
    ① William Kornhauser. The Politics of Mass Society. New York:Free Press,1959. ② Gary Marx and James Wood.1975. "Strands of Theory and Research in Collective Behavior." Annual Review of Sociology 1:363-428.
    ③ Craig Jenkins.1983. Resource Mobilization Theory and the Study of Social Movements. Annual Review of Sociology 9:527-53.
    ① Steven Buechler.1995. "New Social Movement Theories." Sociological Quarterly 36:441-64.
    ② Michael Schwartz. Radical Protest and Social Structure. New York:Academic,1976:135.
    ③ John McCarthy and Mayer Zald. The Trend of Social Movements in America:Professionalization and Resource Mobilization. New Jersey:General Learning,1973: Ibid.1977. "Resource Mobilization and Social Movements:A Partial Theory." American Journal of Sociology 82 1212-1241; Anthony Oberschall. Social Conflict and Social Movements. New Jersey:Prentice-Hall,1973. Charles Tilly, Louise Tilly and Richard Tilly. The Rebellious Century,1830-1930. Cambridge:Harvard University Press,1975.
    ① Jerome Skolnick. The Politics of Protest. New York:Ballantine,1969.
    ② Charles Tilly, Louise Tilly and Richard Tilly. The Rebellious Century,1830-1930. Cambridge:Harvard University Press,1975.
    ① Chalmers Johnson.Revolutionary Change.Boston:Little,Brown,1966.
    ② Samuel Huntington.Political Order in Changing Societies New Haven:Yale University Press,1968:
    ① Jack Goldstone. Revolution and Rebellion in the Early Modern World. Berkeley:University of California Press, 1991.
    ② Ibid.
    ③ William Garnson. The Strategy of Social Protest. Homewood, IL:Dorsey,1975; Jack Goldstone.1980. "The Weakness of Organization:A New Look at Gamson's The Strategy of Social Protest." American Journal of Sociology 85:1017-1042.
    ① William Gamson.1980. "Understanding the Careers of Challenging Groups:A Commentary on Gladstone." American Journal of Sociology 85:1043-60.
    ① Daniel Cress and David Snow.1996. "Resources, Benefactors and the Viability of Homeless SMOs." American Sociological Review 61:1089-1109.
    ① Frances Piven and Richard Cloward. "Normalizing Collective Protest." in Aldon Morris and Carol Mueller (eds.). Frontiers in Social Movement Theory. New Haven:Yale University Press,1992:306.
    ① Michael Lipsky.1968. "Protest as Political Resource." American Political Science Review 62:1144-1158; John McCarthy and Mayer Zald. "Appendix:The Trend of Social Movements in America:Professionalization and Resource Mobilization." in Mayer Zald and John McCarthy (ed.). Social Movenients in an Organizational Society. New Jersey:Transaction,1987:337-392; Ibid. "Resource Mobilization and Social Movements:A Partial Theory." in Mayer Zald and John McCarthy
    (ed.). Social Movements in an Organizational Society. New Jersey:Transaction,1987:15-42; John McCarthy. "Pro-Life and Pro-Choice Mobilization:Infrastructure Deficits and New Technologies." in Mayer Zald and John McCarthy (ed.). Social Movements in an Organizational Society. New Jersey:Transaction, 1987:49-66.
    ② James Wilson.1961. "The Strategy of Protest:Problems of Negro Civic Action." Journal of Conflict Resolution
    5:291-303. ③ John McCarthy and Mayer Zald. The Trend of Social Movements in America:Professionalization and Resource Mobilization. New Jersey:General Learning Corporation,1973:; Ibid.1977."Resource Mobilization and Social Movements:A Partial Theory." The American Journal of Sociology 82 (6):1212-1241.
    ① Sidney Tarrow. Power in Movement. New York:Cambridge University Press.1998; Peter Eisinger.1973, "The Conditions of Protest Behavior in American Cities." American Political Science Review 67:11-28; William Gamson and David Meyer. "Framing Political Opportunity." in Doug McAdam et al. (eds.). Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements. Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,1996:275-290; Craig Jenkins and Charles Perrow.1977. "Insurgency of the Powerless:Farm Worker Movement (1946-1972)." American Sociological Review 42:249-268; Herbert Kitschelt.1986. "Political Opportunity Structures and Political Protest:Anti-Nuclear Movements in Four Democracies." British Journal of Political Science 16:57-85; Hanspeter Kriesi. New Social Movements in Western Europe. Minneapolis:University of Minnesota Press, 1995; Doug McAdam. "Conceptual Origins, Current Problems, Future Directions." in Doug McAdam et al. (eds.). Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements. Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,1996:23-40; David Meyer and Suzanne Staggenborg.1996. "Movements, Countermovements, and the Structure of Political Opportunity." American Journal of Sociology 101:1628-1660; David Rucht. "The Strategies and Action Repertoires of New Movements." in Russell Dalton and Manfred Kuechler (eds.). Challenging the Political Order. Oxford:Polity Press,1990:156-175; Sidney Tarrow. Power in Movement:Social Movements, Collective Action and Politics. Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,1994:95; Sidney Tarrow. "States and Opportunities:The Political Structuring of Social Movements." in Doug McAdam et al. (eds.). Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements, edited by Doug McAdam et al.. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,1996:41-61; Sidney Tarrow 1996. "Social Movements in Contentious Politics:A Review Article." American Political Science Review 90:874-883.
