美国奥巴马政府南海地缘战略研究
|
摘要
美国作为南海地区最具实力的区域外大国，对于南海地区形势有着不可忽视的影响力。从地缘战略视角来看，美国一直将维持在南海地区海权优势、确保对这一边缘地带的掌控以及在该地区防范欧亚大陆强国崛起作为终极目标。冷战结束后，美国在南海周边始终保持着大规模的军事存在，并注重同东盟国家在各领域的合作。虽然对中国崛起心存疑虑，但对于南海争端，美国并不愿过多插手。直到奥巴马上台执政后，美国开始对南海地区采取全面介入的战略方针，从而引发各方关注。面对上述背景，本文所要回答的是：奥巴马南海地缘战略是怎样形成的？其战略决策所处的国际环境如何？其南海地缘战略目标的具体内容是什么？以及奥巴马政府究竟以何种路径实现其战略目标？
在论文的导论部分，主要阐述论文选题的缘起及其现实和理论意义。并通过对核心概念进行界定，理顺南海、南海周边国家与南海地区的关系；建立地缘政治、战略、地缘战略之间的联系。同时，在对国内外已有研究成果梳理的基础上，分析现有研究有待突破之处。最后，阐明本论文主要使用的研究方法、具体创新点以及因研究过程中面临的困难而产生的不足。
论文第一章主要分析奥巴马政府南海地缘战略的理论基础和历史参照。本文认为，奥巴马南海地缘战略并不是凭空产生，而是存在特定的理论与历史渊源。因此，本章所重点阐述的是地缘政治理论对美国南海地缘战略的影响以及奥巴马政府对冷战后美国南海地缘战略传统的继承。本文首先从美国地缘政治思想出发，论述了以马汉、斯皮克曼以及布热津斯基等人的地缘政治思想对于美国南海地缘战略的宏观指导作用，而后通过分析描述冷战后美国南海地缘战略的历史演变，透析其为奥巴马政府所提供的战略启示。
论文第二章主要分析奥巴马南海地缘战略的国际环境，也就是其南海地缘战略的现实参照体系。本研究认为，对奥马政府南海地缘战略所处国际环境的分析是研究其战略目标和战略布局的基础。本文从层次分析法出发，重点分析奥巴马政府的亚太战略调整、南海地区权力转移与南海争端的激化以及其他区域外大国介入对奥巴马南海地缘战略的影响。具体而言，奥巴马政府的南海地缘战略涵盖在其亚太战略的框架之下。因此，美国亚太战略的调整对其南海地缘战略不可避免的产生导向作用。同时，南海地区内部中国崛起明确了奥巴马南海地缘战略的目标方向，而南海争端的加剧又为美国介入南海地区提供了有利条件。此外，区域外其他大国的介入不但使南海问题复杂化，而且改变了南海的地缘政治格局，这也成为奥巴马政府在制定南海地缘战略目标和战略实施过程中的重要参考要素。
论文第三章主要研究奥巴马政府南海地缘战略的战略目标与战略基础。本研究将美国的南海地缘战略目标划分为：实现美国在南海地区的国家利益，牵制和平衡中国崛起，塑造对美国有利的南海地缘战略环境。而其战略实施的基础则在于：首先，美国拥有世界上最为卓越的军事实力，占据着极具战略价值的军事基地，并在南海地区及周边依然保持了强大的军事存在和威慑力。其次，美国位于世界经济结构的顶端，拥有无可比拟的技术优势，并在同南海周边国家长久的经贸往来中维持了巨大的贸易份额。此外，美国通过在南海周边地区建立严密的同盟和准同盟体系，发展安全合作关系，参与南海地区多边合作机制等手段，保持了对南海周边国家以及地区事务巨大的政治和安全影响力。
论文第四章着重分析奥巴马政府南海地缘战略的实施路径。在此章节，本研究将奥巴马政府南海地缘战略的实施路径分为政治、安全以及经济三方面。在政治方面，奥巴马政府通过积极参与东盟主导的地区合作机制，介入并干涉南海问题以及进一步密切同南海周边国家的政治合作关系等手段，提升美国对该地区事务影响力。同时，制衡中国并扩大政治联盟。在安全方面，美国继续加大对南海地区的军力投入，强化在该地区的军事部署，并密切与南海周边国家及其他区域外大国的安全合作关系，意图从整体上维持美国对南海地区的军事掌控并威慑中国。在经济方面，美国除保持同东盟整体性经贸关系之外，又着力加强同南海周边国家的双边经济合作，并积极拉拢这些国家加入到美国主导的跨太平洋伙伴关系协定中来。美国的目的，一方面，是为扩大出口，提高经济增长以及缓解国内就业压力；另一方面，是以此为手段实现美国对南海地区的经济主导。
论文第五章的主要内容是对奥巴马政府南海地缘战略进行战略评估并在此基础上提出中国的应对策略。本研究认为，奥巴马政府的南海地缘战略整体上实现了其战略预期，对于美国挽回战略颓势起到了积极作用。就整体效果而言，美国通过在南海地区有效的战略推进，在增强美国对地区合作机制的主导，密切同盟友伙伴国家的关系，确保美国的前沿军事存在以及在安全上的影响力以及缓解美国国内的经济困境等方面收效良好。最重要的是，使中国面临了相当程度的战略困境。需要指出的是，奥巴马政府的南海地缘战略依然无法摆脱中国、东盟、南海地区其他区域外大国及美国国内政治经济等因素的限制。而未来，奥巴马政府仍会克服这些因素的影响，将其战略继续向前推进。而中国所要做的就是针对其战略提出有效的应对之策，并在南海地区形成能够发挥自身优势的长效地缘战略。
结论部分是对本文主要观点所进行的归纳总结以及对中美关系的展望。
As the most influential outer-regional great power, USA has conspicuous effect onthe situation of the South China Sea. From geostrategic perspective, it is Americanultimate aim to maintain the sea-power advantage in the area of South China Sea,guarantee mastery of the rimland, be on guard against rise of big powers from Eurasiaas well. In addition to large-scale military presence that America remained in this area,USA had paid serious attention to keep economic contact with ASEAN countries afterthe end of cold war. Although America was anxious that China had been rising sharply,it was still unwilling to meddle in the dispute of South China Sea overmuch untilObama comes to power, soon afterwards, USA has begun to adopt strategic guideline tointervene the South China Sea comprehensively. This thesis will study the reason whyObama alters nonintervention attitude that America has assumed previously, theinternational environment that USA situates itself in, the geopolitical strategic targetwhich America adopts and the step USA will take to fulfil other strategic objectives.
There is an overall presentation about this paper in the introduction part whichincludes the reason why the author selects this topic as well as the practical andtheoretical significance. In the meantime, the article attempts to straighten out therelations among the South China Sea, the countries that surround South China Sea andthe South China Sea area, as well as to establish the connection by defining the coreconcepts. Based on the existing research achievements at home and abroad, the articleanalyzes the points where the present research hasn’t concluded. Eventually, illuminatethe methods that have been adopted, the innovation points that have been discoveredand the deficiency on account of difficulties during the research.
The first chapter has analyzed the fundamental reference system of geostrategy inthe South China Sea that Obama Administration has adopted, and considered that there has been specific theoretical system and historical origin for the geostrategy instead ofhaving never been created from whole cloth, therefore, this chapter has regarded ObamaAdministration’s follow of American geopolitical theory and inheritance of Americangeopolitical strategy as key point. Making use of geopolitics thoughts of scholars suchas Mahan, Spykman, Brzezinski, etc. as macroscopic guidance for Obama’s geostrategyto the South China Sea, which has proceeded from American geopolitics ideology,subsequently, it is reasonable, by means of analyzing historical evolvement of USA’sgeostrategy of the South China Sea, to dialyze strategic enlightenment which has beenprovided for Obama Administration.
In the second chapter, the article has studied international environment forObama’s geostrategy of the South China Sea, which is to say, the realistic referencesystem for the geostrategy, based on the research, this thesis has considered analysis forinternational environment in which Obama Administration’s geostrategy of the SouthChina Sea has suited as the basis of research on strategic target and strategic layout.Therefore, grounding on the analytic hierarchy process, Obama Administration’sadjustment for Asia-Pacific strategy, Power shift of the South China Sea, Theintensification of dispute of the South China Sea, and the interference of otherouter-district great powers which make influence on Obama's geostrategy for the SouthChina Sea have been analyzed emphatically. To be specific, Obama Administration’sgeostrategy of the South China Sea is included in Asia-Pacific strategy, which signifiesthat there is inevitable guiding role for the adjustment of Asia-Pacific strategy togeostrategy for the South China Sea, in the meantime, as part of the South China Sea,the rise of China has been targeted by Obama Administration’s geostrategy of the SouthChina Sea, nevertheless, aggravation of the dispute of the South China Sea has suppliedadvantageous condition for America to interfere the South China Sea. The interventionof other outer-district countries not only aggravates issue of the South China Sea butalso alters geopolitics pattern of the South China Sea, which have been most significantfactors for Obama Administration who are enacting geostrategy target for the SouthChina Sea.
Paying attention to Obama Administration’s strategic target and strategicfoundation of geostrategy of the South China Sea, the third chapter has divided intothree parts: containing and balancing the rise of China, achieving national interests of USA in the South China Sea, making beneficial geostrategy environment of the SouthChina Sea for America. It is analyzed that, being based on which, some majorelement—most powerful military that American has owned, strategic military baseswhich have been occupied and strong military presence and deterrence that hasmaintained in the South China Sea, have been studied. As followed behind, occupyingthe top of the world economic structure, America has unparalleled technologicalsuperiority and maintain the tremendous trade share in the economic exchanges with theneighboring countries surrounding the South China Sea.Because of the construction oftight system of formal and quasi allies, development of security relationship, meanwhile,the positive participation in multilateral cooperation mechanisms in the region of theSouth China Sea, America has formed great impacts to the neighboring countries and inthe region, in both political and security aspects.
The main content of the fourth chapter is to analyze geostrategic track that ObamaAdministration has implemented in the South China Sea, divided into three parts:politics, security and economy. Referring to politics, by making active involvement inregional cooperation mechanism that has been oriented by ASEAN, intervening in theSouth China Sea issues and tightening political cooperation relationship with countriesaround the South China Sea, Obama Administration has not only elevate Americaninfluence in this region, but also contained China, with the political union broadened.Speaking of security, America has been increasing input in security of the South ChinaSea, including intensifying military deployment in the area of South China Sea,supplying military assistance for ally and launching military exercise with themregularly, in addition, USA has participated positively in security interaction withcountries outside the region, such as Japan, India and Australia, which has intended tostrengthen military control as well as to deter China. When it comes to economy, USAhas focused on bilateral economic dealings with countries at the rim of the South ChinaSea, in the meantime, roped actively in this countries to access the Trans-PacificPartnership Agreement that has been dominated by USA, in order to realize profits forUSA, increase export and employment and achieve to rule the economy in the SouthChina Sea as well.
The primary content of the fifth part is to conduct strategic assessment for ObamaAdministration’s geostrategy in the South China Sea, based on this, to put forward coping strategy of China. Referring to strategic assessment, the research suggests that,Obama’s geostrategy of South China Sea has accomplished anticipated effect as a wholefor the strategy has played a positive role to redeem strategic decline for USA. In termsof the overall effect, USA has achieved the strategic goals in enhancing force in regionalcooperation mechanisms and establishing affinity with allies, insuring its frontiermilitary presence and influence in security terms, and of course, playing positive role inrelieving economic predicament in America. Specifically, China has been put in astrategic dilemma significantly owing to Obama’s geostrategy of South China SeaItshould be noted that, though, the Obama Administration’s geostrategy of South ChinaSea hasn’t got rid of limit from China, ASEAN, other great powers outside the SouthChina Sea and impact of politics and economy from America. In the future, under theinfluence of the above causes, Obama Administration will continue to carry forward thestrategy, however, what the Chinese government needs to do is to put forward validstrategy in accordance with the impact that may be caused by Obama’s geostrategy andcreate long-lasting geostrategy which is convenient for China to bring its superiorityinto full play.
The conclusion part is to summarize the central insights of the article and toprospect the Sino-USA relationship.
在论文的导论部分，主要阐述论文选题的缘起及其现实和理论意义。并通过对核心概念进行界定，理顺南海、南海周边国家与南海地区的关系；建立地缘政治、战略、地缘战略之间的联系。同时，在对国内外已有研究成果梳理的基础上，分析现有研究有待突破之处。最后，阐明本论文主要使用的研究方法、具体创新点以及因研究过程中面临的困难而产生的不足。
论文第一章主要分析奥巴马政府南海地缘战略的理论基础和历史参照。本文认为，奥巴马南海地缘战略并不是凭空产生，而是存在特定的理论与历史渊源。因此，本章所重点阐述的是地缘政治理论对美国南海地缘战略的影响以及奥巴马政府对冷战后美国南海地缘战略传统的继承。本文首先从美国地缘政治思想出发，论述了以马汉、斯皮克曼以及布热津斯基等人的地缘政治思想对于美国南海地缘战略的宏观指导作用，而后通过分析描述冷战后美国南海地缘战略的历史演变，透析其为奥巴马政府所提供的战略启示。
论文第二章主要分析奥巴马南海地缘战略的国际环境，也就是其南海地缘战略的现实参照体系。本研究认为，对奥马政府南海地缘战略所处国际环境的分析是研究其战略目标和战略布局的基础。本文从层次分析法出发，重点分析奥巴马政府的亚太战略调整、南海地区权力转移与南海争端的激化以及其他区域外大国介入对奥巴马南海地缘战略的影响。具体而言，奥巴马政府的南海地缘战略涵盖在其亚太战略的框架之下。因此，美国亚太战略的调整对其南海地缘战略不可避免的产生导向作用。同时，南海地区内部中国崛起明确了奥巴马南海地缘战略的目标方向，而南海争端的加剧又为美国介入南海地区提供了有利条件。此外，区域外其他大国的介入不但使南海问题复杂化，而且改变了南海的地缘政治格局，这也成为奥巴马政府在制定南海地缘战略目标和战略实施过程中的重要参考要素。
论文第三章主要研究奥巴马政府南海地缘战略的战略目标与战略基础。本研究将美国的南海地缘战略目标划分为：实现美国在南海地区的国家利益，牵制和平衡中国崛起，塑造对美国有利的南海地缘战略环境。而其战略实施的基础则在于：首先，美国拥有世界上最为卓越的军事实力，占据着极具战略价值的军事基地，并在南海地区及周边依然保持了强大的军事存在和威慑力。其次，美国位于世界经济结构的顶端，拥有无可比拟的技术优势，并在同南海周边国家长久的经贸往来中维持了巨大的贸易份额。此外，美国通过在南海周边地区建立严密的同盟和准同盟体系，发展安全合作关系，参与南海地区多边合作机制等手段，保持了对南海周边国家以及地区事务巨大的政治和安全影响力。
论文第四章着重分析奥巴马政府南海地缘战略的实施路径。在此章节，本研究将奥巴马政府南海地缘战略的实施路径分为政治、安全以及经济三方面。在政治方面，奥巴马政府通过积极参与东盟主导的地区合作机制，介入并干涉南海问题以及进一步密切同南海周边国家的政治合作关系等手段，提升美国对该地区事务影响力。同时，制衡中国并扩大政治联盟。在安全方面，美国继续加大对南海地区的军力投入，强化在该地区的军事部署，并密切与南海周边国家及其他区域外大国的安全合作关系，意图从整体上维持美国对南海地区的军事掌控并威慑中国。在经济方面，美国除保持同东盟整体性经贸关系之外，又着力加强同南海周边国家的双边经济合作，并积极拉拢这些国家加入到美国主导的跨太平洋伙伴关系协定中来。美国的目的，一方面，是为扩大出口，提高经济增长以及缓解国内就业压力；另一方面，是以此为手段实现美国对南海地区的经济主导。
论文第五章的主要内容是对奥巴马政府南海地缘战略进行战略评估并在此基础上提出中国的应对策略。本研究认为，奥巴马政府的南海地缘战略整体上实现了其战略预期，对于美国挽回战略颓势起到了积极作用。就整体效果而言，美国通过在南海地区有效的战略推进，在增强美国对地区合作机制的主导，密切同盟友伙伴国家的关系，确保美国的前沿军事存在以及在安全上的影响力以及缓解美国国内的经济困境等方面收效良好。最重要的是，使中国面临了相当程度的战略困境。需要指出的是，奥巴马政府的南海地缘战略依然无法摆脱中国、东盟、南海地区其他区域外大国及美国国内政治经济等因素的限制。而未来，奥巴马政府仍会克服这些因素的影响，将其战略继续向前推进。而中国所要做的就是针对其战略提出有效的应对之策，并在南海地区形成能够发挥自身优势的长效地缘战略。
结论部分是对本文主要观点所进行的归纳总结以及对中美关系的展望。
As the most influential outer-regional great power, USA has conspicuous effect onthe situation of the South China Sea. From geostrategic perspective, it is Americanultimate aim to maintain the sea-power advantage in the area of South China Sea,guarantee mastery of the rimland, be on guard against rise of big powers from Eurasiaas well. In addition to large-scale military presence that America remained in this area,USA had paid serious attention to keep economic contact with ASEAN countries afterthe end of cold war. Although America was anxious that China had been rising sharply,it was still unwilling to meddle in the dispute of South China Sea overmuch untilObama comes to power, soon afterwards, USA has begun to adopt strategic guideline tointervene the South China Sea comprehensively. This thesis will study the reason whyObama alters nonintervention attitude that America has assumed previously, theinternational environment that USA situates itself in, the geopolitical strategic targetwhich America adopts and the step USA will take to fulfil other strategic objectives.