    ① Peter Eisinger. The Conditions of Protest Behavior in American Cities. American Political Science Review, 1973(67):11-28.
    ① Brown v. Board of Education Board of Topeka.347 U.S.483 (1954).
    ① Herbert Kitschelt.1986. "Political Opportunity Structures and Political Protest:Anti-Nuclear Movements in Four Democracies." British Journal of Political Science 16:57-85.
    ① Charles Tilly. From Mobilization to Revolution. MA:Addison-Wesley,1978:94-97.
    ① Herbert Kitschelt.1986. "Political Opportunity Structures and Political Protest:Anti-Nuclear Movements in Four Democracies." British Journal of Political Science 16:57-85.
    ② Donatella Della Porta and Mario Diani. Social Movements:An Introduction. MA:Wiley-Blackwell,2006:203.
    ③ Sidney Tarrow.1989. Democracy and Disorder:Protest and Politics in Italy 1965-1975. Oxford:Clarendon Press.
    ① Hanspeter Kriesi. New Social Movements in Western Europe. Minneapolis:University of Minnesota Press, 1995.
    ② Charles Tilly.1978. From Mobilization to Revolution. MA:Addison-Wesley:100-107. ③ Ibid:100.
    ④ Ibid.:106.
    ⑤ Hanspeter Kriesi. New Social Movements in Western Europe. Minneapolis:University of Minnesota Press, 1995:40-44.
    ⑥ Hanspeter Kriesi. New Social Movements in Western Europe. Minneapolis:University of Minnesota Press, 1995:49.
    ⑦ Herbert Kitschelt.1986. "Political Opportunity Structures and Political Protest:Anti-Nuclear Movements in Four Democracies." British Journal of Political Science 16:57-85.
    ① William Gamson and David Meyer. "Framing Political Opportunity." in Doug McAdam et al. (eds.). Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements. Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,1996:275-290.
    ② Jeff Goodwin and James Jasper.1999. "Caught in a Winding, Snarling Vine:The Structural Bias of Political Process Theory." Sociological Forum 14(1):27-92.
    ① James Jasper.2002. "A Strategic Approach to Collective Action:Looking For Agency in Social Movement Choices." Mobilization:An International Journal 9(1):1-16.
    ② James Jasper. The Art of Moral Protest. Chicago:University of Chicago Press,1997.
    ③ Francesca Polletta,2003. "Culture is Not Just in Your Head." in Jeff Goodwin and James M. Jasper (eds.). Rethinking Social Movements. Lanham:Rowman and Littlefield,2003:97-110.
    ④ James Jasper.2002. "A Strategic Approach to Collective Action:Looking For Agency in Social Movement Choices." Mobilization:An International Journal 9(1):1-16.
    ⑤ William Gamson and David Meyer. "Framing Political Opportunity." in Doug McAdam et al. (eds.). Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements. Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,1996:275-290.
    ⑥ Doug McAdam. "Conceptual Origins, Current Problems, Future Directions." in Doug McAdam et al. (eds.). Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements. Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,1996:23-40. Tarrow,1995.
    ⑦ 有关这一问题,一个周知的比喻是来自甘姆森(William Gamson)和迈耶(David Meyer)将“政治机会”这一概念形容为可以吸纳一切的巨大海绵,被用于解释几乎任何现象的同时失去了概念本身的解释价值。
    ① Doug McAdam. Political Process and the Development of Black Insurgency,1930-1970. Chicago:Chicago University Press,1982; Sidney Tarrow.1989. Democracy and Disorder:Protest and Politics in Italy 1965-1975. Oxford:Clarendon Press.
    ② David Meyer. A Winter of Discontent:The Nuclear Freeze and American Politics. New York:Praeger,1990; Ibid.1993. "Peace Protest and Policy:Explaining the Rise and Decline of Antinuclear Movements in Postwar America." Policy Studies Journal 21:35-51; Ibid.1993. "Protest Cycles and Political Process:American Peace Movements in the Nuclear Age." Political Research Quarterly 46:451-79.
    ③ ibid.2004. "Protest and Political Opportunities." Annual Review of Sociology 30:125-145
    ④ Anthony Oberschall. Social Conflict and Social Movements. New Jersey:Prentice Hall,1973:
    ⑤ Craig Jenkins and Charles Perrow.1977. "Insurgency of the Powerless:Farm Worker Movement (1946-1972)." American Sociological Review 42:249-268.
    ⑥ William Garnson. The Strategy of Social Protest. Homewood:Dorsey Press,1975; Doug McAdam. Political Process and the Development of Black Insurgency,1930-1970. Chicago:University of Chicago Press,1982.
    ⑦ Jeff Goodwin and James Jasper.1999. "Caught in a Winding, Snarling Vine:The Structural Bias of Political Process Theory." Sociological Forum 14(1):27-92.
    ① William Gamson. Talking Politics. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press,1992.
    ② David Snow and Robert Benford.1988. "Ideology, Frame Resonance and Participant Mobilization." in Bert Klandennans, Hanspeter Kriesi and Sydney Tarrow (eds.). From Structure to Action:Comparing Social Movement Research Across Cultures. Greenwich:JAI Press 1988:198.
    ③ Robert Benford.1997. "An Insider's Critique of the Social Movement Framing Perspective." Social Inquiry 67 (4):409-430.
    ④ James Jasper. The Art of Moral Protest. Chicago:University of Chicago Press,1997.
    ⑤ Marshall Ganz,2000. "Resources and Resourcefulness:Strategic Capacity in the Unionization of California Agriculture,1959-1966." American Journal of Sociology 105:1003-1062.
    ① Robert Benford.1997. "An Insider's Critique of the Social Movement Framing Perspective." Sociological Inquiry 67:409-430.
    ② James Davis. "Toward a Theory of Revolution".1962. American Sociological Reveiw.27:5-19.
    ③ John McCarthy and Mayer Zald.1977. "Resource Mobilization and Social Movements:A Partical Theory." American Journal of Sociology 82:1212-1241.
    ① Theda Skocpol. States and Social Revolutions:A Comparative Analysis of France, Russia and China. New York:Cambridge University Press,1979:3-40.
    ② Donatella della Porta and Herbert Reiter (eds.). Policing Protest:The Control of Mass Demonstrations in Western Democracies. Minneapolis, University of Minnesota Press,1998:1-31; David Meyer and Suzanne Staggenborg.1996. "Movements, Countermovements and the Structure of Political Opportunity." The American Journal of Sociology 101(6):1628-1660.
    ① 刘能:“当代中国群体性集体行动的几点理论思考——建立在经验案例之上的观察”,《开放时代》2008年第3期。
    ① Andrew Walder (ed.). The Waning of the Communist State:Economic Origins of Political Decline in China and Hungary. Berkeley:University of California Press,1995:87-113; Susan Shirk. The Political Logic of Reform in China. Berkeley:University of California Press,1993:55-70; Joseph Fewsmith.1996. "Institutions, Informal Politics, and Political Transition in China." Asian Survey 36(2):30-245; Murray Tanner. The Politics of Law Making in Post-Mao China:Institutions, Processes, and Democratic Prospects. Oxford, UK:Oxford University Press,1998:
    ② Jean Oi.1995. "The Role of the Local State in China's Transitional Economy." The China Quarterly 144: 1132-1149: ibid.1992. "Fiscal Reform and the Economic Foundation of Local State Corporatism in China,." World Politics 45(1):99-126; Michel Oksenberg and James Tong.1991. The Evolution of Central-Provincial Fiscal Relations in China, 1971-1984:The Formal System. The China Quarterly 125:1-32.
    ③ Cai Hongbin and Daniel Treisman.2006. "Did Government Decentralization Cause China's Economic Miracle?" World Politics 58(4):505-535; Sebasitan Heilman and Elizabeth Perry (eds.). Mao's Invisible Hand:The Political Foundations of Adaptive Governance in China. MA:Harvard University Press,2011:63.
    ① 周飞舟:《大兴土木:土地财政与地方政府行为》,《经济与社会体制比较》2010年第3期。
    ② Ibid.
    ③ Qian Yingyi and Xu Chenggang.1993. "Why China's Economic Reforms Differ:The MPF Form Hierarchy and Entry Expansion of the Non State Sector." The Economics of Transition,1(2):135-170;
    Michel Oksenberg and James Tong.1991. "The Evolution of Central- Provincial Fiscal Relations in China, 1971-1984:The Formal System." The China Quarterly,125:1-32.
    ① Wang Shaoguang. "The Rise of the Regions:Fiscal Reform and the Decline of Central State Capacity in China," in Andrew Walder (ed.). The Waning of the Communist State:Economic Origins of Political Decline in China and Hungary. Berkeley:University of California Press,1995:87-113.
    ② Susan Young. Private Business and Economic Reform in China. New York:M. E. Sharpe,1995:9-10.
    ③ Pierre Landry. Decentralized Authoritarianism in China:The Communist Party's Control of Local Elites in the Post-Mao Era. New York:Cambridge University Press,2008:116-152.
    Huang Yasheng.1996. "Central-Local Relations in China during the Reform Era:The Economic and Institutional Dimensions." World Development 24 (4):655-672; Yang Dali. "Reform and the Restructuring of Central-Local Relations." in David Goodman and Gerald Segal (eds.). China Deconstructs:Politics, Trade and Regionalism. London:Routledge,1994:59-98; Andrew Nathan.2003. "China's Changing of the Guard:Authoritarian Resilience." Journal of Democracy,14: 6-17.
    ① 周黎安:《中国地方官员的晋升锦标赛模式研究》,《经济研究》2007年第7期。
    ② Maria Edin.2003. "State Capacity and Local Agent Control in China:CCP Cadre Management from a Township Perspective." The China Quarterly,173:35-52; Huang Yasheng.1996. "Central-Local Relations in China during the Reform Era:the Economic and Institutional Dimensions." World Development,24(4):655-672.
    ① Alfred Chan.1992. "The Campaign for Agricultural Development in the Great Leap Forward:A Study of Policy-Making and Implementation in Liaoning." The China Quarterly 129:54-55.
    ① Franz Schurmann. Ideology and Organization in Communist China. Berkeley:University of California Press, 1968:1-20.
    ②Jean Oi. State and Peasant in Contemporary China:The Political Economy of Village Government. Berkeley: University of California Press,1989:102.
    ③ Maria Edin.2003. "State Capacity and Local Agent Control in China:CCP Cadre Management from a Township Perspective." The China Quarterly (173):35-52.