There is an overall presentation about this paper in the introduction part whichincludes the reason why the author selects this topic as well as the practical andtheoretical significance. In the meantime, the article attempts to straighten out therelations among the South China Sea, the countries that surround South China Sea andthe South China Sea area, as well as to establish the connection by defining the coreconcepts. Based on the existing research achievements at home and abroad, the articleanalyzes the points where the present research hasn’t concluded. Eventually, illuminatethe methods that have been adopted, the innovation points that have been discoveredand the deficiency on account of difficulties during the research.
The first chapter has analyzed the fundamental reference system of geostrategy inthe South China Sea that Obama Administration has adopted, and considered that there has been specific theoretical system and historical origin for the geostrategy instead ofhaving never been created from whole cloth, therefore, this chapter has regarded ObamaAdministration’s follow of American geopolitical theory and inheritance of Americangeopolitical strategy as key point. Making use of geopolitics thoughts of scholars suchas Mahan, Spykman, Brzezinski, etc. as macroscopic guidance for Obama’s geostrategyto the South China Sea, which has proceeded from American geopolitics ideology,subsequently, it is reasonable, by means of analyzing historical evolvement of USA’sgeostrategy of the South China Sea, to dialyze strategic enlightenment which has beenprovided for Obama Administration.
In the second chapter, the article has studied international environment forObama’s geostrategy of the South China Sea, which is to say, the realistic referencesystem for the geostrategy, based on the research, this thesis has considered analysis forinternational environment in which Obama Administration’s geostrategy of the SouthChina Sea has suited as the basis of research on strategic target and strategic layout.Therefore, grounding on the analytic hierarchy process, Obama Administration’sadjustment for Asia-Pacific strategy, Power shift of the South China Sea, Theintensification of dispute of the South China Sea, and the interference of otherouter-district great powers which make influence on Obama's geostrategy for the SouthChina Sea have been analyzed emphatically. To be specific, Obama Administration’sgeostrategy of the South China Sea is included in Asia-Pacific strategy, which signifiesthat there is inevitable guiding role for the adjustment of Asia-Pacific strategy togeostrategy for the South China Sea, in the meantime, as part of the South China Sea,the rise of China has been targeted by Obama Administration’s geostrategy of the SouthChina Sea, nevertheless, aggravation of the dispute of the South China Sea has suppliedadvantageous condition for America to interfere the South China Sea. The interventionof other outer-district countries not only aggravates issue of the South China Sea butalso alters geopolitics pattern of the South China Sea, which have been most significantfactors for Obama Administration who are enacting geostrategy target for the SouthChina Sea.
Paying attention to Obama Administration’s strategic target and strategicfoundation of geostrategy of the South China Sea, the third chapter has divided intothree parts: containing and balancing the rise of China, achieving national interests of USA in the South China Sea, making beneficial geostrategy environment of the SouthChina Sea for America. It is analyzed that, being based on which, some majorelement—most powerful military that American has owned, strategic military baseswhich have been occupied and strong military presence and deterrence that hasmaintained in the South China Sea, have been studied. As followed behind, occupyingthe top of the world economic structure, America has unparalleled technologicalsuperiority and maintain the tremendous trade share in the economic exchanges with theneighboring countries surrounding the South China Sea.Because of the construction oftight system of formal and quasi allies, development of security relationship, meanwhile,the positive participation in multilateral cooperation mechanisms in the region of theSouth China Sea, America has formed great impacts to the neighboring countries and inthe region, in both political and security aspects.
The main content of the fourth chapter is to analyze geostrategic track that ObamaAdministration has implemented in the South China Sea, divided into three parts:politics, security and economy. Referring to politics, by making active involvement inregional cooperation mechanism that has been oriented by ASEAN, intervening in theSouth China Sea issues and tightening political cooperation relationship with countriesaround the South China Sea, Obama Administration has not only elevate Americaninfluence in this region, but also contained China, with the political union broadened.Speaking of security, America has been increasing input in security of the South ChinaSea, including intensifying military deployment in the area of South China Sea,supplying military assistance for ally and launching military exercise with themregularly, in addition, USA has participated positively in security interaction withcountries outside the region, such as Japan, India and Australia, which has intended tostrengthen military control as well as to deter China. When it comes to economy, USAhas focused on bilateral economic dealings with countries at the rim of the South ChinaSea, in the meantime, roped actively in this countries to access the Trans-PacificPartnership Agreement that has been dominated by USA, in order to realize profits forUSA, increase export and employment and achieve to rule the economy in the SouthChina Sea as well.
The primary content of the fifth part is to conduct strategic assessment for ObamaAdministration’s geostrategy in the South China Sea, based on this, to put forward coping strategy of China. Referring to strategic assessment, the research suggests that,Obama’s geostrategy of South China Sea has accomplished anticipated effect as a wholefor the strategy has played a positive role to redeem strategic decline for USA. In termsof the overall effect, USA has achieved the strategic goals in enhancing force in regionalcooperation mechanisms and establishing affinity with allies, insuring its frontiermilitary presence and influence in security terms, and of course, playing positive role inrelieving economic predicament in America. Specifically, China has been put in astrategic dilemma significantly owing to Obama’s geostrategy of South China SeaItshould be noted that, though, the Obama Administration’s geostrategy of South ChinaSea hasn’t got rid of limit from China, ASEAN, other great powers outside the SouthChina Sea and impact of politics and economy from America. In the future, under theinfluence of the above causes, Obama Administration will continue to carry forward thestrategy, however, what the Chinese government needs to do is to put forward validstrategy in accordance with the impact that may be caused by Obama’s geostrategy andcreate long-lasting geostrategy which is convenient for China to bring its superiorityinto full play.
The conclusion part is to summarize the central insights of the article and toprospect the Sino-USA relationship.
引文
①Saul Bernard Cohen.Geography and Politics in a World Divided[M].New York: Random House,Inc,1963:7．
②Colin S. Gray. Inescapable Geography[J].Journal of Strategic Studies, June/September1999:164-165.
①陆俊元.地缘政治的本质与规律[M].北京：时事出版社，2005:86.
①参见曹云华、鞠海龙.南海地区形势报告2011-2012[M].北京：时事出版社，2012.
①参见王恩涌.政治地理学[M].北京：高等教育出版社，1998:279.
②H. Kissinger.The White House Years[M].Boston: Little Brown,1979:914.
③Geoffrey Parker.Geopolitics: Past, Present and Future[M].London:Pinter,1998:5.
④布热津斯基.竞赛方案—进行美苏竞争的地缘战略纲领[M].北京：对外翻译出版公司，1988:6.
⑤陆俊元.地缘政治的本质与规律[M].北京：时事出版社，2005:86.
①钮先钟.战略研究[M].桂林：广西师范大学出版社，2003:2.
②钮先钟.西方战略思想史[M].桂林：广西师范大学出版社，2003:153-154.
③Carl von Clausewitz,On War,trans.by Michael Howard and Peter Parat[M].Princeton University Press,1989:128.
④B.H.Liddell-Hart,Strategy: The Indirect Approach[M].1967:335.
⑤钮先钟.战略研究[M].桂林：广西师范大学出版社，2003:23.
①王家福.国际战略学[M].北京：高等教育出版社，2005:1.
②沈伟烈.地缘政治学概论[M].北京：国防大学出版社，2005:5.
③郭渊.地缘政治与南海争端[M].北京：中国社会科学出版社，2011:369.
①张明亮.冷战前美国的南中国海政策[J].南洋问题研究，2006(2):34.
③参见郭渊.遏制战略与美国的南中国海政策[J].太平洋学报，2012(11):39-47.
①参见邵笑.简析尼克松时期的南海政策[J].东南亚研究，2012(3):25-31.
②参见王传剑.美国的南中国海政策：历史与现实[J].外交评论，2009(6):87-100.
③参见江洋、王义桅.美国亚太战略中的南中国海问题[J].东南亚研究，1998(5):36-37.
④参见何志工、安小平.南海争端中的美国因素及其影响[J].当代亚太2010(1):137.
①参见郭渊.冷战后美国的南中国海政策[J].学术探索，2008(1):55.
②参见李华.冷战后美国南中国海政策分析[J].云南行政学院学报2002(5):11-12.
③参见蔡鸿鹏.美国南海政策剖析[J].现代国际关系，2009(9):1-7，35.
①参见鞠海龙.美国奥巴马政府南海政策研究[J].当代亚太，2011(3):97-111.
②参见李金明.美国重返亚洲与南海问题的复杂化[J].新东方，2012(1):1-6.
③参见刘建飞.美国战略重心东移背景下的南海局势与中美关系[J].国际关系学院学报，2012(4):93-98.
①参见鞠海龙、葛红亮.美国重返东南亚对南海安全形势的影响[J].世界经济与政治论坛，2010(1):87-97.
②参见袁征.美国重返亚太与东海、南海问题[J].和平与发展，2012(5):8-9.
③参见惠耕田.南海问题国际化的多层次动因[J].战略决策研究，2013(2):8.
④参见郭振雪.美国南海问题政策演变的海权分析与中国对策[J].延边大学学报，2012(4):41.
⑤参见方晓志.对美国南海政策的地缘安全解析[J].太平洋学报，2012(7):47-49.
②参见张学昆.美国介入南海问题的地缘政治学分析[J].国际论坛，2013(6):21-27.
③[美]威廉·恩道尔.目标中国—华盛顿的屠龙战略[M].北京：中国民主法治出版社，2013:110-112.
①Robert D.Kaplan, The South China Sea Is the Future of Conflict[R/OL], August15,2011.http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2011/08/15/the_south_china_sea_is_the_future_of_conflict
②Leszek Buszynski,The South China Sea: Oil, Maritime Claims, and U.S.—China Strategic Rivalry[J].TheWashington Quarterly, Spring2012:139-156.
①Walter Lohman.Spratly Islands:The Challenge to US Leadership in the South China Sea,[EB/OL] February26,2009.http://www.heritage.org/research/reports/2009/02/spratly-islands-the-challenge-to-us-leadership-in-the-south-china-sea.
②see Peter A. Dutton.China’s View s of Sovereignty and Methods of Access Control[R/OL]. Testimony before theU.S-China Economic and Security Review Commission, February27,2008.http://origin.www.uscc.gov/sites/default/files/transcripts/3.25.08HearingTranscript.pdfRichard Cronin. Maritime Territorial Disputes and Sovereignty Issues in Asia [EB/OL].Testimony before theSenate Subcommittee on East Asia and Pacific Affairs, July15,2009.http://www.state.gov/p/eap/rls/rm/2012/09/197982.htm
③参见朱锋、[美]罗伯特·罗斯主编.中国崛起：理论与政策视角[M].上海：上海人民出版社，2008:284.
④Patrick M. Cronin Contributors: Patrick M. Cronin, Peter A. Dutton, M. Taylor Fravel, James R. Holmes, RobertD.Kaplan, Will Rogers and Ian Storey，Cooperation from Strength The United States, China and the South ChinaSea[R/OL].January2012.http://www.cnas.org/files/documents/publications/CNAS_CooperationFromStrength_Cronin_1.pdf.
①刘雪莲、曲恩道.奥巴马政府积极介入南海问题的层次性动因分析[J].国际观察，2013(4):39.
②秦亚青.层次分析法与国际关系研究[J].欧洲，1998(3):5.
①Francis P. Sempa. Geopolitics: From the Cold War to the21st Century [M].New Brunswick, NL: TransactionPublishers,2002：103-104.
①陆俊元.从自然主义到结构主义：地缘政治学方法论演变[J].人文地理，2007(5):108.
②刘一建.制海权与海军战略[M].北京：国防大学出版社，2000:4.
③[美]艾·塞·马汉著萧伟中、梅然译.海权论[M].北京：中国言实出版社，1997:305.
④[美]艾·塞·马汉著蔡鸿干、田长吉译.海军战略[M].北京：商务印书馆，1994:188.
⑤Alfred Thayer Mahan.The Influence of Sea Power upon History,1660-1783[M].Boston:Little,Brown,andCompany,1890:51-92.
⑦[美]艾·塞·马汉著萧伟中、梅然译.海权论[M].北京：中国言实出版社，1997:358-359.
⑧Alfred Thayer Mahan.The Influence of Sea Power upon History,1660-1783[M].Boston:Little,Brown,andCompany,1890:29-92.
①[美]艾·塞·马汉著萧伟中、梅然译.海权论[M].北京：中国言实出版社，1997:152.
②John B. Hattendorf,ed. the Influence of History on Mahan[M].Newport Rhode Island: Naval War College,1991:183.
③师小芹.论海权与中美关系[M].北京：军事科学出版社，2012:247.
④The Unite States Security Strategy for the East Asia Pacific Region[R].Department of Defense,1998:56.
①[美]阿尔弗雷德·塞尔·马汉著范祥涛译.亚洲问题及其对国际政治的影响[M].上海：三联书店，2007:41.
③[美]斯皮克曼著刘愈之译.和平地理学[M].北京：商务印书馆，1965:76.
①李义虎.地缘政治学：二分论及其超越[M].北京：北京大学出版社，2007：96-97.
③[美]斯皮克曼著刘愈之译.和平地理学[M].北京：商务印书馆，1967:4-5.
④吴征宇.地理政治与大战略[M].北京：中国法制出版社，2012:83.
①陆俊元.美国国家安全战略中的地缘政治思想[J].人文地理，1999(3):61-64.
②方永刚、康复全.大国逐鹿——新地缘政治[M].成都：四川人民出版社，2001:30.
③Colin Mac Andrews and Chia Lin Sien. Southeast Asian seas, Frontiers for Development[M]. McGraw-HillInternational Book Company,1981:226-234.
①国玉奇、[俄]丘德诺夫.地缘政治学与世界秩序[M].重庆：重庆出版社，2007:76.
②Zbigniew Brzezinski, In Quest of National Security[M].Boulder: Wesview Press,1988:26.
③[美]兹比格纽·布热津斯基中国国际问题研究所译.大棋局[M].上海：上海人民出版社，2007:26-27.
④同上42.
①Liselotte Odgaard.Maritime Security between China and Southeast Asia [M]. Ashgate Publishing Company,2002:131.
①李国强.南中国海研究：历史与现状[M].哈尔滨：黑龙江教育出版社，2003:397.
②The Unite States Security Strategy for the East Asia Pacific Region[R].Department of Defense,1995:20.
①US Department of State [N].Daily Press Briefing,May10,1995.
②Far Eastern Economy Review[N].August3,1995.
③吴士存.南沙争端的起源与发展[M].北京：中国经济出版社，2010:167.
④李国强.南中国海研究：历史与现状[M].哈尔滨：黑龙江教育出版社，2003:398.
⑤李华.冷战后美国南中国海政策分析[J].云南行政学院学报，2005(5):11.
①Lee Lai To.China and South China Sea Dialogues[M]. USA: Preagar Publishers,1999:143.
②余颂.美国对南中国海的军事渗透[J].国际资料信息.2000(12):30.
③南海问题的历史与现状[EB/OL].2013-12-09.http://www.globalview.cn/readnews.asp?newsid=23187.
①林利民.9·11以来美国地缘战略的调整及其影响[J].世界经济与政治，2004(5):36.
①王志闻.现代海盗制造混乱,亚太地区出事最多,全球有五大恐怖水域[N].环球时报，2002-11-14(3).
②U.S.Department of Defense. Quadrennial Defense Review Report[R].September30,2001:4.
①王飞.新加坡与美国的军事合作关系[J].东南亚研究，2004(3):52.
①U.S. Department of Defense. Quadrennial Defense Review Report[R/OL].September30,2001:8.http://www.defense.gov/pubs/qdr2001.pdf.
②The Military Power of the People's Republic of China2005[R/OL]. Annual Report to Congress Office of theSecretary of Defense, July19,2005:1.http://www.defense.gov/news/jul2005/d20050719china.pdf.
①[美]约翰·加迪斯著时殷弘译.遏制战略.战后美国国家安全政策评析[M].北京：世界知识出版社，2005:6.
①潘忠岐.与霸权相处的逻辑[M].上海：上海人民出版社2012:185.
②Robert A.Pape. Empire Falls[J].National Interest,No.99,February22,2009:21-34.
③王缉思.布什主义的兴衰[M].北京：世界知识出版社2012:13.
①White House: National Security Strategy,[R/OL], May2010:1.http://www.whitehouse.gov/sites/default/files/rss viewer/national security strategy.
②White House: National Security Strategy,[R/OL], May2010:7.http://www.whitehouse.gov/sites/default/files/rss viewer/national security strategy.
③White House: National Security Strategy,[R/OL], May2010:2.http://www.whitehouse.gov/sites/default/files/rss viewer/national security strategy.
①CSIS. Commission on Smart Power, A Smarter, More Secure American[R/OL].2007:17-21.http://csis.org/files/media/csis/pubs/071106_csissmartpowerreport.pdf.
②Barack Obama. Renewing American Leadership[EB/OL]. Foreign Affairs, July/August,2007.http://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/62636/barack-obama/renewing-american-leadership?page=5
③Robert Gates. A Balanced Strategy: Reprogramming the Pentagon for a New Age[EB/OL]. Foreign Affairs,January/February2009. http://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/63717/robert-m-gates/a-balanced-strategy.
④Hillary Rodham Clinton. Nomination Hearing To Be Secretary of State[EB/OL]. Statement before the SenateForeign Relations Committee Washington, DC January13,2009.http://www.state.gov/secretary/rm/2009a/01/115196.htm.
⑤Hillary Rodham Clinton. Remarks on the Obama Administration’s National Security Strategy at The BrookingsInstitute[EB/OL]. Washington, DC May27,2010.http://www.state.gov/secretary/rm/20010/05/142312.htm.