    ① Harry Harding. Organizing China:the Problem of Bureaucracy,1949-1976. Stanford:Stanford University Press, 1981:329-360.
    ① Andrew Walder. Local governments as industrial firms:An organizational analysis of China's transitional economy. Mario Einaudi Center for International Studies, Comell University,1995:263-301.
    ① 清华大学凯风发展研究院社会进步研究所、清华大学社会学系社会发展研究课题组: 《中等收入陷阱还是转型陷阱?》,《开放时代》2012年第3期。
    ② 有关土地财政与分税制之间的关系可见:周飞舟:《大兴土木:土地财政与地方政府行为》,《经济与社会体制比较》2010年第3期。
    ③ You-Tien Hsing. The Great Urban Transformation:Politics of Land and Property in China. Oxford University Press.2010:54.
    ④ 尤其是对于集体土地所有权的界定模糊不清,农民集体并不完全享有对土地的支配权,集体所有权往往被村级干部控制,具体可见Cai Yongshun.2003. "Ownership or Cadres'Ownership? The Non-Agricultural Use of Farmland in China." The China Quarterly 175:662-680.
    ⑤ 对都市经营主义(urban ertrepreneurialism)的理论探析可见:Wu Fulong, Xu Jiang and Anthony Yeh. Urban Development in Post-Reform China:State, Market and Space. New York:Routledge,2007:193-230.
    ① 地方政府都市经营主义的诸多策略可详见You-Tien Hsing. The Great Urban Transformation:Politics of Land and Property in China. Oxford University Press,2010:104-113.
    ② 一个明显的例子是90年代财政分权改革之后,地方政府对地方财政拥有了更大的支配权,然而地方对于农村公共服务的财政支出却呈下降趋势,原因便在于这类支出无法带动地区增长与经济回报。一个分析可见:Lily Tsai. Accountability Without Democracy:Solidary Groups and Public Goods Provision in Rural China, Cambridge University Press,2007:1-85.
    ③ 这些政策尽管一定程度上能够缓解失地农民的困境,但在操作中仍然出现诸多难题。一个对“土地换保障”政策的批评可见傅蔚冈:《农村征收中的财产与福利》,《浙江学刊》2008年第4期。
    ① Kristen Parris.1993. "Local Initiative and National Reform:The Wenzhou Model of Development." The China Quarterly 134:242-263; Zheng Yongnian. Will China Become Democratic? Elite, Class and Regime Transision. Singapore:Eastern University Press,2004; Gordon White, Jude Howell and Shang Xiaoyuan. In Search of Civil Society, Market Reform and Social Change in Contemporary China. Oxford:Oxford University Press,1996.
    ② Kellee Tsai. "Comparing China's Capitalists Neither Democratic Nor Exceptional." In Scott Kennedy (ed.). Beyond the Middle Kingdom:Comparative Perspectives on China's Capitalist Transformation. Stanford:Stanford University Press,2011:136-158.
    ③ Chen Jie and Bruce Dickson. Allies of the State:China's Private Entrepreneurs and Democratic Change. MA: Harvard University Press,2010:1.
    ④ Ibid.
    ① Bruce Dickson. Red Capitalists in China:The Party, Private Entrepreneurs and Prospects for Political Change. New York:Cambridge University Press,2003:5.
    ② Jean Oi.1995. "The Role of the Local State in China's Transitional Economy." The China Quarterly 144: 1132-1149.
    ③ David Wank. Commodifying Communism:Business, Trust, and Politics in a Chinese City. New York: Cambridge University Press,2011:35-40; ibid. "Civil Society in Communist China? Private Business and Political Alliance,1989." in John Hall (ed.). Civil Society:Theory, History Comparison. Cambridge:Polity:56-79.
    ④ Mary Gallagher.2002. "Reform and Openness":Why China's Economic Reforms Have Delayed Democracy." World Politics 54 (3):338-372.
    ① Doug Gurthrie.1996. "The Institutional Process of Market Clientelism:Guanxi and Private Business in a South China City." The China Quarterly 147:820-838.
    ② Ibid. David Wank. Commodifying Communism:Business, Trust, and Politics in a Chinese City. New York: Cambridge University Press,2011:4; Joseph Fewsmith.1996. "Institutions, Informal Politics, and Political Transition in China." Asian Survey 36 (3): 230-245.
    ③ Kenneth Foster.2002. "Embedded within State Agencies:Business Associations in Yantai." The China Journal 47:41-65.
    ④ Bruce Dickson. Red Capitalists in China:The Party. Private Entrepreneurs and Prospects for Political Change. New York:Cambridge University Press,2003:5.
    ⑤ Mary Gallagher. Contagious Capitalism:Globalization and the Politics of Labor in China. New Jersey: Princeton University in China,2005:14-18.
    ① Kellee Tsai.2005. "Capitalists without a Class:Political Diversity among Private Entrepreneurs in China." Comparative Political Studies 38 (9):1145.
    ② Bruce Dickson. Red Capitalists in China:The Party, Private Entrepreneurs and Prospects for Political Change. New York:Cambridge University Press,2003:5. Ibid.2007. "Integrating Wealth and Power in China:The Communist Party's Embrace of the Private Sector." The China Quarterly 192:827-854.
    David Wank.1996. "The Institutional P'rocess of Market Clientelism:Guanxi and Private Business in a South China City." The China Quarterly 147:820-838. Thomas Gold, Doug Gurthrie and David Wank. Social Connections in China:Institutions, Culture, and the Changing Nature of Guanxi. Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,2002:97-117; Jonathan Unger and Anita Chan.1999. "Inheritors of the Boom:Private Enterprise and the Role of Local Government in a Rural South China Township." The China Journal 42:45-74.
    ③ Pei Minxin. China's Trapped Transition:The Limits of Developmental Autocracy. Mass:Harvard University Press,2008:19.
    ④ Cai Yongshun.2008. "Power Structure and Regime Resilience:Contentious Politics in China." British Journal of Political Science 38(3):411-432.
    ①Jack Goldstone and Charles Tillv. "Threat (and Opportunitv):Popular Action and State Response in the Dynamics of Contentious Action." in Ronald Aminzade, Jack Goldstone, Doug McAdam, Elizabeth Perry, William Sewell Jr, Sidney Tarrow and Charles Tilly (eds.). Silence and Voice in the Study of Contentious Politics. New York:Cambridge University Press,2001:192-193.
    ② Frances Piven and Richard Cloward. Regulating the Poor:The Functions of Public Welfare. New York:Vintage, 1993:172.
    ③ Susanne Lohmann.1994.The Dynamics of Information Cascades:The Monday Demonstration in Leipzeig East Germany,1989-1991." World Politics 47:42-101; Charles Kurzman.1996. "Structural Opportunities and Perceived Opportunity in Social-Movement Theory:The Iranian Revolution of 1979." American Sociological Review 61:153-70.
    ① Christian Davenport.1995. "Multi-Dimensional Threat Perception and State Repression:An Inquiry into Why States Apply Negative Sanctions." American Journal of Political Science 39:683-713;
    ② Anthony Oberschall. "Opportunities and Framing in the Eastern Europe Revolts of 1989." in Doug McAdam, John McCarthy and Mayer Zald (eds.). Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements. Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,1996:172-99.
    ③ Jack Goldstone and Charles Tilly. "Threat (and Opportunity):Popular Action and State Response in the Dynamics of Contentious Action." in Ronald Aminzade, Jack Goldstone, Doug McAdam, Elizabeth Perry,
    William Sewell Jr, Sidney Tarrow and Charles Tilly (eds.). Silence and Voice in the Study of Contentious Politics. New York:Cambridge University Press,2001:179-194.
    ④ Sidney Tarrow. Power in Movement. New York:Cambridge University Press,1998:93; Will Moore.1998. "Repression and Dissent:Substitution, Context, and Timing." American Journal of Political Science 42:851-873.
    ① Doug McAdam. Political Process and the Development of Black Insurgency,1930-1970. Chicago:University of Chicago Press,1999:44-47; Charles Tilly. From Mobilization to Revolution. New York:Random House,1978:114-115;
    ② Kevin O'Brien and Li Lianjiang.1999. "Selective Policy Implementation in Rural China." Comparative Politics 31 (2):167-186;
    Thomas Bernstein and Xiaobo Lv. Taxation without Representation in Contemporary Rural China. New York: Cambridge University Press,2003:7-13.
    ③ 郑广怀:《劳工权益与安抚型国家:以珠江三角洲农民工为例》,《开放时代》2010年第5期。
    ① 张永宏,李静君:《制造同意:基层政府怎样吸纳民众的抗争》,《开放时代》2012年第7期。
    ① Jean Oi.1985. "Communism and Clientelism:Rural Politics in China." World Politics 37 (2):238-266.
    ① Zhou Xueguang.1993. "Unorganized Interests and Collective Action in Communist China." American Sociological Review.58 (1):54-73.
    ① Hank Johnston and Bert Klandermans. (eds.). Social Movements and Culture. Minneapolis:University of Minnesota Press:3.
    ② David Meyer.2004. Protest and Political Opportunities. Annual Reviews (30):125-145.
    ③ William Kornhauser.1959. The Politics of Mass Society. Routledge & Kegan Paul PLC:
    Ted Gurr. Whv Men Rebel. New Jersey:Princeton University Press.1970; Gustave Le Bon. The Crowd:A Study of the Popular Mind. Penguin Books.1977; Ralph Turner and Lewis Killian. Collective Behavior. New Jersey:Prentice-Hall,1987:
    ④ Michael Lipsky.1968. "Protest as Political Resource." American Political Science Review 62:1144-1158; John McCarthy and Mayer Zald. "Appendix:The Trend of Social Movements in America:Professionalization and Resource Mobilization." in Mayer Zald and John McCarthy (ed.). Social Movements in an Organizational Society. New Jersey:Transaction,1987:337-392.
    ⑤ Sidney Tarrow. Power in Movement:Social Movements. Collective Action and Politics. Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,1994:95.
    ① David Snow and Robert Benford.1988. "Ideology, Frame Resonance and Participant Mobilization." in Bert Klandermans, Hanspeter Kriesi and Sydney Tarrow (eds.). From Structure to Action:Comparing Social Movement Research Across Cultures. Greenwich:JAI Press 1988:198.
    ② David Meyer and Nancy Whittier.1994. "Social Movement Spillover." Social Problems 41.271-298.
    ③ J James Jasper. The Art of Moral Protest. Chicago:University of Chicago Press,1997.