①Hillary Rodham Clinton. U.S.-Asia Relations: Indispensable to Our Future[EB/OL]. New York. February13,2009.http://www.state.gov/secretary/rm/2009a/02/117333.htm.
②Barack Obama, Renewing American Leadership[EB/OL]. Foreign Affairs, July/August,2007.http://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/62636/barack-obama/renewing-american-leadership?page=5.
③Ashley. J. Tellis, Andrew Marble and Travis Tanner, ed. Asia’s Rising Powers and America’s ContinuedPurpose[M].10th anniversary edition, The National Bureau of Asian Research, Seattle, WA, and Washington,D.C,2010：61.
①Jeremy Gran t. Trading on Asia-Pacific exchanges overtakes Europe[N]. Financial Times, M arch3,2010.
②Robert B. Zoellick.The End of the Third World? Modernizing Multilateralism for a Multipolar World[EB/OL].April14,2010.http://www.worldbank.org
③Haig Simonian. Asia’s wealthy drive a fragile recovery[N]. Financial Time,March19,2010.
④Hillary Clinton. America’s Pacific Century [EB/OL].Foreign Policy，November2011..http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2011/10/11/americas_pacific_century.
⑤奥巴马在日演讲称“美国是太平洋国家”[EB/OL].2009-11-14.http://world.huanqiu.com/roll/2009-11/632260.html.
⑥张勇.奥巴马政府的亚太地区“少边主义”外交浅析[J].美国研究，2012(2):73.
①White House. National Security Strategy[R/OL].May2010：41.http://www.whitehouse.gov/sites/default/files/rss viewer/national security strategy.
③许琳.奥巴马政府亚太战略解析[J].东北亚论坛，2012(4):38.
④钱荣文.奥巴马政府的新亚洲战略[J].亚非纵横，2009(4):2.
①U.S. Department of Defense. Quadrennial Defense Review Report[R/OL].February,2010:65.http://www.defense.gov/qdr/qdr%20as%20of%2029jan10%201600.pdf.
②Robert M. Gates.A Balanced Strategy: Reprogramming the Pentagon for a New Age[EB/OL].Foreign Affairs,January/February,2009.http://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/63717/robert-m-gates/a-balanced-strategy.
③吴心伯.论奥巴马政府的亚太战略[J].国际问题研究，2012(2):71.
④王传剑.理性看待美国战略重心东移[J].外交评论，2012(5):45.
①Bian Shen. New opportunity for China-ASEAN trade[N].Beijing Review,2003-5-1(18).
②阮宗泽.中国崛起与东亚国际秩序的转型[M].北京：北京大学出版社，2007:123.
①Denis D. Gray. Anxiety and opportunities mount as Chinese colossus exerts influence on Southeast Asia [M].Associated Press,30March2004.
②杨荣文.东盟为适应新世界格局而重新定位[N].（新加坡）海峡时报2005-9-8.
③王岐山在第五届中国—东盟商务与投资峰会开幕式上的演讲[EB/OL].2008-10-22.http://news.xinhuanet.com/newscenter/2008-10/22/content_10233271_1.htm.
④Thomas Lum, Wayne M· Morrison and Bruce Vaughn. China’s ‘Soft Power’ in Southeast Asia[J/OL].January4,2008summary.http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/row/RL34310.pdf.
⑤Lyall Breckon, China and Southeast Asia Relations: SARS and a New Security Initiative from China[R/OL].2003:76.http://csis.org/files/media/csis/pubs/0302qchina_seasia.pdf.
⑥李小军.试析美国对中国在东南亚力量崛起的安全评估[J].东南亚研究，2012(3):39.
⑦陈衍德、陈遥.20世纪末以来中、美与东盟的三边互动关系—以权力转移为视角[J].当代亚太，2009(6):77.
①中国绝不谋求支配地位[EB/OL].2005-12-15.http://news.sina.com.cn/w/2005-12-15/07047711991s.shtml.
②刘阿明.变动中的东亚与中美关系[M].北京：知识产权出版社，2012:58.
①陈奕平.依赖与抗争—冷战后东盟国家对美国战略[M].北京：世界知识出版社,2006:232.
②View s of a Changing World: The Pew Global Attitude Project[M].The Pew Research Center for People and thePress, June2003:19.
③Victor Sum sky. America in East Asia: The Rise and The Waning of a Benevolent Hegemon Image[J].TheJapanese Journal of American Studies, No.18,2007:138-139.
①邵建平、李晨阳.东盟国家处理海域争端的方式及其对解决南海主权争端的启示[J].当代亚太，2010(4):148.
②宋燕辉.近期南海形势之发展与分析[J].东南亚研究，2008(1):38.
①刘阿明.南海问题的实质演变及未来发展[J].国际观察，2013(5):51.
②王联合.南海问题新趋势及前景探析[J].南洋问题研究，2012(4):39.
③马来西亚总理赴弹丸礁“宣示主权”[EB/OL].2009-03-06.http://news.sina.com.cn/c/2009-03-06/005617345262.shtml
①Liselotte Odgaard. Maritime Security Between China and Southeast Asia: Conflict and Cooperation in the Makingof Regional Order[M].Aldershot: Ashgate,2002:108-157.
①刘宏立.日本急于涉足东海、南海事务[EB/OL].环球视野,2008(6)下.http://www.globalview.cn/readnews.asp?newsid=15610.
②任怀峰.论区域外大国介入与南海地区安全格局变动[J].世界经济与政治论坛，2009(5):64.
①K.E.Calder. Fueling the Rising Sun[J].Harvard International Review,Summer,1997:25.
①陈志.日美同盟与东南亚地区安全问题研究[J].日本研究，2010(4):48.
①武美.印度洋大国欲染指南中国海[J].海洋世界，2001(2)：17.
②B. Raman, Understanding China: The view from India[EB/OL].Asia Times, Jun14,2003.http://www.atimes.com/atimes/South_Asia/EF14Df01.html
①马燕冰.印越关系发展对南海问题的影响[J].亚非纵横，2011(6):43.
②吴崇伯.印度与东盟军事和安全合作试析[J].南洋问题研究，2008(3):24.
③赵洪.试论印度与东盟关系[J].国际问题研究，2006(3):35.
④M.K. Bhadrakumar. India picks a quarrel with China[EB/OL] Asia Times Online，sep17，2011.http://www.atimes.com/atimes/China/MI17Ad01.html
⑤Waheguru Pal Singhn Sidhu and Yuan Jing-dong.China and India:Cooperation or Conflict[M]. Lynne RiennerPublishers,Inc,2003:58.
①任佳、张毅.试析冷战后印度对东盟的经济外交[J].国际论坛，2006(6):25.
②Ma jiali. India Steps Up Its Eastward Strategy[J].CIR vol.18,No.5,2008:54.
③Cherian Samuel. Indo-US Defence Cooperation and the Emerging Strategic Relationship[J].Strategic Analysis,Vol.31, No.2, March2007:218.
④Mohammed Ayoob. India Matters[J]. Washington Quarterly, Vol.23, No.1, Winter2000:37.
①程晓勇、曹云华.澳大利亚的东盟政策解析[J].当代亚太，2007(8):25.
①Carl Ungerer. The “Middle Power” Concept in Australian Foreign Policy[J].Australian Journal of Politics andHistory,Vol.53,No.4,2007.
①袁野、王光厚.浅析澳大利亚在南海地区的战略利益[J].海南师范大学学报（社会科学版）,2013(5):108.
②张炜.国家海上安全[M].北京：海潮出版社，2008:333-334.
③2009大洋洲军事盘点澳大利亚发布新国防白皮书[EB/OL].2009-12-24.http://www.china.com.cn/military/txt/2009-12/24/content_19122107.htm.
④Defending Australia in the Asia Pacific Century: Force2030[R/OL].2009:43http://www.defence.gov.au/whitepaper2009/docs/defence_white_paper_2009.pdf.
①王光厚.澳大利亚的南海政策解析[J].东南亚研究，2011(6):12.
②赵洪.试析冷战后东盟与俄罗斯的关系[J].南洋问题研究，2008(4):19.
①杨玲.试论新时期俄罗斯地缘战略的调整[J].当代世界与社会主义，2009(2):118.
①周丕启.大战略分析[M].上海：上海人民出版社，2009:15.
①吴征宇.霸权的逻辑：地理政治与战后美国大战略[M].北京：中国人民大学出版社，2010:213-214.
①Alice Ba, Systemic Neglect? A Reconsideration of US-Southeast Asia Policy [J].Contemporary Southeast Asia,Vol.31,No.3,December2009:370-371．
②美国商务部统计局网站.http://www.census.gov/foreign－trade/balance/.
③美国商务部经济分析局网站.http://www.bea.gov/international/xls/pos_Long_09.xls.
④唐永胜.美国强化亚太同盟体系对中国安全的影响[J].现代国际关系，2013(4):12.
①Bronson Percival.China’s Activities in Southeast Asia and the Implications for U. S. Interests[R/OL].2010.http://www.uscc.gov/hearings/2010hearings/transcripts/10_02_04_trans/10_02_04_trans.pdf.
②The National Military Strategy of the United States of America[R].2011:14
①White House: National Security Strategy,[R/OL].May2010:7.http://www.whitehouse.gov/sites/default/files/rss viewer/national security strategy.
②Hillary Rodham Clinton.America's Engagement in the Asia-Pacific[R/OL].Kahala Hotel Honolulu, HIOctober28,2010.http://m.state.gov/md150141.htm.
③Hillary Rodham Clinton. American’s Pacific Century[R/OL].October11,2011.http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2011/10/11/americas_pacific_century.
①Jian wei Wang. Limited Adversaries: Post-Cold War Sino-American Mutual Image[M].New York and London:Oxford University Press,2000.
②倪世雄.竞争、互信与管控分歧—中美互动视角下的美国亚太战略调整[J].人民论坛·学术前沿，2012(12)（下）:36.
③U.S. Strategic and Defense Relationships in the Asia-Pacific Region[R/OL].2007:2.http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/row/RL33821.pdf.
④National Defense Strategy [R/OL].2008:3.http://www.defense.gov/news/2008%20national%20defense%20strategy.pdf.
⑤James B. Steinberg. East Asia and the Pacific: Administration s Vision of the U. S.－China Relationship[R].Keynote Address at the Center for a New American Security Washington，DC，September24，2009.
①Military Power of the People's Republic of China[R/OL].2009.http://www.defense.gov/pubs/pdfs/China_Military_Power_Report_2009.pdf.
②Hillary Clinton. America’s Pacific Century[EB/OL].ForeignPolicy,November2011.http://www.foreignpolicy. com/articles/2011/10/11/americas_pacific_century? wpisrc=obinsite.
③Jeffrey A. Bader. Obama and China’s Rise: An Inside’s Account of Asia Strategy[M].Brookings Institution PressMarch8,2012:2.
④James Mann, Behold China[EB/OL]The New Republic, April8,2010.http://www.newrepublic.com/article/world/behold-china#.
⑤中美重大战略较量难以避免[N]国际先驱导报,2010-8-9.
⑥阎学通.中美是‘敌大于友’的关系.[EB/OL].2010-3-22.http://news.xinhuanet.com/herald/2010-03/22/content_13221096.htm
⑦阎学通.对中美关系不稳定性分析[J].世界经济与政治2010(12).
⑧朱锋.中美战略竞争与东亚安全秩序的未来[J].世界经济与政治，2013(3):7.
⑨The National Security Strategy of the United States[R/OL]. May2010:10.http://www.whitehouse.gov/sites/default/files/rss_viewer/national_security_strategy.Pdf.
①James Wong. Obama Reveals His Warning on China[N].The New York Times, October24,2012.
②胡波.中美东亚海上权力和平转移：风险、机会及战略[J].世界经济与政治，2013(3).31.
③胡锦涛强调锻造适应历史使命要求的强大人民海军[EB/OL].2006-12-27.http://www.chinanews.com/gn/news/2006/12-27/845038.shtml.
④胡锦涛.坚定不移沿着中国特色社会主义道路前进为全面建成小康社会而奋斗——在中国共产党第十八次
全国代表大会上的报告[M].北京：人民出版社，2012.
⑤首轮中美经济对话:除上月球外主要问题均已谈及[EB/OL].2009-07-29.http://www.chinanews.com/gn/news/2009/07-29/1794984.shtml.
⑥Military and Security Developments Involving the People’s Republic of China[R].2010:18.
①方晓志.对美国南海政策的地缘安全解析[J].太平洋学报，2012(7):20.
①程桂龙.从“离岸平衡”到“危机管控”：美国南海政策的新走向[J].和平与发展，2012(6):45.
②宋德星、李高峰.美国亚太战略的地缘政治考量[J].和平与发展，2011(4):18.
①周丕启.大战略分析[M].上海：上海人民出版社，2009:77.
②Joseph S. Nye, Jr. American Power in21st Century[N].The Korea Times, September14,2009.
①鞠海龙.中国海权参照体系[M].北京：中国社会科学出版社，2012:128.
②姜文华、杨柳青.美军从哪里出发—美国军力大扫描[M].北京：解放军文艺出版社，2003:440-441.
①关岛部署了哪些军事力量?[N].环球时报.2010-10-28.
①李晓、李俊久.美国的霸权地位评估与新兴大国的应对[J].世界经济与政治，2014(1):122.
②Battelle,2013Global R&D Funding Forecast[R/OL].December2012.http://www. rdmag. com/sites/rdmag. com/files/GFF2013Final2013_reduced. pdf.
③Seiji F. Naya and Michael G. Plummer. Economics of the Enterprise for ASEAN Initiative[R/OL].December2004:5-7.https://www.aeaweb.org/assa/2005/0107_1015_1403.pdf.
①江龙晖.美国的战略目标与东南亚[J].江南社会学院学报，2005(1):36.
②白雪峰.布什政府在东南亚的三重战略及走向[J].南洋问题研究，2008(1):58.
③参见美国国务院东亚和太平洋事务管理局2002年12月4日发布的东盟合作计划http://www.state.gov/p/eap/regional/saean/fs/2002/16599.htm.
④White House press release[EB/OL]. October26,2002.http://www.whitehouse.gov/news/releases/2002/10/2002102671html.
⑤陈奕平.美国与新加坡自由贸易协定的战略意义[J].当代亚太，2004(10):32.
⑥美国与东盟签署贸易与投资框架协议[EB/OL].2006-08-25.http://finance.sina.com.cn/j/20060825/17312857186.shtml.
⑦WTO. World Trade2005, Prospects for2006[EB/OL].PRESS/437,11April2006.http://www.wto.org/
①张志东.论冷战后美国与东盟国家的关系[J].东南亚研究1997(4):28.
①胡波.中国海权策：外交、海洋经济及海上力量[M].北京：新华出版社，2012:47.
②刘宏松.霸权国对多边主义制度的有限参与—以冷战后美国参与东盟地区论坛为例[J].外交评论,2007(4):73-74.
①Hillary Rodham Clinton. Remarks with Thai Deputy Prime Minister Korbsak Sabhavasu.[EB/OL].2009-07-21.http://www.state.gov/secretary/rm/2009a/july/126271.htm,july21,2009.
②奥巴马表示美国希望加强同东南亚国家的关系[EB/OL].2009-07-31.http://news.xinhuanet.com/world/2009-07/31/content_11803773.htm
③美国与东盟领导人举行峰会承诺加强双边合作[EB/OL].2009-11-16.http://www.chinanews.com/gj/gj-gjzj/news/2009/11-16/1965909.shtml
①美国—东盟峰会发声明美媒刻意渲染针对中国[EB/OL].2010-09-26.http://news.xinhuanet.com/world/2010-09/26/c_12605765.htm.
②Joint Statement of the2ND U.S.-ASEAN Leaders Meeting[EB/OL].September24,2010.http://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2010/09/24/joint-statement-2nd-us-asean-leaders-meeting.
①吴征宇.地理政治学与大战略[M].北京：中国法制出版社，2012:145.
②Merle David Kellerhals Jr. and Staff Writer.U.S. Ambassador Carden Arrives as Representative to ASEAN[EB/OL].April26,2011.http://iipdigital.usembassy.gov/st/english/article/2011/04/20110426153634elrem0.5713922.html#axzz2uzxlIPOT.
①联合早报：如何看待“钟云”号驶向南海?[EB/OL].2009-03-24.http://news.xinhuanet.com/world/2009-03/24/content_11065316.htm.
②Greg Torodo. A Classic Display of McCain Resilience[N].South China Morning Post, April11,2009:12.
③美高官催促奥巴马介入中国南海争端[EB/OL].2009-07-17.http://news.ifeng.com/world/200907/0717_16_1254610.shtml.
④美议员访问越南谈南海问题挑衅中国主权[EB/OL].2008-08-22.http://world.huanqiu.com/roll/2009-08/554221.html.
⑤美防长挑起争议话题中美在亚安会上短暂交锋[EB/OL].2010-06-07.http://world.huanqiu.com/roll/2010-06/844567.html.
①Hillary Rodham Clinton. Remarks at Press Availability[EB/OL].July23,2010.http://www.state.gov/secretary/20092013clinton/rm/2010/07/145095.htm.
②Geoff Dyer. power play in the south China sea [EB/OL]. August9,2010.http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/d0ba0580-a3e2-11df-9e3a-00144feabdc0.html#axzz2upzwbLQg.
③Hillary Rodham Clinton. Remarks at Press Availability[EB/OL].July23,2010.http://www.state.gov/secretary/20092013clinton/rm/2010/07/145095.htm.
④Joint Statement of the2ND U.S.-ASEAN Leaders Meeting[EB/OL].September24,2010.http://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2010/09/24/joint-statement-2nd-us-asean-leaders-meeting.