    ④ Francesca Polletta,2003. "Culture is Not Just in Your Head." in Jeff Goodwin and James M. Jasper (eds.). Rethinking Social Movements. Lanham:Rowman and Littlefield,2003:97-110.
    ⑤ James Jasper.2002. "A Strategic Approach to Collective Action:Looking For Agency in Social Movement Choices." Mobilization:An International Journal 9(1):1-16.
    ⑥ David Snow and Robert Benford. "Master Frames and Cycles of Protest." in Aldon Morris and Carol McClurg Mueller (eds.). Frontiers in Social Movement Theory. New Haven:Yale University Press,1992:137.
    ⑦ David Snow and Robert Benford.1988. "Ideology, Frame Resonance and Participant Mobilization." in Bert Bert Klandermans, Hanspeter Kriesi and Sydney Tarrow (eds.). From Structure to Action:Comparing Social Movement Research Across Cultures. Greenwich:JAI Press 1988:198.
    ⑧ Robert Benford.1997. "An Insider's Critique of the Social Movement Framing Perspective." Social Inquiry 67 (4):409-430.
    ⑨ William Garrison. Talking Politics. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press,1992.
    ⑩ Mario Diani.1996. "Linking Mobilization Frames and Political Opportunities:Insights from Regional Populism in Italy." American Sociological Review 61 (6):1053-1069; Cathy Schneider.1997. "Framing Puerto Rican Identity:Political Opportunity Structures and Neighborhood Organizing in New York City." Mobilization 2(2):227-245; Rita Noonan.1995. "Women Against the State:Political Opportunities and Collective Action Frames in Chile's Transition to Democracy." Sociological Forum 10(1):81-111; Daniel Cornfield and Bill Fletcher.1998. "Institutional Constraints on Social Movement "Frame Extension" Shifts in the Legislative Agenda of the American Federation of Labor,1881-1955." Social Forces 76 (4): 1305-1321.
    ① David Meyer. "Opportunities and Identities:Bridge-Building in the Study of Social Movements." In David Meyer, Nancy Whittier and Belinda Robnett (eds.). Social Movements:Identity, Culture, and the State. New York: Oxford University Press,2002:3-21.
    ② 值得指出的是框架概念扩展了社运理论的知识边界并得到广泛回应,然而井未构成对结构中心视角的
    “范式支配”的挑战,也不能作为和政治机会结构并列的概念:在框架理论中反而经常可以发现“结构中心”视角的影响,具体可见Robert Benford.1997. "An Insider's Critique of the Social Movement:Framing Perspective." Social Inquiry 67(4):409-430.
    ② David Snow and Robert Benford.1988. "Ideology, Frame Resonance and Participant Mobilization." in Bert Klandermans, Hanspeter Kriesi and Sydney Tarrow (eds.). From Structure to Action:Comparing Social Movement Research Across Cultures. Greenwich:JAI Press 1988:198.
    ④ David Snow, Burke Rochford, Jr., Steven Worden and Robert Benford.1986. "Frame Alignment Processes, Micromobilization and Movement Participation." American Sociological Review 51 (4):465-466.
    ① Ted Gurr, Why Men Rebel, New Jersey:Princeton University Press,1970, pp.12-13.
    ② 来源:《部分老民办教师要求待遇老有所养申诉书》
    ③ 来源:《下岗老民办教师申请报告》,2007年12月。
    ④ 来源:《老民办教师集体请愿申请报告》,2007年7月。
    ① 《原农机站职工的信访申诉》,2010年。
    ① Rory McVeigh, Daniel Meyers and David Sikkink.2004. "Corn, Klansmen, and Coolidge:Structure and Framing in Social Movements." Social Forces 83 (2):656.
    ② Anthony Oberschall. Social Conflict and Social Movements. New Jersey:Prentice Hall,1973:
    ③ Craig Jenkins and Charles Perrow.1977. "Insurgency of the Powerless:Farm Worker Movement (1946-1972)." American Sociological Review 42:249-268.
    ④ Charles Tilly. From Mobilization to Revolution. MA:Addison-Wesley,1978:94-97. William Gamson. The Strategy of Social Protest. Homewood:Dorsey Press,1975; Doug McAdam. Political Process and the Development of Black Insurgency,1930-1970. Chicago:University of Chicago Press,1982.
    ⑤ Robert Benford.1997. "An Insider's Critique of the Social Movement Framing Perspective." Sociological Inquiry 67:409-430.
    ① James Jasper. The Art of Moral Protest. Chicago:University of Chicago Press,1997. ② Marshall Ganz.2000. "Resources and Resourcefulness:Strategic Capacity in the Unionization of Califomia Agriculture,1959-1966." American Journal of Sociology 105:1003-1062; Ibid. "Why David Sometimes Wins." in Rethinking Social Movements, Jeff Goodwin and James Jasper (eds.). Lanham:Rowman and Littlefield.2003:177-198.
    ③ O'Brien, Kevin.1996. "Rightful Resistance." World Politics 49(1):31-55.
    ① 《下岗老民办教师申请报告》,2007年12月。
    ② 指不同层级之间的政府在利益与取向方面的差异,这种差异伴随着改革开放与经济权力的下放,体现的尤为明显。这一概念的详细解释见Wang Shaoguang. "The Rise of the Regions:Fiscal Refonn and the Decline of Central State Capacity in China." in Andrew Walder (ed.). The Waning of the Communist State. Berkeley:University of California Press,1995:87-113; Andrew Walder.1994. The Decline of Communist Power:Elements of a Theory of Institutional Change." Theory and Society 23 (2):297-323; Dali Yang. "Reform and the Restructuring of Central-Local Relations."in David Goodman and Gerald Segal
    (eds.). China Deconstructs:Politics, Trade, and Regionalism. London:Routledge,1994:59-98; Richard Baum and Alexei Shevchenko. "The'State of the State'." in Merle Goldman and Roderick MacFarquhar (eds.). The Paradox of China's Post-Mao Reforms. Cambridge, MA:Harvard University Press, 1999:333-360.
    ① Robert Benford.1997. "An Insider's Critique of the Social Movement Framing Perspective." Sociological Inquiry 67:409-430.
    ① Charles Tilly,and Sidney Tarrow. Contentious Politics. Paradigm Publishers,2006:57.
    ② Robert Benford.1997. "An Insider's Critique of the Social Movement Framing Perspective."Sociological Inquiry 67:409-430.
    ① 张永宏,李静君:《制造同意:基层政府怎样吸纳民众的抗争》,《开放时代》2012年第7期。关于制造同意的概念,可见Michael Burawoy. Manufacturing Consent:Changes in the Labor Process under Monopoly Capitalism. Chicago and London:The University of Chicago Press,1979:77-95.
    ① 冯仕政:《国家政权建设与新中国信访制度的形成及演变》,《社会学研究》2012年第4期,第2547页。
    ② 于建嵘:《中国信访制度的困境和出路》,《战略与管埋》2009年第1/2期,
    ③ 例如在2012年12月的中共中央政治局会议强调“要下大决心改进作风,切实解决群众反映强烈的问题,始终保持同人民群众的血肉联系”;相关问题具体分析可见,马原:《溯流而上:探求当代中国公共政策的革命谱系——评韩博天、装宜理
    <毛的隐形之手:中国适应性治理的政治基础>》,《公共管理评论》第13卷,清华大学出版社2013年,
    第162-171页。
    ① Laura Luehnnann.2003. "Facing Citizen Complaints in China,1951-1996." Asian Survey 43(5):845-866.
    ② Merle Fainsod. Smolensk under Soviet Rule. New York:Vintage Books,1979; Sheila Fitzpatrick. Stalin's Peasants:Resistance and Survival in the Russian Village after Collectivization. Oxford:Oxford University Press,1994; Theodore Friedgut. Political Participation in the USSR. Princeton:Princeton University Press,1979; Dietrich Ruescheeyer,1990. "Planning Without Markets:Knowledge and State Action in East Gennan Housing Construction," East European Politics and Societies 4(3):557-79; Shi Tianjian. Political Participation in Beijing. Cambridge:Harvard University Press,1997.
    ① Alan Zuckerman and Darrell West.1985. "The Political Bases of Citizen Contacting:A Cross-National Analysis," American Political Science Review 79:117-131; Nicholas Lampert, Whistle Blowing in the Soviet Union:Complaints and Abuses Under State Socialism. London:MacMillan,1985;
    ① Cai Yongshun.2008. "Local Governments and the Suppression of Popular Resistance in China." The China Quarterly 193:24-42.
    ② 河南全省18个省辖市、158个县(市、区)全部挂牌成立了党委群众工作部;山东省5个市、72个县(市、区)成立了综合性的群众工作机构;山西省在3个市、50多个县设立了社会工作部,湖南、黑龙江、贵州、江西、江苏等省(区、市)也都陆续设立了类似机构。
    ① 邹谠:《二十世纪中国政治:从宏观历史与微观行动角度看》,香港:牛津大学出版社1994年版,第7-17页。
    ① 例如笔者访谈的S县《2012年县直信访工作目标管理考核计分标准》,将信访宜传调研纳入指标考核:被S县信访局《信访情况》采用的通报每篇计10分:被L市信访局《信访情况》采用的通报,每1篇计20分;被省信访局刊物《山东信访》采用的稿件,800字以上的1篇计20分,800字以下的1篇计10分:国家、省、市、县召开的信访工作现场会分别加分80分、50分、30分、20分:在国家、省级、市级会议作典型经验发言的分别加50分、30分、20分:被国家信访局《情况交流》采用的稿件,1篇加40分,《人民信访》、省信访局《信访情况》采用1篇加10分,国家级党报、免刊采用1篇1000字以上的加20分,不足1000字的加10分;省级党报、党刊采用1篇1000字以上的加10分,不足1000字的加5分。上述内容加分上限为100分。
    ① 国家信访局:《人民信访》(内部刊物),2010年第3期。
    ① Clifford Geertz.1983. Local Knowledge:Further Essays in Interpretive Anthropology. Basic Books:167-234.