⑤李金明.南海问题.美国从中立到高调介入[J].世界知识，2010(24):34.
①刘阿明.变动中的东亚与中美关系[M].北京：知识产权出版社，2012:163.
②Patrick Ventrell.South China Sea.[EB/OL.]Press Statement, U.S. State Department, Washington D.C.,August3,2012.http://www.state.gov/r/pa/prs/ps/2012/08/196022.htm.
③U.S. Department of Defense. Quadrennial Defense Review Report[R/OL]. February2010:59.http://www.defense.gov/qdr/images/QDR_as_of_12Feb10_1000.pdf.
①美国国务卿希拉里与菲律宾外长罗慕洛举行会谈[EB/OL].2009-11-12.http://news.xinhuanet.com/world/2009-11/12/content_12444513.htm.
②Bara K. Hasibuan.US and Indonesia Enter into a Strategic Partnership[EB/OL].The Jakartapost, Feb17,2009.http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2009/02/17/us-and-indonesia-enter-a-strategic-partnership.html.
①新闻分析：希拉里访问印尼意在改善美国与伊斯兰世界关系[EB/OL].2009-02-19.http://news.xinhuanet.com/world/2009-02/19/content_10852201.htm.
②美国与印尼签署全面伙伴关系协议[EB/OL].2010-11-10.http://news.xinhuanet.com/2010-11/10/c_12755854.htm.
③Walter Lohman.United States Should Focus on Building an Enduring Relationship With Indonesia,[EB/OL].March9,2010.http://www.heritage.org/research/commentary/2010/03/united-states-should-focus-on-building-an-enduring-relationship-with-indonesia.
④美议员访问越南称支持越南在南海问题上立场[EB/OL].2009-08-22.http://news.ifeng.com/world/200908/0822_16_1314927.shtml.
⑤胡里奥·里奥斯:骚动的中国海域[N].（西班牙）中国政策观察,2010-8-15.
①提升越美关系层次[EB/OL].越南共产党电子报.2010-07-23.http://dangcongsan.vn/CPV/Modules/News_China/News_Detail_C.aspx?co_id=7338716&cn_id=414325.
②美越宣布建立全面伙伴关系加强防务安全合作[EB/OL].2013-07-26.http://news.ifeng.com/mil/1/detail_2013_07/26/27940186_0.shtml?_jinshanjunshi.
③刘卿.美越关系新发展及前景[J].国际问题研究，2012(2):93.
④Mark E. Manyin. U.S.-Vietnam Relations in2011: Current Issues and Implications for U.S. Policy[R].CRSReport for Congress,May18,2012:1.
①美国希望与马来西亚建立富有成果的关系[EB/OL].2009-09-29.http://news.xinhuanet.com/world/2009-09/28/content_12123136.htm.
②Joint Statement of the United States-Singapore Strategic Partners Dialogue[EB/OL].Washington, DC January18,2012.http://www.state.gov/r/pa/prs/ps/2012/01/181488.htm.
①Jan van Tol, Mark Gunzinger, Andrew F. Krepinevich, and Jim Thomas.Air Sea Battle: A Point of DepartureOperational Concept[R].May18,2010:70.
②美反对用武力解决南海争端称中国“过于自信”[EB/OL].2010-08-18.http://world.huanqiu.com/roll/2010-08/1026163.html.
①David J. Berteau,Michael J.Green. U.S. Force Posture Strategy in the Asia Pacific Region: An IndependentAssessment[R].Center for Strategic and International Studies Report，August2012:31．
②Shirley A. Kan.Guam: U.S. Defense Deployments[R].Congressional Research Service Report for Congress，October25，2012:9.
④美国离南海越来越近[EB/OL].2011-11-21.http://news.xinhuanet.com/mil/2011-11/21/c_122310224.htm.
①美国明年将在新加坡部署濒海战斗舰[EB/OL].2012-06-03.http://news.xinhuanet.com/mil/2012-06/03/c_123228178.htm.
②部署濒海战斗舰[EB/OL].2012-06-03.http://news.ifeng.com/gundong/detail_2012_06/03/15005479_0.shtml.
①美国加快对东南亚军售步伐[EB/OL].2011-09-23.http://world.people.com.cn/GB/15735907.html.
①美国将向菲律宾提供一艘高续航能力巡逻舰[EB/OL].2012-05-01.http://news.ifeng.com/mainland/special/nanhaizhengduan/content-3/detail_2012_05/01/14254381_0.shtml.
①Office of the Spokesperson. U.S.-Vietnam Political, Security, and Defense Dialogue [EB/OL].Washington, DCJune17,2011.http://www.state.gov/r/pa/prs/ps/2011/06/166479.htm.
①Andrew Malandrino, Staff Writer.Indonesia, United States Cooperate to Improve Security[EB/OL].May17，2010.http://iipdigital.usembassy.gov/st/english/article/2010/05/20100517131442jaonirdnalam1.127261e-02.html#axzz2veMWWUjh.
②美国重视印尼地位恢复与其特种部队军事联系[EB/OL].2010-07-23.http://world.huanqiu.com/roll/2010-07/953718.html.
③印尼总统会见美国务卿两国加强防务和安全合作[EB/OL].2012-09-04.http://www.chinanews.com/gj/2012/09-04/4158230.shtml.
①美印签署谅解备忘录强化安全合作[EB/OL].2009-11-25.http://news.sina.com.cn/w/2009-11-25/061519121015.shtml.
②Hillary R. Clinton. America's Engagement in the Asia—Pacific[EB/OL].Honolulu, HI, October28,2010，http://www.state.gov/secretary/rm/2010/10/150141.htm.
③US wants to support India's Look East policy: Clinton, Hindustan times[EB/OL].Washington, November12,2011.http://www.hindustantimes.com/world-news/us-wants-to-support-india-s-look-east-policy-clinton/article1-768138.aspx.
①奥巴马访日重谈合作[EB/OL].209-11-15. http://news.xinhuanet.com/world/2009-11/15/content_12458195.htm.
②美日要求中国停止在南海“妨碍”他国船只[EB/OL].2011-06-22.http://world.huanqiu.com/roll/2011-06/1772409.html.
③White House Blog.President Obama Meets with Prime Minister Noda of Japan[EB/OL].April30,2012.http://www.whitehouse.gov/blog/2012/04/30/president-obama-meets-prime-minister-noda-japan.
④美日澳9日将在南海附近搞军演旨在“共同牵制”中国[EB/OL].2011-07-08.http://world.huanqiu.com/roll/2011-07/1808389.html.
①美印日三边对话主谈海上安全合作[EB/OL].2012-10-29.http://news.xinhuanet.com/world/2012-10/29/c_123880485.htm.
①U.S. Department of States Office of the Spokesperson. United States-ASEAN Cooperation[EB/OL]. Washington,DC July22,2011.http://www.state.gov/r/pa/prs/ps/2011/07/168943.htm.
②MacKenzie C. Babb and Staff Writer.U.S., Southeast Asia Work to Boost Economic Ties[EB/OL].July16,2012.http://iipdigital.usembassy.gov/st/english/article/2012/07/201207169126.html#axzz2vvMlpjX8.
③奥巴马抵达巴厘岛宣布与东盟的贸易协定[EB/OL].2011-10-18.http://www.sinovision.net/portal.php?mod=view&aid=194149.
④Southeast Asian, U.S. Trade Officials Focus on Deepening Ties[EB/OL].June142013.http://iipdigital.usembassy.gov/st/english/article/2013/06/20130614276372.html#axzz2vvMlpjX8.
⑤美智库敦促美国政府应重视加强与东盟国家的经贸联系[EB/OL].2012-01-07.http://www.mofcom.gov.cn/aarticle/i/jyjl/j/201201/20120107933567.html.
①美国贸易代表表示美期待与东盟开展全面合作[EB/OL].2012-08-30.http://news.xinhuanet.com/world/2012-08/30/c_112908060.htm.
②东盟与美国签署倡议以扩大经贸关系[EB/OL].2012-11-20.http://news.xinhuanet.com/world/2012-11/20/c_113736854.htm.
③U.S. Department of State Office of the Spokesperson. United States-ASEAN Engagement[EB/OL].Washington, DC October9,2013.http://www.state.gov/r/pa/prs/ps/2013/10/215228.htm.
④U.S. Philippines Sign Pact to Improve Trade[EB/OL].November14,2011.http://iipdigital.usembassy.gov/st/english/article/2011/11/20111114160658su0.3976644.html#axzz2vvMlpjX8.
⑤美国投资者看好菲律宾经济[EB/OL].2010-01-20.http://www.mofcom.gov.cn/aarticle/i/jyjl/j/201001/20100106753937.html.
①Trade and Investment Focus of U.S.-Indonesia Talks [EB/OL].2012-07-08.http://iipdigital.usembassy.gov/st/english/inbrief/2012/07/201207189241.html#axzz2vvMlpjX8.
②MacKenzie C. Babb and Staff Writer.Clinton Talks Economy, Education with Top Vietnamese Leaders[EB/OL].July102012.http://iipdigital.usembassy.gov/st/english/article/2012/07/201207108793.html#axzz2vvMlpjX8.
③MacKenzie C. Babb and Staff Writer.USTR Kirk Visits Vietnam, Cambodia to Strengthen U.S.-Asia Trade[EB/OL].September4,2012.http://iipdigital.usembassy.gov/st/english/article/2012/09/20120904135472.html#axzz2vvMlpjX8.
④新加坡在美对东盟贸易中扮演重要角色[EB/OL].2013-10-03.http://www.mofcom.gov.cn/article/i/jyjl/j/201310/20131000342357.shtml.
①U.S. and Malaysia are building on economic strengths and bold new reforms [EB/OL].28July2010.http://iipdigital.usembassy.gov/st/english/texttrans/2010/07/20100728141645su0.9809076.html#axzz2vvMlpjX8.
②克林顿国务部长在马来西亚的会晤扩大战略合作[EB/OL].2010-11-03.http://iipdigital.usembassy.gov/st/chinese/article/2010/11/20101103114703kkgnast0.4237744.html#axzz2vvMlpjX8.
①Andrew Malandrino and Staff Writer,United States Supports Malaysia in Trans-Pacific Partnership [EB/OL].26October2010.http://iipdigital.usembassy.gov/st/english/article/2010/10/20101026171757werdna0.544964.html#axzz2vvMlpjX8.
②Vietnam Talks Advance Trans-Pacific Partnership [EB/OL].24April2013.http://iipdigital.usembassy.gov/st/english/article/2013/04/20130424146345.html#axzz2vvMlpjX8.
①周丕启.大战略分析[M].上海：上海人民出版社，2009:232.
①孙逊.美澳军事同盟的新走向[N].解放军报，2011-09-20（04）.
①2013年印尼美国双边贸易创历史新高，中华人民共和国驻印度尼西亚共和国大使馆经济商务参赞处网站.http://id.mofcom.gov.cn/article/ziranziyuan/huiyuan/201402/20140200488363.shtml.
②沈铭辉.东亚合作中的美国因素——以“泛太平洋伙伴关系协定”为例[J].太平洋学报,2010(6)：57-64.
①Dino Patti Djalal. remark at Carnegie Endowment event[EB/OL].Dec.6,2011.http://carnegieendowment.org/files/120611_transcript_RebalancingAsiaTies.Pdf.
①Peter Hartcher.US Marine Base for Darwin[EB/OL].The Sydney Morning Herald，November11,2011.http://www.smh.com.au/national/us-marine-base-for-darwin-20111110-1n9lk.html．
①Henry Kissinger.On China[M].New York:The Penguin Press,2011:221-222.
①Sustaining U.S.Global Leadership: Priorities for21st Century Defense[R]. U.S. Department of Defense,Jan,2012.
②Quadrennial Defense Review [R/OL]. U.S. Department of Defense,2014:27.http://www.defense.gov/pubs/2014_Quadrennial_Defense_Review.pdf
①此论述参考借鉴了北京大学中国战略研究中心胡波博士的学术观点。参见胡波.中国海权策：外交、海洋经济及海上力量[M].北京：新华出版社，2012：161.
①“十二五”规划纲要（全文）[EB/OL].2011-03-16.http://www.china.com.cn/policy/txt/2011-03/16/content_22156007_3.htm.
①参见王家福.国际战略学[M].北京：高等教育出版社，2005.
②鞠海龙.中国海权战略[M].北京：时事出版社，2010:261.
③参见孔志国.海权、竞争产权与屯海策[M].北京：社会科学文献出版社，2011；刘锋.南海开发与安全战略[M].海口：海南出版社，2013.
①参见刘锋.南海开发与安全战略[M].海口：海南出版社，2013：202.
③参见胡波.中国海权策：外交、海洋经济及海上力量[M].北京：新华出版社，2012：228..
[1]吴征宇.霸权的逻辑地理政治与美国大战略[M].北京：中国人民大学出版社，2010.
[2]朱锋、[美]罗伯特·罗斯.中国崛起理论与政策视角[M].上海：上海人民出版社，2008.
[3]刘阿明.变动中的东亚与美国[M].北京：知识产权出版社，2012.
[4]白雪峰.冷战后美国对东南亚的外交：霸权秩序的建构[M].厦门：厦门大学出版社，2011.
[5]孙哲主编.亚太战略变局与中美新型大国关系[M].北京：时事出版社，2012.
[6]郑永年.通往大国之路：中国与世界秩序的重塑[M].北京：东方出版社，2011.
[7]刘雪莲编著.地缘政治学[M].长春：吉林大学出版社，2002.
[8]师小芹.论海权与中美关系[M].北京：军事科学出版社，2012.
[9]鞠海龙.中国海权战略[M].北京：时事出版社，2010.
[10]吴征宇.地理政治学与大战略[M].北京：中国法制出版社，2012.
[11]曹云华、鞠海龙主编.南海地区形势报告(2011-2012)[M].北京：时事出版社，2012.
[12]曹云华、鞠海龙主编.南海地区形势报告(2012-2013)[M].北京：时事出版社，2013.
[13]鞠海龙.亚洲海权地缘格局论[M].北京：中国社会科学出版社，2007.
[14]周丕启.大战略分析[M].上海：上海人民出版社，2009.
[15]郭渊.南海地缘政治研究[M].哈尔滨：黑龙江大学出版社，2007.
[16]吴士存、朱华友主编.聚焦南海—地缘政治·资源·航道[M].北京：中国经济出版社，2009.
[17]陆俊元.地缘政治的本质与规律[M].北京：时事出版社，2005.
[18]李义虎.地缘政治学：二分论及其超越[M].北京：北京大学出版社，2007.
[19]王家福、徐萍.国际战略学[M].北京：高等教育出版社，2005.
[20]郑泽民.南海问题中的大国因素[M].北京：世界知识出版社，2010.
[21]鞠海龙.中国海权战略参照体系[M].北京：中国社会科学出版社，2012.
[22]陆俊元.中国地缘安全[M].北京：时事出版社，2012.
[23]潘忠岐.与霸权相处的逻辑[M].上海：上海人民出版社，2012.
[24]钮先钟.西方战略思想史[M].桂林：广西师范大学出版社，2003.
[25]冯梁主编.亚太主要国家海洋安全战略研究[M].北京：世界知识出版社，2012.
[26]郭渊.地缘政治与南海争端[M].北京：中国社会科学出版社，2011.
[27]梁芳.海上战略通道论[M].北京：时事出版社，2011.
[28]王缉思主编.布什主义的兴衰[M].北京：世界知识出版社，2012.
[29]中国现代国际关系研究院.海上通道安全与国际合作[M].北京：时事出版社，2005.
[30]王缉思、[美]李侃如.中美战略互疑：解析与应对[M].北京：社会科学文献出版社，2013.
[31]樊吉社、张帆.美国军事：冷战后的战略调整[M].北京：社会科学文献出版社，2010.
[32]阮宗泽.中国崛起与东亚国际秩序的转型[M].北京：北京大学出版社，2007.
[33]阎学通.历史的惯性：未来十年的中国与世界[M].北京：中信出版社，2013.
[34]王帆主编.美国对华中长期战略研究[M].北京：世界知识出版社，2012.
[35]杨金森.海洋强国兴衰史略[M].北京：海洋出版社，2007.
[36]汪波.美国冷战后世界新秩序的理论与实践[M].北京：时事出版社，2005.
[37]汤闯新.美国新全球战略[M]北京：三联书店，2012.
[38]赵景芳.美国战略文化研究[M].北京：时事出版社，2009.
[39]季国兴.中国的海洋安全与海域管辖[M].上海：上海：上海人民出版社，2009.
[40]胡宗山.国际关系理论与方法论[M].北京：世界知识出版社，2007.
[41]孔志国.海权、竞争产权与屯海策[M].北京：社会科学文献出版社，2011.
[42]钮先钟.战略研究[M].桂林：广西师范大学出版社，2003.
[43]王湘穗.赶超与遏制：中美博弈的历史逻辑[M].武汉：长江文艺出版社，2012.
[44]张文木.世界地缘政治中的中国国家利益分析[M].北京：中国社会科学出版社，2012.
[45]张文木.国家战略能力与大国博弈[M].济南：山东人民出版社，2012.
[46]刘中民.世界海洋政治与中国海洋发展战略[M].北京：时事出版社，2009.
[47]王生荣.海权对大国兴衰的历史影响[M].北京：海潮出版社，2009.
[48]张炜主编.国家海上安全[M].北京：海潮出版社，2008.
[49]刘锋.南海开发与安全战略[M].海口：海南出版社，2013.
[50]阎学通、孙学峰.中国崛起及其战略[M].北京：北京大学出版社，2005.
[51]黄大慧主编.变化中的东亚与美国[M].北京：社会科学文献出版社，2010.