    ① S县信访局访谈记录,2012年8月。② John Meyer and Brian Rowan.1977. "Institutionalized Organizations:Formal Structure as Myth and Ceremony." American Journal of Sociology.83 (2):340-363;关于“制度化”的另一讨论可见周雪光:《基层政府间的“共谋现象”:一个政府行为的制度逻辑》,《社会学研究》2008年第6期。
    ① 例如笔者调研的华北某省《信访专项救助资金使用规定》中明确规定资金使用在原则上应“个案化解,避免引起攀比”。
    ① 刁杰成:《人民信访史略》,北京经济学院出版社1996年版。
    ① 《关于坚决阻止部分原民办教师串联去省上访的紧急通知》,×联席办发电(2009)×号,根据相关资料整理。
    ② 这一表述来自2010年召开的“以群众工作统揽信访工作经验交流会”,具体可见国家信访局内部刊物《人民信访》,2010年第12期。
    ① S县信访局访谈记录,2012年8月。
    ② 2009,L市维护社会稳定工作会议领导讲话
    ① 赵旭东、赵伦:《中国乡村的冤民与法治秩序》,《二十一世纪双月刊》(香港中文大学),2012年12月号。
    ① 中共中央组织部课题组:《2000-2001中国调查报告》,北京:中央编译出版社2001年版,第283页。
    ② Andrew Nathan.2003. "Authoritarian Resilience." Journal of Democracy 14(1):6-17; David Shambaugh. China's Communist Party:Atrophy and Adaptation. CA:University of California, 2008:55-75.
    ① 刘能,“当代中国群体性集体行动的几点理论思考——建立在经验案例之上的观察”,载《开放时代》2008年第3期,第120页。
    ① 田先红,《治理基层中国—桥镇信访博弈的叙事》,社会科学文献出版社2012年版。
    ② 有关转轨时期新型企业阶层与政治体制合谋的分析,Jie Chen, Bruce Dickson, Allies of the State.China's Private Entrepreneurs and Democratic Change, Harvard University Press,2010; Bruce J.Dickson, Wealth into Power:The Communist Party's Embrace of China's Private Sector,Cambridge University Press,2008.
    ① 王绍光,“大转型:1980年代以来中国的双向运动”,载《中国社会科学》2008年第1期;王绍光,《波兰尼<.大转型>与中国的大转型》,三联书店2012年版。
    ② 有关经济分权背景下,中央通过人事任免与晋升机制对地方官僚的控制,详细分析可见,Pierre Landry. Decentralized Authoritarianism in China:The Communist's Party's Control of Local Elites in Post-Mao Era. Cambridge University Press,2008; Barry Naughton, Yang Dali. Holding China Together:Diversity and National Integration in The Post-Deng Era. Cambridge University Press,2008:1-148; Huang Yasheng.1995. "Administrative Monitoring in China", The China Quarterly 143:828-843.
    ① 成协中,《风险社会中的决策科学与民主——以重大决策社会稳定风险评估为例的分析》,载《法学论坛》2013年第1期。
    ② 顾大松,《论我国房屋征收的社会稳定风险评估机制的功能定位及其架构——一个风险规制的行政法学视角》,载《江苏行政学院学报》2012年第4期。
    ① Randall Peerenboom. " More Laws, Less Courts, Legalized Governance, Judicialization, and De-judicialization in China", in Tom Ginsburg and Albert.Chen (eds.). Administrative Law and Governance in Asia:Comparative Perspectives. Routledge,2009:186-189.
    ② 贺欣:“作为政治控制机制之一的行政法——当代中国行政法的政治学解读”,载《法哲学与法社会学论丛》2005年卷总第8期。
    ③ 关于此类议题的讨论,详见汪庆华: “中国行政诉讼:多中心主义的词法”,《中外法学》2007年第5期;应星、徐胤:“立案政治学与行政诉讼率的徘徊——华北两市基层法院的对比研究”,《政法论坛》2009年第6期。
    ④ 李洪雷,《中国行政诉讼制度发展的新路向》,载《行政法学研究》2013年第1期。
    [1]李培林、张翼、赵延东、梁栋:《社会冲突与阶级意识——当代中国社会矛盾问题研究》,北京:社会科学文献出版社,2005年版。
    [2]于建嵘:《底层立场》,上海:上海三联书店,2011年版。
    [3]于建嵘:《抗争性政治:中国政治社会学基本问题》,北京:人民出版社,2010年版。
    [4]于建嵘:《中国工人阶级状况:安源实录》,香港:香港明镜出版社,2006年版。
    [5]于建嵘:《岳村政治:转型期中国乡村政治结构的变迁》,北京:商务印书馆,2001年版。
    [6]桑玉成:《利益分化的政治时代》,上海,学林出版社,2002年版。
    [7]赵鼎新:《社会与政治运动讲义》,北京:社会科学文献出版社,2006年版。
    [8]曾鹏:《社区网络与集体行动》,北京:社会科学文献出版社,2008年版。
    [9]陈峰:《国家、制度与工人阶级的形成——西方文献及其对中国劳工问题研究的意义》,《社会学研究》,2009年第5期。
    [10]刘能:《社会运动理论:范式变迁及其与中国当代社会研究现场的相关度》,《江苏行政学院学报》,2009年第4期。
    [11]刘能:《当代中国群体性集体行动的几点理论思考——建立在经验案例之上的观察》,《开放时代》,2008年第3期。
    [12]冯仕政:《国家政权建设与新中国信访制度的形成及演变》,《社会学研究》2012年第4期。
    [13]冯仕政:《中国国家运动的形成与变异:基于政体的整体性解释》,《开放时代》2011年第1期。
    [14]冯仕政:《重返阶级分析——论中国社会不平等研究的范式转换》,《社会学研究》2008年第5期。
    [15]冯仕政:《沉默的大多数:差序格局与环境抗争》,《中国人民大学学报》2007年第1期。
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