[52]倪乐雄.文明转型与中国海权——从陆权走向海权的历史必然[M].上海：文汇出版社，2011.
[53]孙学峰.中国崛起困境：理论思考与战略选择[M].北京：社会科学文献出版社，2011.
[54]葛汉文.历史视野下的西方地缘政治思想[M].北京：军事谊文出版社，2011.
[55]刘从德主编.地缘政治学导论[M].北京：中国人民大学出版社，2010.
[56]吴士存.南沙争端的起源与发展[M].北京：中国经济出版社，2013.
[57]胡波.中国海权策：外交、海洋经济及海上力量[M].北京：新华出版社，2012.
[1][美]罗伯特·卡普兰著涵朴译.即将到来的地缘战争[M].广州：广东人民出版社，2013.
[2][美]阿尔弗雷德·赛尔·马汉著范祥涛译.亚洲问题及其对国际政治的影响[M].上海：上海三联书店，2007.
[3][美]罗伯特·卡普兰著吴兆礼、毛悦译.印度洋与美国权力的未来[M].北京：社会科学文献出版社，2013.
[4][美]威廉·W·凯勒、托马斯·G·罗斯基编刘江译.中国崛起与亚洲势力均衡[M].上海：上海人民出版社，2010.
[5][美]威廉·恩道尔著戴健、顾秀林、朱宪超译.目标中国：华盛顿的“屠龙战略”[M].北京：中国民主法治出版社，2013.
[6][美]兹比格涅夫·布热津斯基著洪曼、于卉芹、何卫宁译.战略远见：美国与全球战略危机[M].北京：新华出版社，2011.
[7][美]阿伦·弗里德伯格著洪漫、张琳、王宇丹译.中美亚洲大博弈[M].北京：新华出版社，2012.
[8][美]约瑟夫·S·奈著刘华译.美国注定领导世界？美国权力性质的变迁[M].北京：中国人民大学出版社，2012.
[9][美]克里斯托弗·莱恩著孙建中译.和平的幻想：1940年以来的美国大战略[M].上海：上海人民出版社，2009.
[10][美]亨利·基辛格著胡利平、凌建平译.美国的全球战略[M].海口：海南出版社，2009.
[11][英]朱利安·S·科贝特著仇昊译.海上战略的若干原则[M].上海：上海人民出版社，2012.
[12][美]索尔·科恩著严春松译.地缘政治学：国际关系的地理学[M].上海：上海社会科学院出版社，2011.
[13][美]韩德著马荣久、牛悦、孙方舟、杨光、译.美利坚独步天下：美国是如何获得和动用它的世界优势的[M].上海：上海人民出版社，2011.
[14][英]杰弗里·蒂尔著师小芹译.21世纪海权指南[M].上海：上海人民出版社，2013.
[15][美]兹比格纽·布热津斯基著中国国际问题研究所译.大棋局：美国的首要地位及其地缘战略[M].上海：上海人民出版社，2007.
[16][美]约翰·伊肯伯里主编韩召颖译.美国无敌：均势的未来[M].北京：北京大学出版社，2005.
[17][美]约翰·伊肯伯里著门洪华译.大战胜利之后：制度、战略约束与战后秩序的重建[M].北京：北京大学出版社，2008.
[18][美]斯蒂芬·沃尔特著周丕启译.联盟的起源[M].北京：北京大学出版社，2007.
[19][美]罗伯特·阿特著郭树勇译.美国大战略[M].北京：北京大学出版社，2005.
[20][美]詹姆斯·多尔蒂、小罗伯特·普法尔茨格拉夫著阎学通、陈寒溪译.争论中的国际关系理论[M].北京：世界知识出版社，2003.
[21][美]约翰·刘易斯·加迪斯著潘亚玲译.长和平：冷战史考察[M].上海：上海人民出版社，2011.
[22][美]罗伯特·卡根著刘若楠译.美国缔造的世界[M].北京：社会科学文献出版社，2013.
[23][美]斯皮克曼著刘愈之译.和平地理学[M].北京：商务印书馆，1965.
[1]陆俊元.美国国家安全战略中的地缘政治思想[J].人文地理，1999(3):61-64.
[2]余颂.美国对南中国海的军事渗透[J].国际资料信息，2000(12):30.
[3]李华.冷战后美国南中国海政策分析[J].云南行政学院学报，2005(5):11.
[4]林利民.9·11以来美国地缘战略的调整及其影响[J].世界经济与政治，2004(5):36.
[5]蔡鸿鹏.美国南海政策剖析[J].现代国际关系，2009(9):1-7，35.
[6]王飞.新加坡与美国的军事合作关系[J].东南亚研究，2004(3):52.
[7]鞠海龙、葛红亮.美国重返东南亚对南海安全形势的影响[J].世界经济与政治论坛，2010(1):87-97.
[8]张勇.奥巴马政府的亚太地区“少边主义”外交浅析[J].美国研究，2012(2):3.
[9]王传剑.理性看待美国战略重心东移[J].外交评论，2012(5):45.
[10]任怀峰.论区域外大国介入与南海地区安全格局变动[J].世界经济与政治论坛，2009(5):64.
[11]王光厚.澳大利亚的南海政策解析[J].东南亚研究，2011(6):12.
[12]杨玲.试论新时期俄罗斯地缘战略的调整[J].当代世界与社会主义，2009(2):118.
[13]吴心伯.论奥巴马政府的亚太战略[J].国际问题研究，2012(2):71.
[14]许琳.奥巴马政府亚太战略解析[J].东北亚论坛，2012(4):38.
[15]倪世雄.竞争、互信与管控分歧—中美互动视角下的美国亚太战略调整[J].人民论坛·学术前沿，2012(12)（下）:36.
[16]王联合.南海问题新趋势及前景探析[J].南洋问题研究，2012(4):39.
[17]朱锋.中美战略竞争与东亚安全秩序的未来[J].世界经济与政治，2013(3):7.
[18]刘阿明.南海问题的实质演变及未来发展[J].国际观察，2013(5):51.
[19]邵建平、李晨阳.东盟国家处理海域争端的方式及其对解决南海主权争端的启示[J].当代亚太，2010(4):148.
[20]陈衍德陈遥.20世纪末以来中、美与东盟的三边互动关系—以权力转移为视角[J].当代亚太，2009(6):77.
[21]李小军.试析美国对中国在东南亚力量崛起的安全评估[J].东南亚研究，2012(3):39.
[22]刘雪莲、曲恩道.奥巴马政府积极介入南海问题的层次性动因分析[J].国际观察，2013(4):39.
[23]张学昆.美国介入南海问题的地缘政治学分析[J].国际论坛，2013(6):21-27.
[24]方晓志.对美国南海政策的地缘安全解析[J].太平洋学报，2012(7):20.
[25]赵洪.试析冷战后东盟与俄罗斯的关系[J].南洋问题研究，2008(4):19.
[26]程晓勇、曹云华：澳大利亚的东盟政策解析[J].当代亚太，2007(8):25.
[27]任佳、张毅.试析冷战后印度对东盟的经济外交[J].国际论坛，2006(6):25.
[28]赵洪.试论印度与东盟关系[J].国际问题研究，2006(3):35.
[29]吴崇伯.印度与东盟军事和安全合作试析[J].南洋问题研究，2008(3):24.
[30]马燕冰.印越关系发展对南海问题的影响[J].亚非纵横，2011(6):43.
[31]鞠海龙.美国奥巴马政府南海政策研究[J].当代亚太，2011(3):97-111.
[32]阎学通.对中美关系不稳定性分析[J].世界经济与政治,2010(12):12.
[33]何志工、安小平.南海争端中的美国因素及其影响[J].当代亚太,2010(1)：137.
[34]郭渊.冷战后美国的南中国海政策[J].学术探索，2008(1):55.
[35]张明亮.冷战前美国的南中国海政策[J].南洋问题研究，2006(2):34.
[36]王传剑.美国的南中国海政策：历史与现实[J].外交评论，2009(6):87-100.
[37]江洋、王义桅.美国亚太战略中的南中国海问题[J].东南亚研究1998(5)：36-37.
[38]刘建飞.美国战略重心东移背景下的南海局势与中美关系[J].国际关系学院学报，2012(4):93-98.
[39]萨本望、喻舒曼.关于美国“重返亚太”的几点看法[J].和平与发展,2012(1):30.
[40]刘卿.美越关系新发展及前景[J].国际问题研究，2012(2):93.
[41]吴征宇.关于层次分析的若干问题[J].欧洲，2001(6):3.
[42]刘宏松.霸权国对多边主义制度的有限参与—以冷战后美国参与东盟地区论坛为例[J].外交评论，2007(4):73-74.
[43]张志东.论冷战后美国与东盟国家的关系[J].东南亚研究1997(4):28.
[44]白雪峰.布什政府在东南亚的三重战略及走向[J].南洋问题研究，2008(1):58.
[45]李晓、李俊久.美国的霸权地位评估与新兴大国的应对[J].世界经济与政治，2014(1):122.
[46]宋德星、李高峰.美国亚太战略的地缘政治考量[J].和平与发展，2011(4):18.
[47]程桂龙.从“离岸平衡”到“危机管控”：美国南海政策的新走向[J].和平与发展，2012(6):45.
[48]唐永胜.美国强化亚太同盟体系对中国安全的影响[J].现代国际关系，2013(4):12.
[49]郭渊.遏制战略与美国的南中国海政策[J].太平洋学报，2012(11):39-47.
[1] Saul B. Cohen. Geography and Politics in a World Divided [M].New York: OxfordUniversity Press,1975:29.
[2] Geoffrey Parker. Geopolitics: Past, Present and Future[M].London:Pinter,1998:5.
[3] Carl von Clausewitz. On War, trans. by Michael Howard and Peter Parat[M].Princeton University Press,1989:128.
[4] Francis P. Sempa. Geopolitics: From the Cold War to the21st Century[M].NewBrunswick, NL: Transaction Publishers,2002:103-104.
[5] John B. Hattendorf,ed. the Influence of History on Mahan[M].Newport RhodeIsland: Naval War College,1991:183.
[6] Nicholas J. Spykman. America’s Strategy in World Politics[M].NewYork：Harcourt,1942:125,161.
[7] Zbigniew Brzezinski, In Quest of National Security[M].Boulder: Wesview Press,1988:26.
[8] Francis P. Sempa. Geopolitics: From the Cold War to the21st Centuary [M]. NL:Transaction Publishers,2002:103-104.
[9] Colin Mac Andrews and Chia Lin Sien. Southeast Asian seas, Frontiers forDevelopment[M]. McGraw-Hill International Book Company,1981:226-234.
[10] Shu Guang Zhang. Deterrence and Strategic Culture：Chinese AmericanConfrontation,1949-1958[M]. New York:Cornell University Press,1992:152.
[11] Liselotte Odgaard.Maritime Security between China and Southeast Asia [M].Ashgate Publishing Company,2002:131.
[12] Lee Lai To.China and South China Sea Dialogues[M]. USA: PreagarPublishers,1999:143.
[13] Jian wei Wang. Limited Adversaries: Post-Cold War Sino-American MutualImage[M].New York and London: Oxford University Press,2000.
[1] Robert D. Kaplan,Will Rogers and Ian Storey. Cooperation from Strength TheUnited States, China and the South China Sea[R].January2012.
[2] The Military Power of the People's Republic of China2005[R]. Annual Report toCongress Office of the Secretary of Defense, July19,2005.
[3] U.S. Department of Defense. Quadrennial Defense Review Report[R].September30,2001.
[4] U.S. Department of Defense. The Unite States Security Strategy for the East AsiaPacific Region[R].1995.
[5] U.S. Department of Defense.The Unite States Security Strategy for the East AsiaPacific Region[R].1998.
[6] White House: National Security Strategy[R]. May2010:1.
[7] CSIS. Commission on Smart Power, A Smarter, More Secure American[R].2007.
[8] U.S. Department of Defense. Quadrennial Defense Review Report[R].February,2010.
[9] Defending Australia in the Asia Pacific Century: Force2030[R].2009.
[10] U.S. Strategic and Defense Relationships in the Asia-Pacific Region[R].2007.
[11] The National Security Strategy of the United States[R]. May2010.
[12] Military and Security Developments Involving the People’s Republic of China[R].2010.
[13] Bronson Percival. China’s Activities in Southeast Asia and the Implications for U.S. Interests [R].2010.
[14] The National Military Strategy of the United States of America[R].2011:14.
[15] Seiji F. Naya and Michael G. Plummer. Economics of the Enterprise for ASEANInitiative[R].December2004.
[16] Mark E. Manyin.U.S.-Vietnam Relations in2011: Current Issues andImplicationsfor U.S. Policy[R].CRS Report for Congress,May18,2012.
[17] Jan van Tol, Mark Gunzinger, Andrew F. Krepinevich, and Jim Thomas.Air SeaBattle: A Point of Departure Operational Concept[R].May18,2010.
[18] David J. Berteau, Michael J.Green. U.S. Force Posture Strategy in the Asia PacificRegion: An Independent Assessment[R].Center for Strategic and InternationalStudies Report,August2012.
[19] U.S. Department of Defense.Sustaining U.S.Global Leadership: Priorities for21stCentury Defense[R]. Jan.2012.
[20] U.S. Department of Defense.Quadrennial Defense Review [R]. March2014.
[21] Battelle,2013Global R&D Funding Forecast[R].December2012.
[1] John W. Garver. China's Push through the South China Sea: The Interaction ofBureaucratic and National Interests[J].The China Quarterly, No.132(Dec.,1992),pp.999-1028.
[2] Michael G. Gallagher. China's Illusory Threat to the South China Sea [J].International Security, Vol.19, No.1Summer,1994:169-194.
[3] Thomas J. Christensen. China, the U.S.-Japan Alliance, and the Security Dilemma inEast Asia [J].International Security, Vol.23, No.4Spring,1999:49-80.
[4] Samuel S. G. Wu and Bruce Bueno de Mesquita. Assessing the Dispute in the SouthChina Sea: A Model of China's Security Decision Making[J].International StudiesQuarterly, Vol.38, No.3Sep.1994:379-403.
[5] Cheng-yi Lin.Taiwan's South China Sea Policy[J].Asian Survey, Vol.37, No.4Apr1997:323-339.
[6] Eric Hyer. The South China Sea Disputes: Implications of China's Earlier TerritorialSettlements[J].Pacific Affairs, Vol.68, No.1Spring,1995:34-54.
[7] Pierre-Yves Manguin. Trading Ships of the South China Sea. ShipbuildingTechniques and Their Role in the History of the Development of Asian TradeNetworks [J].Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, Vol.36, No.31993:253-280.
[8] David Zweig and Bi Jianhai.China's Global Hunt for Energy[J].Foreign Affairs, Vol.84, No.5Sep.-Oct.,2005:25-38.
[9] Nicholas D. Kristof.The Rise of China [J]. Foreign Affairs, Vol.72, No.5Nov.-Dec.,1993:59-74.
[10] Richard Bernstein and Ross H. Munro. The Coming Conflict with America[J].Foreign Affairs, Vol.76, No.2Mar.-Apr.,1997:18-32.
[11]Robert S. Ross.Beijing as a Conservative Power[J].Foreign Affairs, Vol.76, No.2Mar.-Apr.,1997:33-44.
[12] Michael T. Klar.The New Geography of Conflict[J].Foreign Affairs, Vol.80, No.3May-Jun.2001:49-61.
[13] Hongyi Harry Lai.China's Oil Diplomacy: Is It a Global Security Threat?[J].ThirdWorld Quarterly, Vol.28, No.32007:519-537.
[14] Brantly Womack. China between Region and World[J].The China Journal, No.61Jan.2009:1-20.
[15] M. C.Thailand, Indo-China, and Japan's South Sea Policy[J].Bulletin ofInternational News, Vol.18, No.5Mar.8,1941:259-266.
[16] June Teufel Dreyer.Sino-Japanese Rivalry and Its Implications for DevelopingNations[J].Asian Survey, Vol.46, No.4July/August2006:538-557.
[17] Joshua H. Ho. The Security of Sea Lanes in Southeast Asia[J].Asian Survey, Vol.46, No.4July/August2006:558-574.
[18] Tamara Renee Shie. Rising Chinese Influence in the South Pacific: Beijing's“Island Fever”[J].Asian Survey, Vol.47, No.2March/April2007:307-326.
[19] Lawrence Sáez.U.S. Policy and Energy Security in South Asia: EconomicProspects and Strategic Implications[J].Asian Survey, Vol.47, No.4July/August2007:657-678.
[20] Leszek Buszynski,The South China Sea: Oil, Maritime Claims, and U.S.—ChinaStrategic Rivalry[J].The Washington Quarterly,Spring2012:139-156.
②Colin S. Gray. Inescapable Geography[J].Journal of Strategic Studies, June/September1999:164-165.
①陆俊元.地缘政治的本质与规律[M].北京：时事出版社，2005:86.
①参见曹云华、鞠海龙.南海地区形势报告2011-2012[M].北京：时事出版社，2012.
①参见王恩涌.政治地理学[M].北京：高等教育出版社，1998:279.
②H. Kissinger.The White House Years[M].Boston: Little Brown,1979:914.
③Geoffrey Parker.Geopolitics: Past, Present and Future[M].London:Pinter,1998:5.
④布热津斯基.竞赛方案—进行美苏竞争的地缘战略纲领[M].北京：对外翻译出版公司，1988:6.
⑤陆俊元.地缘政治的本质与规律[M].北京：时事出版社，2005:86.
①钮先钟.战略研究[M].桂林：广西师范大学出版社，2003:2.
②钮先钟.西方战略思想史[M].桂林：广西师范大学出版社，2003:153-154.
③Carl von Clausewitz,On War,trans.by Michael Howard and Peter Parat[M].Princeton University Press,1989:128.
④B.H.Liddell-Hart,Strategy: The Indirect Approach[M].1967:335.
⑤钮先钟.战略研究[M].桂林：广西师范大学出版社，2003:23.
①王家福.国际战略学[M].北京：高等教育出版社，2005:1.
②沈伟烈.地缘政治学概论[M].北京：国防大学出版社，2005:5.
③郭渊.地缘政治与南海争端[M].北京：中国社会科学出版社，2011:369.
①张明亮.冷战前美国的南中国海政策[J].南洋问题研究，2006(2):34.
③参见郭渊.遏制战略与美国的南中国海政策[J].太平洋学报，2012(11):39-47.
①参见邵笑.简析尼克松时期的南海政策[J].东南亚研究，2012(3):25-31.
②参见王传剑.美国的南中国海政策：历史与现实[J].外交评论，2009(6):87-100.
③参见江洋、王义桅.美国亚太战略中的南中国海问题[J].东南亚研究，1998(5):36-37.
④参见何志工、安小平.南海争端中的美国因素及其影响[J].当代亚太2010(1):137.
①参见郭渊.冷战后美国的南中国海政策[J].学术探索，2008(1):55.
②参见李华.冷战后美国南中国海政策分析[J].云南行政学院学报2002(5):11-12.
③参见蔡鸿鹏.美国南海政策剖析[J].现代国际关系，2009(9):1-7，35.
①参见鞠海龙.美国奥巴马政府南海政策研究[J].当代亚太，2011(3):97-111.
②参见李金明.美国重返亚洲与南海问题的复杂化[J].新东方，2012(1):1-6.
③参见刘建飞.美国战略重心东移背景下的南海局势与中美关系[J].国际关系学院学报，2012(4):93-98.
①参见鞠海龙、葛红亮.美国重返东南亚对南海安全形势的影响[J].世界经济与政治论坛，2010(1):87-97.
②参见袁征.美国重返亚太与东海、南海问题[J].和平与发展，2012(5):8-9.
③参见惠耕田.南海问题国际化的多层次动因[J].战略决策研究，2013(2):8.
④参见郭振雪.美国南海问题政策演变的海权分析与中国对策[J].延边大学学报，2012(4):41.
⑤参见方晓志.对美国南海政策的地缘安全解析[J].太平洋学报，2012(7):47-49.
②参见张学昆.美国介入南海问题的地缘政治学分析[J].国际论坛，2013(6):21-27.
③[美]威廉·恩道尔.目标中国—华盛顿的屠龙战略[M].北京：中国民主法治出版社，2013:110-112.
①Robert D.Kaplan, The South China Sea Is the Future of Conflict[R/OL], August15,2011.http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2011/08/15/the_south_china_sea_is_the_future_of_conflict
②Leszek Buszynski,The South China Sea: Oil, Maritime Claims, and U.S.—China Strategic Rivalry[J].TheWashington Quarterly, Spring2012:139-156.
①Walter Lohman.Spratly Islands:The Challenge to US Leadership in the South China Sea,[EB/OL] February26,2009.http://www.heritage.org/research/reports/2009/02/spratly-islands-the-challenge-to-us-leadership-in-the-south-china-sea.
②see Peter A. Dutton.China’s View s of Sovereignty and Methods of Access Control[R/OL]. Testimony before theU.S-China Economic and Security Review Commission, February27,2008.http://origin.www.uscc.gov/sites/default/files/transcripts/3.25.08HearingTranscript.pdfRichard Cronin. Maritime Territorial Disputes and Sovereignty Issues in Asia [EB/OL].Testimony before theSenate Subcommittee on East Asia and Pacific Affairs, July15,2009.http://www.state.gov/p/eap/rls/rm/2012/09/197982.htm
③参见朱锋、[美]罗伯特·罗斯主编.中国崛起：理论与政策视角[M].上海：上海人民出版社，2008:284.
④Patrick M. Cronin Contributors: Patrick M. Cronin, Peter A. Dutton, M. Taylor Fravel, James R. Holmes, RobertD.Kaplan, Will Rogers and Ian Storey，Cooperation from Strength The United States, China and the South ChinaSea[R/OL].January2012.http://www.cnas.org/files/documents/publications/CNAS_CooperationFromStrength_Cronin_1.pdf.
①刘雪莲、曲恩道.奥巴马政府积极介入南海问题的层次性动因分析[J].国际观察，2013(4):39.
②秦亚青.层次分析法与国际关系研究[J].欧洲，1998(3):5.
①Francis P. Sempa. Geopolitics: From the Cold War to the21st Century [M].New Brunswick, NL: TransactionPublishers,2002：103-104.
①陆俊元.从自然主义到结构主义：地缘政治学方法论演变[J].人文地理，2007(5):108.
②刘一建.制海权与海军战略[M].北京：国防大学出版社，2000:4.
③[美]艾·塞·马汉著萧伟中、梅然译.海权论[M].北京：中国言实出版社，1997:305.
④[美]艾·塞·马汉著蔡鸿干、田长吉译.海军战略[M].北京：商务印书馆，1994:188.
⑤Alfred Thayer Mahan.The Influence of Sea Power upon History,1660-1783[M].Boston:Little,Brown,andCompany,1890:51-92.
⑦[美]艾·塞·马汉著萧伟中、梅然译.海权论[M].北京：中国言实出版社，1997:358-359.
⑧Alfred Thayer Mahan.The Influence of Sea Power upon History,1660-1783[M].Boston:Little,Brown,andCompany,1890:29-92.
①[美]艾·塞·马汉著萧伟中、梅然译.海权论[M].北京：中国言实出版社，1997:152.
②John B. Hattendorf,ed. the Influence of History on Mahan[M].Newport Rhode Island: Naval War College,1991:183.
③师小芹.论海权与中美关系[M].北京：军事科学出版社，2012:247.
④The Unite States Security Strategy for the East Asia Pacific Region[R].Department of Defense,1998:56.
①[美]阿尔弗雷德·塞尔·马汉著范祥涛译.亚洲问题及其对国际政治的影响[M].上海：三联书店，2007:41.
③[美]斯皮克曼著刘愈之译.和平地理学[M].北京：商务印书馆，1965:76.
①李义虎.地缘政治学：二分论及其超越[M].北京：北京大学出版社，2007：96-97.
③[美]斯皮克曼著刘愈之译.和平地理学[M].北京：商务印书馆，1967:4-5.
④吴征宇.地理政治与大战略[M].北京：中国法制出版社，2012:83.
①陆俊元.美国国家安全战略中的地缘政治思想[J].人文地理，1999(3):61-64.
②方永刚、康复全.大国逐鹿——新地缘政治[M].成都：四川人民出版社，2001:30.
③Colin Mac Andrews and Chia Lin Sien. Southeast Asian seas, Frontiers for Development[M]. McGraw-HillInternational Book Company,1981:226-234.
①国玉奇、[俄]丘德诺夫.地缘政治学与世界秩序[M].重庆：重庆出版社，2007:76.
②Zbigniew Brzezinski, In Quest of National Security[M].Boulder: Wesview Press,1988:26.
③[美]兹比格纽·布热津斯基中国国际问题研究所译.大棋局[M].上海：上海人民出版社，2007:26-27.
④同上42.
①Liselotte Odgaard.Maritime Security between China and Southeast Asia [M]. Ashgate Publishing Company,2002:131.
①李国强.南中国海研究：历史与现状[M].哈尔滨：黑龙江教育出版社，2003:397.
②The Unite States Security Strategy for the East Asia Pacific Region[R].Department of Defense,1995:20.
①US Department of State [N].Daily Press Briefing,May10,1995.
②Far Eastern Economy Review[N].August3,1995.
③吴士存.南沙争端的起源与发展[M].北京：中国经济出版社，2010:167.
④李国强.南中国海研究：历史与现状[M].哈尔滨：黑龙江教育出版社，2003:398.
⑤李华.冷战后美国南中国海政策分析[J].云南行政学院学报，2005(5):11.
①Lee Lai To.China and South China Sea Dialogues[M]. USA: Preagar Publishers,1999:143.
②余颂.美国对南中国海的军事渗透[J].国际资料信息.2000(12):30.
③南海问题的历史与现状[EB/OL].2013-12-09.http://www.globalview.cn/readnews.asp?newsid=23187.
①林利民.9·11以来美国地缘战略的调整及其影响[J].世界经济与政治，2004(5):36.
①王志闻.现代海盗制造混乱,亚太地区出事最多,全球有五大恐怖水域[N].环球时报，2002-11-14(3).
②U.S.Department of Defense. Quadrennial Defense Review Report[R].September30,2001:4.
①王飞.新加坡与美国的军事合作关系[J].东南亚研究，2004(3):52.
①U.S. Department of Defense. Quadrennial Defense Review Report[R/OL].September30,2001:8.http://www.defense.gov/pubs/qdr2001.pdf.
②The Military Power of the People's Republic of China2005[R/OL]. Annual Report to Congress Office of theSecretary of Defense, July19,2005:1.http://www.defense.gov/news/jul2005/d20050719china.pdf.
①[美]约翰·加迪斯著时殷弘译.遏制战略.战后美国国家安全政策评析[M].北京：世界知识出版社，2005:6.
①潘忠岐.与霸权相处的逻辑[M].上海：上海人民出版社2012:185.
②Robert A.Pape. Empire Falls[J].National Interest,No.99,February22,2009:21-34.
③王缉思.布什主义的兴衰[M].北京：世界知识出版社2012:13.
①White House: National Security Strategy,[R/OL], May2010:1.http://www.whitehouse.gov/sites/default/files/rss viewer/national security strategy.
②White House: National Security Strategy,[R/OL], May2010:7.http://www.whitehouse.gov/sites/default/files/rss viewer/national security strategy.
③White House: National Security Strategy,[R/OL], May2010:2.http://www.whitehouse.gov/sites/default/files/rss viewer/national security strategy.
①CSIS. Commission on Smart Power, A Smarter, More Secure American[R/OL].2007:17-21.http://csis.org/files/media/csis/pubs/071106_csissmartpowerreport.pdf.
②Barack Obama. Renewing American Leadership[EB/OL]. Foreign Affairs, July/August,2007.http://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/62636/barack-obama/renewing-american-leadership?page=5
③Robert Gates. A Balanced Strategy: Reprogramming the Pentagon for a New Age[EB/OL]. Foreign Affairs,January/February2009. http://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/63717/robert-m-gates/a-balanced-strategy.
④Hillary Rodham Clinton. Nomination Hearing To Be Secretary of State[EB/OL]. Statement before the SenateForeign Relations Committee Washington, DC January13,2009.http://www.state.gov/secretary/rm/2009a/01/115196.htm.
⑤Hillary Rodham Clinton. Remarks on the Obama Administration’s National Security Strategy at The BrookingsInstitute[EB/OL]. Washington, DC May27,2010.http://www.state.gov/secretary/rm/20010/05/142312.htm.
①Hillary Rodham Clinton. U.S.-Asia Relations: Indispensable to Our Future[EB/OL]. New York. February13,2009.http://www.state.gov/secretary/rm/2009a/02/117333.htm.
②Barack Obama, Renewing American Leadership[EB/OL]. Foreign Affairs, July/August,2007.http://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/62636/barack-obama/renewing-american-leadership?page=5.
③Ashley. J. Tellis, Andrew Marble and Travis Tanner, ed. Asia’s Rising Powers and America’s ContinuedPurpose[M].10th anniversary edition, The National Bureau of Asian Research, Seattle, WA, and Washington,D.C,2010：61.
①Jeremy Gran t. Trading on Asia-Pacific exchanges overtakes Europe[N]. Financial Times, M arch3,2010.
②Robert B. Zoellick.The End of the Third World? Modernizing Multilateralism for a Multipolar World[EB/OL].April14,2010.http://www.worldbank.org
③Haig Simonian. Asia’s wealthy drive a fragile recovery[N]. Financial Time,March19,2010.
④Hillary Clinton. America’s Pacific Century [EB/OL].Foreign Policy，November2011..http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2011/10/11/americas_pacific_century.
⑤奥巴马在日演讲称“美国是太平洋国家”[EB/OL].2009-11-14.http://world.huanqiu.com/roll/2009-11/632260.html.
⑥张勇.奥巴马政府的亚太地区“少边主义”外交浅析[J].美国研究，2012(2):73.
①White House. National Security Strategy[R/OL].May2010：41.http://www.whitehouse.gov/sites/default/files/rss viewer/national security strategy.
③许琳.奥巴马政府亚太战略解析[J].东北亚论坛，2012(4):38.
④钱荣文.奥巴马政府的新亚洲战略[J].亚非纵横，2009(4):2.
①U.S. Department of Defense. Quadrennial Defense Review Report[R/OL].February,2010:65.http://www.defense.gov/qdr/qdr%20as%20of%2029jan10%201600.pdf.
②Robert M. Gates.A Balanced Strategy: Reprogramming the Pentagon for a New Age[EB/OL].Foreign Affairs,January/February,2009.http://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/63717/robert-m-gates/a-balanced-strategy.
③吴心伯.论奥巴马政府的亚太战略[J].国际问题研究，2012(2):71.
④王传剑.理性看待美国战略重心东移[J].外交评论，2012(5):45.
①Bian Shen. New opportunity for China-ASEAN trade[N].Beijing Review,2003-5-1(18).
②阮宗泽.中国崛起与东亚国际秩序的转型[M].北京：北京大学出版社，2007:123.
①Denis D. Gray. Anxiety and opportunities mount as Chinese colossus exerts influence on Southeast Asia [M].Associated Press,30March2004.
②杨荣文.东盟为适应新世界格局而重新定位[N].（新加坡）海峡时报2005-9-8.
③王岐山在第五届中国—东盟商务与投资峰会开幕式上的演讲[EB/OL].2008-10-22.http://news.xinhuanet.com/newscenter/2008-10/22/content_10233271_1.htm.
④Thomas Lum, Wayne M· Morrison and Bruce Vaughn. China’s ‘Soft Power’ in Southeast Asia[J/OL].January4,2008summary.http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/row/RL34310.pdf.
⑤Lyall Breckon, China and Southeast Asia Relations: SARS and a New Security Initiative from China[R/OL].2003:76.http://csis.org/files/media/csis/pubs/0302qchina_seasia.pdf.
⑥李小军.试析美国对中国在东南亚力量崛起的安全评估[J].东南亚研究，2012(3):39.
⑦陈衍德、陈遥.20世纪末以来中、美与东盟的三边互动关系—以权力转移为视角[J].当代亚太，2009(6):77.
①中国绝不谋求支配地位[EB/OL].2005-12-15.http://news.sina.com.cn/w/2005-12-15/07047711991s.shtml.
②刘阿明.变动中的东亚与中美关系[M].北京：知识产权出版社，2012:58.
①陈奕平.依赖与抗争—冷战后东盟国家对美国战略[M].北京：世界知识出版社,2006:232.
②View s of a Changing World: The Pew Global Attitude Project[M].The Pew Research Center for People and thePress, June2003:19.
③Victor Sum sky. America in East Asia: The Rise and The Waning of a Benevolent Hegemon Image[J].TheJapanese Journal of American Studies, No.18,2007:138-139.
①邵建平、李晨阳.东盟国家处理海域争端的方式及其对解决南海主权争端的启示[J].当代亚太，2010(4):148.
②宋燕辉.近期南海形势之发展与分析[J].东南亚研究，2008(1):38.
①刘阿明.南海问题的实质演变及未来发展[J].国际观察，2013(5):51.
②王联合.南海问题新趋势及前景探析[J].南洋问题研究，2012(4):39.
③马来西亚总理赴弹丸礁“宣示主权”[EB/OL].2009-03-06.http://news.sina.com.cn/c/2009-03-06/005617345262.shtml
①Liselotte Odgaard. Maritime Security Between China and Southeast Asia: Conflict and Cooperation in the Makingof Regional Order[M].Aldershot: Ashgate,2002:108-157.
①刘宏立.日本急于涉足东海、南海事务[EB/OL].环球视野,2008(6)下.http://www.globalview.cn/readnews.asp?newsid=15610.
②任怀峰.论区域外大国介入与南海地区安全格局变动[J].世界经济与政治论坛，2009(5):64.
①K.E.Calder. Fueling the Rising Sun[J].Harvard International Review,Summer,1997:25.
①陈志.日美同盟与东南亚地区安全问题研究[J].日本研究，2010(4):48.
①武美.印度洋大国欲染指南中国海[J].海洋世界，2001(2)：17.
②B. Raman, Understanding China: The view from India[EB/OL].Asia Times, Jun14,2003.http://www.atimes.com/atimes/South_Asia/EF14Df01.html
①马燕冰.印越关系发展对南海问题的影响[J].亚非纵横，2011(6):43.
②吴崇伯.印度与东盟军事和安全合作试析[J].南洋问题研究，2008(3):24.
③赵洪.试论印度与东盟关系[J].国际问题研究，2006(3):35.
④M.K. Bhadrakumar. India picks a quarrel with China[EB/OL] Asia Times Online，sep17，2011.http://www.atimes.com/atimes/China/MI17Ad01.html
⑤Waheguru Pal Singhn Sidhu and Yuan Jing-dong.China and India:Cooperation or Conflict[M]. Lynne RiennerPublishers,Inc,2003:58.
①任佳、张毅.试析冷战后印度对东盟的经济外交[J].国际论坛，2006(6):25.
②Ma jiali. India Steps Up Its Eastward Strategy[J].CIR vol.18,No.5,2008:54.
③Cherian Samuel. Indo-US Defence Cooperation and the Emerging Strategic Relationship[J].Strategic Analysis,Vol.31, No.2, March2007:218.
④Mohammed Ayoob. India Matters[J]. Washington Quarterly, Vol.23, No.1, Winter2000:37.
①程晓勇、曹云华.澳大利亚的东盟政策解析[J].当代亚太，2007(8):25.
①Carl Ungerer. The “Middle Power” Concept in Australian Foreign Policy[J].Australian Journal of Politics andHistory,Vol.53,No.4,2007.
①袁野、王光厚.浅析澳大利亚在南海地区的战略利益[J].海南师范大学学报（社会科学版）,2013(5):108.
②张炜.国家海上安全[M].北京：海潮出版社，2008:333-334.
③2009大洋洲军事盘点澳大利亚发布新国防白皮书[EB/OL].2009-12-24.http://www.china.com.cn/military/txt/2009-12/24/content_19122107.htm.
④Defending Australia in the Asia Pacific Century: Force2030[R/OL].2009:43http://www.defence.gov.au/whitepaper2009/docs/defence_white_paper_2009.pdf.
①王光厚.澳大利亚的南海政策解析[J].东南亚研究，2011(6):12.
②赵洪.试析冷战后东盟与俄罗斯的关系[J].南洋问题研究，2008(4):19.
①杨玲.试论新时期俄罗斯地缘战略的调整[J].当代世界与社会主义，2009(2):118.
①周丕启.大战略分析[M].上海：上海人民出版社，2009:15.
①吴征宇.霸权的逻辑：地理政治与战后美国大战略[M].北京：中国人民大学出版社，2010:213-214.
①Alice Ba, Systemic Neglect? A Reconsideration of US-Southeast Asia Policy [J].Contemporary Southeast Asia,Vol.31,No.3,December2009:370-371．
②美国商务部统计局网站.http://www.census.gov/foreign－trade/balance/.
③美国商务部经济分析局网站.http://www.bea.gov/international/xls/pos_Long_09.xls.
④唐永胜.美国强化亚太同盟体系对中国安全的影响[J].现代国际关系，2013(4):12.
①Bronson Percival.China’s Activities in Southeast Asia and the Implications for U. S. Interests[R/OL].2010.http://www.uscc.gov/hearings/2010hearings/transcripts/10_02_04_trans/10_02_04_trans.pdf.
②The National Military Strategy of the United States of America[R].2011:14
①White House: National Security Strategy,[R/OL].May2010:7.http://www.whitehouse.gov/sites/default/files/rss viewer/national security strategy.
②Hillary Rodham Clinton.America's Engagement in the Asia-Pacific[R/OL].Kahala Hotel Honolulu, HIOctober28,2010.http://m.state.gov/md150141.htm.
③Hillary Rodham Clinton. American’s Pacific Century[R/OL].October11,2011.http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2011/10/11/americas_pacific_century.
①Jian wei Wang. Limited Adversaries: Post-Cold War Sino-American Mutual Image[M].New York and London:Oxford University Press,2000.
②倪世雄.竞争、互信与管控分歧—中美互动视角下的美国亚太战略调整[J].人民论坛·学术前沿，2012(12)（下）:36.
③U.S. Strategic and Defense Relationships in the Asia-Pacific Region[R/OL].2007:2.http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/row/RL33821.pdf.
④National Defense Strategy [R/OL].2008:3.http://www.defense.gov/news/2008%20national%20defense%20strategy.pdf.
⑤James B. Steinberg. East Asia and the Pacific: Administration s Vision of the U. S.－China Relationship[R].Keynote Address at the Center for a New American Security Washington，DC，September24，2009.
①Military Power of the People's Republic of China[R/OL].2009.http://www.defense.gov/pubs/pdfs/China_Military_Power_Report_2009.pdf.
②Hillary Clinton. America’s Pacific Century[EB/OL].ForeignPolicy,November2011.http://www.foreignpolicy. com/articles/2011/10/11/americas_pacific_century? wpisrc=obinsite.
③Jeffrey A. Bader. Obama and China’s Rise: An Inside’s Account of Asia Strategy[M].Brookings Institution PressMarch8,2012:2.
④James Mann, Behold China[EB/OL]The New Republic, April8,2010.http://www.newrepublic.com/article/world/behold-china#.
⑤中美重大战略较量难以避免[N]国际先驱导报,2010-8-9.
⑥阎学通.中美是‘敌大于友’的关系.[EB/OL].2010-3-22.http://news.xinhuanet.com/herald/2010-03/22/content_13221096.htm
⑦阎学通.对中美关系不稳定性分析[J].世界经济与政治2010(12).
⑧朱锋.中美战略竞争与东亚安全秩序的未来[J].世界经济与政治，2013(3):7.
⑨The National Security Strategy of the United States[R/OL]. May2010:10.http://www.whitehouse.gov/sites/default/files/rss_viewer/national_security_strategy.Pdf.
①James Wong. Obama Reveals His Warning on China[N].The New York Times, October24,2012.
②胡波.中美东亚海上权力和平转移：风险、机会及战略[J].世界经济与政治，2013(3).31.
③胡锦涛强调锻造适应历史使命要求的强大人民海军[EB/OL].2006-12-27.http://www.chinanews.com/gn/news/2006/12-27/845038.shtml.
④胡锦涛.坚定不移沿着中国特色社会主义道路前进为全面建成小康社会而奋斗——在中国共产党第十八次
全国代表大会上的报告[M].北京：人民出版社，2012.
⑤首轮中美经济对话:除上月球外主要问题均已谈及[EB/OL].2009-07-29.http://www.chinanews.com/gn/news/2009/07-29/1794984.shtml.
⑥Military and Security Developments Involving the People’s Republic of China[R].2010:18.
①方晓志.对美国南海政策的地缘安全解析[J].太平洋学报，2012(7):20.
①程桂龙.从“离岸平衡”到“危机管控”：美国南海政策的新走向[J].和平与发展，2012(6):45.
②宋德星、李高峰.美国亚太战略的地缘政治考量[J].和平与发展，2011(4):18.
①周丕启.大战略分析[M].上海：上海人民出版社，2009:77.
②Joseph S. Nye, Jr. American Power in21st Century[N].The Korea Times, September14,2009.
①鞠海龙.中国海权参照体系[M].北京：中国社会科学出版社，2012:128.
②姜文华、杨柳青.美军从哪里出发—美国军力大扫描[M].北京：解放军文艺出版社，2003:440-441.
①关岛部署了哪些军事力量?[N].环球时报.2010-10-28.
①李晓、李俊久.美国的霸权地位评估与新兴大国的应对[J].世界经济与政治，2014(1):122.
②Battelle,2013Global R&D Funding Forecast[R/OL].December2012.http://www. rdmag. com/sites/rdmag. com/files/GFF2013Final2013_reduced. pdf.
③Seiji F. Naya and Michael G. Plummer. Economics of the Enterprise for ASEAN Initiative[R/OL].December2004:5-7.https://www.aeaweb.org/assa/2005/0107_1015_1403.pdf.
①江龙晖.美国的战略目标与东南亚[J].江南社会学院学报，2005(1):36.
②白雪峰.布什政府在东南亚的三重战略及走向[J].南洋问题研究，2008(1):58.
③参见美国国务院东亚和太平洋事务管理局2002年12月4日发布的东盟合作计划http://www.state.gov/p/eap/regional/saean/fs/2002/16599.htm.
④White House press release[EB/OL]. October26,2002.http://www.whitehouse.gov/news/releases/2002/10/2002102671html.
⑤陈奕平.美国与新加坡自由贸易协定的战略意义[J].当代亚太，2004(10):32.
⑥美国与东盟签署贸易与投资框架协议[EB/OL].2006-08-25.http://finance.sina.com.cn/j/20060825/17312857186.shtml.
⑦WTO. World Trade2005, Prospects for2006[EB/OL].PRESS/437,11April2006.http://www.wto.org/
①张志东.论冷战后美国与东盟国家的关系[J].东南亚研究1997(4):28.
①胡波.中国海权策：外交、海洋经济及海上力量[M].北京：新华出版社，2012:47.
②刘宏松.霸权国对多边主义制度的有限参与—以冷战后美国参与东盟地区论坛为例[J].外交评论,2007(4):73-74.
①Hillary Rodham Clinton. Remarks with Thai Deputy Prime Minister Korbsak Sabhavasu.[EB/OL].2009-07-21.http://www.state.gov/secretary/rm/2009a/july/126271.htm,july21,2009.
②奥巴马表示美国希望加强同东南亚国家的关系[EB/OL].2009-07-31.http://news.xinhuanet.com/world/2009-07/31/content_11803773.htm
③美国与东盟领导人举行峰会承诺加强双边合作[EB/OL].2009-11-16.http://www.chinanews.com/gj/gj-gjzj/news/2009/11-16/1965909.shtml
①美国—东盟峰会发声明美媒刻意渲染针对中国[EB/OL].2010-09-26.http://news.xinhuanet.com/world/2010-09/26/c_12605765.htm.
②Joint Statement of the2ND U.S.-ASEAN Leaders Meeting[EB/OL].September24,2010.http://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2010/09/24/joint-statement-2nd-us-asean-leaders-meeting.
①吴征宇.地理政治学与大战略[M].北京：中国法制出版社，2012:145.
②Merle David Kellerhals Jr. and Staff Writer.U.S. Ambassador Carden Arrives as Representative to ASEAN[EB/OL].April26,2011.http://iipdigital.usembassy.gov/st/english/article/2011/04/20110426153634elrem0.5713922.html#axzz2uzxlIPOT.
①联合早报：如何看待“钟云”号驶向南海?[EB/OL].2009-03-24.http://news.xinhuanet.com/world/2009-03/24/content_11065316.htm.
②Greg Torodo. A Classic Display of McCain Resilience[N].South China Morning Post, April11,2009:12.
③美高官催促奥巴马介入中国南海争端[EB/OL].2009-07-17.http://news.ifeng.com/world/200907/0717_16_1254610.shtml.
④美议员访问越南谈南海问题挑衅中国主权[EB/OL].2008-08-22.http://world.huanqiu.com/roll/2009-08/554221.html.
⑤美防长挑起争议话题中美在亚安会上短暂交锋[EB/OL].2010-06-07.http://world.huanqiu.com/roll/2010-06/844567.html.
①Hillary Rodham Clinton. Remarks at Press Availability[EB/OL].July23,2010.http://www.state.gov/secretary/20092013clinton/rm/2010/07/145095.htm.
②Geoff Dyer. power play in the south China sea [EB/OL]. August9,2010.http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/d0ba0580-a3e2-11df-9e3a-00144feabdc0.html#axzz2upzwbLQg.
③Hillary Rodham Clinton. Remarks at Press Availability[EB/OL].July23,2010.http://www.state.gov/secretary/20092013clinton/rm/2010/07/145095.htm.
④Joint Statement of the2ND U.S.-ASEAN Leaders Meeting[EB/OL].September24,2010.http://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2010/09/24/joint-statement-2nd-us-asean-leaders-meeting.
⑤李金明.南海问题.美国从中立到高调介入[J].世界知识，2010(24):34.
①刘阿明.变动中的东亚与中美关系[M].北京：知识产权出版社，2012:163.
②Patrick Ventrell.South China Sea.[EB/OL.]Press Statement, U.S. State Department, Washington D.C.,August3,2012.http://www.state.gov/r/pa/prs/ps/2012/08/196022.htm.
③U.S. Department of Defense. Quadrennial Defense Review Report[R/OL]. February2010:59.http://www.defense.gov/qdr/images/QDR_as_of_12Feb10_1000.pdf.
①美国国务卿希拉里与菲律宾外长罗慕洛举行会谈[EB/OL].2009-11-12.http://news.xinhuanet.com/world/2009-11/12/content_12444513.htm.
②Bara K. Hasibuan.US and Indonesia Enter into a Strategic Partnership[EB/OL].The Jakartapost, Feb17,2009.http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2009/02/17/us-and-indonesia-enter-a-strategic-partnership.html.
①新闻分析：希拉里访问印尼意在改善美国与伊斯兰世界关系[EB/OL].2009-02-19.http://news.xinhuanet.com/world/2009-02/19/content_10852201.htm.
②美国与印尼签署全面伙伴关系协议[EB/OL].2010-11-10.http://news.xinhuanet.com/2010-11/10/c_12755854.htm.
③Walter Lohman.United States Should Focus on Building an Enduring Relationship With Indonesia,[EB/OL].March9,2010.http://www.heritage.org/research/commentary/2010/03/united-states-should-focus-on-building-an-enduring-relationship-with-indonesia.
④美议员访问越南称支持越南在南海问题上立场[EB/OL].2009-08-22.http://news.ifeng.com/world/200908/0822_16_1314927.shtml.
⑤胡里奥·里奥斯:骚动的中国海域[N].（西班牙）中国政策观察,2010-8-15.
①提升越美关系层次[EB/OL].越南共产党电子报.2010-07-23.http://dangcongsan.vn/CPV/Modules/News_China/News_Detail_C.aspx?co_id=7338716&cn_id=414325.
②美越宣布建立全面伙伴关系加强防务安全合作[EB/OL].2013-07-26.http://news.ifeng.com/mil/1/detail_2013_07/26/27940186_0.shtml?_jinshanjunshi.
③刘卿.美越关系新发展及前景[J].国际问题研究，2012(2):93.
④Mark E. Manyin. U.S.-Vietnam Relations in2011: Current Issues and Implications for U.S. Policy[R].CRSReport for Congress,May18,2012:1.
①美国希望与马来西亚建立富有成果的关系[EB/OL].2009-09-29.http://news.xinhuanet.com/world/2009-09/28/content_12123136.htm.
②Joint Statement of the United States-Singapore Strategic Partners Dialogue[EB/OL].Washington, DC January18,2012.http://www.state.gov/r/pa/prs/ps/2012/01/181488.htm.
①Jan van Tol, Mark Gunzinger, Andrew F. Krepinevich, and Jim Thomas.Air Sea Battle: A Point of DepartureOperational Concept[R].May18,2010:70.
②美反对用武力解决南海争端称中国“过于自信”[EB/OL].2010-08-18.http://world.huanqiu.com/roll/2010-08/1026163.html.
①David J. Berteau,Michael J.Green. U.S. Force Posture Strategy in the Asia Pacific Region: An IndependentAssessment[R].Center for Strategic and International Studies Report，August2012:31．
②Shirley A. Kan.Guam: U.S. Defense Deployments[R].Congressional Research Service Report for Congress，October25，2012:9.
④美国离南海越来越近[EB/OL].2011-11-21.http://news.xinhuanet.com/mil/2011-11/21/c_122310224.htm.
①美国明年将在新加坡部署濒海战斗舰[EB/OL].2012-06-03.http://news.xinhuanet.com/mil/2012-06/03/c_123228178.htm.
②部署濒海战斗舰[EB/OL].2012-06-03.http://news.ifeng.com/gundong/detail_2012_06/03/15005479_0.shtml.
①美国加快对东南亚军售步伐[EB/OL].2011-09-23.http://world.people.com.cn/GB/15735907.html.
①美国将向菲律宾提供一艘高续航能力巡逻舰[EB/OL].2012-05-01.http://news.ifeng.com/mainland/special/nanhaizhengduan/content-3/detail_2012_05/01/14254381_0.shtml.
①Office of the Spokesperson. U.S.-Vietnam Political, Security, and Defense Dialogue [EB/OL].Washington, DCJune17,2011.http://www.state.gov/r/pa/prs/ps/2011/06/166479.htm.
①Andrew Malandrino, Staff Writer.Indonesia, United States Cooperate to Improve Security[EB/OL].May17，2010.http://iipdigital.usembassy.gov/st/english/article/2010/05/20100517131442jaonirdnalam1.127261e-02.html#axzz2veMWWUjh.
②美国重视印尼地位恢复与其特种部队军事联系[EB/OL].2010-07-23.http://world.huanqiu.com/roll/2010-07/953718.html.
③印尼总统会见美国务卿两国加强防务和安全合作[EB/OL].2012-09-04.http://www.chinanews.com/gj/2012/09-04/4158230.shtml.
①美印签署谅解备忘录强化安全合作[EB/OL].2009-11-25.http://news.sina.com.cn/w/2009-11-25/061519121015.shtml.
②Hillary R. Clinton. America's Engagement in the Asia—Pacific[EB/OL].Honolulu, HI, October28,2010，http://www.state.gov/secretary/rm/2010/10/150141.htm.
③US wants to support India's Look East policy: Clinton, Hindustan times[EB/OL].Washington, November12,2011.http://www.hindustantimes.com/world-news/us-wants-to-support-india-s-look-east-policy-clinton/article1-768138.aspx.
①奥巴马访日重谈合作[EB/OL].209-11-15. http://news.xinhuanet.com/world/2009-11/15/content_12458195.htm.
②美日要求中国停止在南海“妨碍”他国船只[EB/OL].2011-06-22.http://world.huanqiu.com/roll/2011-06/1772409.html.
③White House Blog.President Obama Meets with Prime Minister Noda of Japan[EB/OL].April30,2012.http://www.whitehouse.gov/blog/2012/04/30/president-obama-meets-prime-minister-noda-japan.
④美日澳9日将在南海附近搞军演旨在“共同牵制”中国[EB/OL].2011-07-08.http://world.huanqiu.com/roll/2011-07/1808389.html.
①美印日三边对话主谈海上安全合作[EB/OL].2012-10-29.http://news.xinhuanet.com/world/2012-10/29/c_123880485.htm.
①U.S. Department of States Office of the Spokesperson. United States-ASEAN Cooperation[EB/OL]. Washington,DC July22,2011.http://www.state.gov/r/pa/prs/ps/2011/07/168943.htm.
②MacKenzie C. Babb and Staff Writer.U.S., Southeast Asia Work to Boost Economic Ties[EB/OL].July16,2012.http://iipdigital.usembassy.gov/st/english/article/2012/07/201207169126.html#axzz2vvMlpjX8.
③奥巴马抵达巴厘岛宣布与东盟的贸易协定[EB/OL].2011-10-18.http://www.sinovision.net/portal.php?mod=view&aid=194149.
④Southeast Asian, U.S. Trade Officials Focus on Deepening Ties[EB/OL].June142013.http://iipdigital.usembassy.gov/st/english/article/2013/06/20130614276372.html#axzz2vvMlpjX8.
⑤美智库敦促美国政府应重视加强与东盟国家的经贸联系[EB/OL].2012-01-07.http://www.mofcom.gov.cn/aarticle/i/jyjl/j/201201/20120107933567.html.
①美国贸易代表表示美期待与东盟开展全面合作[EB/OL].2012-08-30.http://news.xinhuanet.com/world/2012-08/30/c_112908060.htm.
②东盟与美国签署倡议以扩大经贸关系[EB/OL].2012-11-20.http://news.xinhuanet.com/world/2012-11/20/c_113736854.htm.
③U.S. Department of State Office of the Spokesperson. United States-ASEAN Engagement[EB/OL].Washington, DC October9,2013.http://www.state.gov/r/pa/prs/ps/2013/10/215228.htm.
④U.S. Philippines Sign Pact to Improve Trade[EB/OL].November14,2011.http://iipdigital.usembassy.gov/st/english/article/2011/11/20111114160658su0.3976644.html#axzz2vvMlpjX8.
⑤美国投资者看好菲律宾经济[EB/OL].2010-01-20.http://www.mofcom.gov.cn/aarticle/i/jyjl/j/201001/20100106753937.html.
①Trade and Investment Focus of U.S.-Indonesia Talks [EB/OL].2012-07-08.http://iipdigital.usembassy.gov/st/english/inbrief/2012/07/201207189241.html#axzz2vvMlpjX8.
②MacKenzie C. Babb and Staff Writer.Clinton Talks Economy, Education with Top Vietnamese Leaders[EB/OL].July102012.http://iipdigital.usembassy.gov/st/english/article/2012/07/201207108793.html#axzz2vvMlpjX8.
③MacKenzie C. Babb and Staff Writer.USTR Kirk Visits Vietnam, Cambodia to Strengthen U.S.-Asia Trade[EB/OL].September4,2012.http://iipdigital.usembassy.gov/st/english/article/2012/09/20120904135472.html#axzz2vvMlpjX8.
④新加坡在美对东盟贸易中扮演重要角色[EB/OL].2013-10-03.http://www.mofcom.gov.cn/article/i/jyjl/j/201310/20131000342357.shtml.
①U.S. and Malaysia are building on economic strengths and bold new reforms [EB/OL].28July2010.http://iipdigital.usembassy.gov/st/english/texttrans/2010/07/20100728141645su0.9809076.html#axzz2vvMlpjX8.
②克林顿国务部长在马来西亚的会晤扩大战略合作[EB/OL].2010-11-03.http://iipdigital.usembassy.gov/st/chinese/article/2010/11/20101103114703kkgnast0.4237744.html#axzz2vvMlpjX8.
①Andrew Malandrino and Staff Writer,United States Supports Malaysia in Trans-Pacific Partnership [EB/OL].26October2010.http://iipdigital.usembassy.gov/st/english/article/2010/10/20101026171757werdna0.544964.html#axzz2vvMlpjX8.
②Vietnam Talks Advance Trans-Pacific Partnership [EB/OL].24April2013.http://iipdigital.usembassy.gov/st/english/article/2013/04/20130424146345.html#axzz2vvMlpjX8.
①周丕启.大战略分析[M].上海：上海人民出版社，2009:232.
①孙逊.美澳军事同盟的新走向[N].解放军报，2011-09-20（04）.
①2013年印尼美国双边贸易创历史新高，中华人民共和国驻印度尼西亚共和国大使馆经济商务参赞处网站.http://id.mofcom.gov.cn/article/ziranziyuan/huiyuan/201402/20140200488363.shtml.
②沈铭辉.东亚合作中的美国因素——以“泛太平洋伙伴关系协定”为例[J].太平洋学报,2010(6)：57-64.
①Dino Patti Djalal. remark at Carnegie Endowment event[EB/OL].Dec.6,2011.http://carnegieendowment.org/files/120611_transcript_RebalancingAsiaTies.Pdf.
①Peter Hartcher.US Marine Base for Darwin[EB/OL].The Sydney Morning Herald，November11,2011.http://www.smh.com.au/national/us-marine-base-for-darwin-20111110-1n9lk.html．
①Henry Kissinger.On China[M].New York:The Penguin Press,2011:221-222.
①Sustaining U.S.Global Leadership: Priorities for21st Century Defense[R]. U.S. Department of Defense,Jan,2012.
②Quadrennial Defense Review [R/OL]. U.S. Department of Defense,2014:27.http://www.defense.gov/pubs/2014_Quadrennial_Defense_Review.pdf
①此论述参考借鉴了北京大学中国战略研究中心胡波博士的学术观点。参见胡波.中国海权策：外交、海洋经济及海上力量[M].北京：新华出版社，2012：161.
①“十二五”规划纲要（全文）[EB/OL].2011-03-16.http://www.china.com.cn/policy/txt/2011-03/16/content_22156007_3.htm.
①参见王家福.国际战略学[M].北京：高等教育出版社，2005.
②鞠海龙.中国海权战略[M].北京：时事出版社，2010:261.
③参见孔志国.海权、竞争产权与屯海策[M].北京：社会科学文献出版社，2011；刘锋.南海开发与安全战略[M].海口：海南出版社，2013.
①参见刘锋.南海开发与安全战略[M].海口：海南出版社，2013：202.
③参见胡波.中国海权策：外交、海洋经济及海上力量[M].北京：新华出版社，2012：228..
[1]吴征宇.霸权的逻辑地理政治与美国大战略[M].北京：中国人民大学出版社，2010.
[2]朱锋、[美]罗伯特·罗斯.中国崛起理论与政策视角[M].上海：上海人民出版社，2008.
[3]刘阿明.变动中的东亚与美国[M].北京：知识产权出版社，2012.
[4]白雪峰.冷战后美国对东南亚的外交：霸权秩序的建构[M].厦门：厦门大学出版社，2011.
[5]孙哲主编.亚太战略变局与中美新型大国关系[M].北京：时事出版社，2012.
[6]郑永年.通往大国之路：中国与世界秩序的重塑[M].北京：东方出版社，2011.
[7]刘雪莲编著.地缘政治学[M].长春：吉林大学出版社，2002.
[8]师小芹.论海权与中美关系[M].北京：军事科学出版社，2012.
[9]鞠海龙.中国海权战略[M].北京：时事出版社，2010.
[10]吴征宇.地理政治学与大战略[M].北京：中国法制出版社，2012.
[11]曹云华、鞠海龙主编.南海地区形势报告(2011-2012)[M].北京：时事出版社，2012.
[12]曹云华、鞠海龙主编.南海地区形势报告(2012-2013)[M].北京：时事出版社，2013.
[13]鞠海龙.亚洲海权地缘格局论[M].北京：中国社会科学出版社，2007.
[14]周丕启.大战略分析[M].上海：上海人民出版社，2009.
[15]郭渊.南海地缘政治研究[M].哈尔滨：黑龙江大学出版社，2007.
[16]吴士存、朱华友主编.聚焦南海—地缘政治·资源·航道[M].北京：中国经济出版社，2009.
[17]陆俊元.地缘政治的本质与规律[M].北京：时事出版社，2005.
[18]李义虎.地缘政治学：二分论及其超越[M].北京：北京大学出版社，2007.
[19]王家福、徐萍.国际战略学[M].北京：高等教育出版社，2005.
[20]郑泽民.南海问题中的大国因素[M].北京：世界知识出版社，2010.
[21]鞠海龙.中国海权战略参照体系[M].北京：中国社会科学出版社，2012.
[22]陆俊元.中国地缘安全[M].北京：时事出版社，2012.
[23]潘忠岐.与霸权相处的逻辑[M].上海：上海人民出版社，2012.
[24]钮先钟.西方战略思想史[M].桂林：广西师范大学出版社，2003.
[25]冯梁主编.亚太主要国家海洋安全战略研究[M].北京：世界知识出版社，2012.
[26]郭渊.地缘政治与南海争端[M].北京：中国社会科学出版社，2011.
[27]梁芳.海上战略通道论[M].北京：时事出版社，2011.
[28]王缉思主编.布什主义的兴衰[M].北京：世界知识出版社，2012.
[29]中国现代国际关系研究院.海上通道安全与国际合作[M].北京：时事出版社，2005.
[30]王缉思、[美]李侃如.中美战略互疑：解析与应对[M].北京：社会科学文献出版社，2013.
[31]樊吉社、张帆.美国军事：冷战后的战略调整[M].北京：社会科学文献出版社，2010.
[32]阮宗泽.中国崛起与东亚国际秩序的转型[M].北京：北京大学出版社，2007.
[33]阎学通.历史的惯性：未来十年的中国与世界[M].北京：中信出版社，2013.
[34]王帆主编.美国对华中长期战略研究[M].北京：世界知识出版社，2012.
[35]杨金森.海洋强国兴衰史略[M].北京：海洋出版社，2007.
[36]汪波.美国冷战后世界新秩序的理论与实践[M].北京：时事出版社，2005.
[37]汤闯新.美国新全球战略[M]北京：三联书店，2012.
[38]赵景芳.美国战略文化研究[M].北京：时事出版社，2009.
[39]季国兴.中国的海洋安全与海域管辖[M].上海：上海：上海人民出版社，2009.
[40]胡宗山.国际关系理论与方法论[M].北京：世界知识出版社，2007.
[41]孔志国.海权、竞争产权与屯海策[M].北京：社会科学文献出版社，2011.
[42]钮先钟.战略研究[M].桂林：广西师范大学出版社，2003.
[43]王湘穗.赶超与遏制：中美博弈的历史逻辑[M].武汉：长江文艺出版社，2012.
[44]张文木.世界地缘政治中的中国国家利益分析[M].北京：中国社会科学出版社，2012.
[45]张文木.国家战略能力与大国博弈[M].济南：山东人民出版社，2012.
[46]刘中民.世界海洋政治与中国海洋发展战略[M].北京：时事出版社，2009.
[47]王生荣.海权对大国兴衰的历史影响[M].北京：海潮出版社，2009.
[48]张炜主编.国家海上安全[M].北京：海潮出版社，2008.
[49]刘锋.南海开发与安全战略[M].海口：海南出版社，2013.
[50]阎学通、孙学峰.中国崛起及其战略[M].北京：北京大学出版社，2005.
[51]黄大慧主编.变化中的东亚与美国[M].北京：社会科学文献出版社，2010.
[52]倪乐雄.文明转型与中国海权——从陆权走向海权的历史必然[M].上海：文汇出版社，2011.
[53]孙学峰.中国崛起困境：理论思考与战略选择[M].北京：社会科学文献出版社，2011.
[54]葛汉文.历史视野下的西方地缘政治思想[M].北京：军事谊文出版社，2011.
[55]刘从德主编.地缘政治学导论[M].北京：中国人民大学出版社，2010.
[56]吴士存.南沙争端的起源与发展[M].北京：中国经济出版社，2013.
[57]胡波.中国海权策：外交、海洋经济及海上力量[M].北京：新华出版社，2012.
[1][美]罗伯特·卡普兰著涵朴译.即将到来的地缘战争[M].广州：广东人民出版社，2013.
[2][美]阿尔弗雷德·赛尔·马汉著范祥涛译.亚洲问题及其对国际政治的影响[M].上海：上海三联书店，2007.
[3][美]罗伯特·卡普兰著吴兆礼、毛悦译.印度洋与美国权力的未来[M].北京：社会科学文献出版社，2013.
[4][美]威廉·W·凯勒、托马斯·G·罗斯基编刘江译.中国崛起与亚洲势力均衡[M].上海：上海人民出版社，2010.
[5][美]威廉·恩道尔著戴健、顾秀林、朱宪超译.目标中国：华盛顿的“屠龙战略”[M].北京：中国民主法治出版社，2013.
[6][美]兹比格涅夫·布热津斯基著洪曼、于卉芹、何卫宁译.战略远见：美国与全球战略危机[M].北京：新华出版社，2011.
[7][美]阿伦·弗里德伯格著洪漫、张琳、王宇丹译.中美亚洲大博弈[M].北京：新华出版社，2012.
[8][美]约瑟夫·S·奈著刘华译.美国注定领导世界？美国权力性质的变迁[M].北京：中国人民大学出版社，2012.
[9][美]克里斯托弗·莱恩著孙建中译.和平的幻想：1940年以来的美国大战略[M].上海：上海人民出版社，2009.
[10][美]亨利·基辛格著胡利平、凌建平译.美国的全球战略[M].海口：海南出版社，2009.
[11][英]朱利安·S·科贝特著仇昊译.海上战略的若干原则[M].上海：上海人民出版社，2012.
[12][美]索尔·科恩著严春松译.地缘政治学：国际关系的地理学[M].上海：上海社会科学院出版社，2011.
[13][美]韩德著马荣久、牛悦、孙方舟、杨光、译.美利坚独步天下：美国是如何获得和动用它的世界优势的[M].上海：上海人民出版社，2011.
[14][英]杰弗里·蒂尔著师小芹译.21世纪海权指南[M].上海：上海人民出版社，2013.
[15][美]兹比格纽·布热津斯基著中国国际问题研究所译.大棋局：美国的首要地位及其地缘战略[M].上海：上海人民出版社，2007.
[16][美]约翰·伊肯伯里主编韩召颖译.美国无敌：均势的未来[M].北京：北京大学出版社，2005.
[17][美]约翰·伊肯伯里著门洪华译.大战胜利之后：制度、战略约束与战后秩序的重建[M].北京：北京大学出版社，2008.
[18][美]斯蒂芬·沃尔特著周丕启译.联盟的起源[M].北京：北京大学出版社，2007.
[19][美]罗伯特·阿特著郭树勇译.美国大战略[M].北京：北京大学出版社，2005.
[20][美]詹姆斯·多尔蒂、小罗伯特·普法尔茨格拉夫著阎学通、陈寒溪译.争论中的国际关系理论[M].北京：世界知识出版社，2003.
[21][美]约翰·刘易斯·加迪斯著潘亚玲译.长和平：冷战史考察[M].上海：上海人民出版社，2011.
[22][美]罗伯特·卡根著刘若楠译.美国缔造的世界[M].北京：社会科学文献出版社，2013.
[23][美]斯皮克曼著刘愈之译.和平地理学[M].北京：商务印书馆，1965.
[1]陆俊元.美国国家安全战略中的地缘政治思想[J].人文地理，1999(3):61-64.
[2]余颂.美国对南中国海的军事渗透[J].国际资料信息，2000(12):30.
[3]李华.冷战后美国南中国海政策分析[J].云南行政学院学报，2005(5):11.
[4]林利民.9·11以来美国地缘战略的调整及其影响[J].世界经济与政治，2004(5):36.
[5]蔡鸿鹏.美国南海政策剖析[J].现代国际关系，2009(9):1-7，35.
[6]王飞.新加坡与美国的军事合作关系[J].东南亚研究，2004(3):52.
[7]鞠海龙、葛红亮.美国重返东南亚对南海安全形势的影响[J].世界经济与政治论坛，2010(1):87-97.
[8]张勇.奥巴马政府的亚太地区“少边主义”外交浅析[J].美国研究，2012(2):3.
[9]王传剑.理性看待美国战略重心东移[J].外交评论，2012(5):45.
[10]任怀峰.论区域外大国介入与南海地区安全格局变动[J].世界经济与政治论坛，2009(5):64.
[11]王光厚.澳大利亚的南海政策解析[J].东南亚研究，2011(6):12.
[12]杨玲.试论新时期俄罗斯地缘战略的调整[J].当代世界与社会主义，2009(2):118.
[13]吴心伯.论奥巴马政府的亚太战略[J].国际问题研究，2012(2):71.
[14]许琳.奥巴马政府亚太战略解析[J].东北亚论坛，2012(4):38.
[15]倪世雄.竞争、互信与管控分歧—中美互动视角下的美国亚太战略调整[J].人民论坛·学术前沿，2012(12)（下）:36.
[16]王联合.南海问题新趋势及前景探析[J].南洋问题研究，2012(4):39.
[17]朱锋.中美战略竞争与东亚安全秩序的未来[J].世界经济与政治，2013(3):7.
[18]刘阿明.南海问题的实质演变及未来发展[J].国际观察，2013(5):51.
[19]邵建平、李晨阳.东盟国家处理海域争端的方式及其对解决南海主权争端的启示[J].当代亚太，2010(4):148.
[20]陈衍德陈遥.20世纪末以来中、美与东盟的三边互动关系—以权力转移为视角[J].当代亚太，2009(6):77.
[21]李小军.试析美国对中国在东南亚力量崛起的安全评估[J].东南亚研究，2012(3):39.
[22]刘雪莲、曲恩道.奥巴马政府积极介入南海问题的层次性动因分析[J].国际观察，2013(4):39.
[23]张学昆.美国介入南海问题的地缘政治学分析[J].国际论坛，2013(6):21-27.
[24]方晓志.对美国南海政策的地缘安全解析[J].太平洋学报，2012(7):20.
[25]赵洪.试析冷战后东盟与俄罗斯的关系[J].南洋问题研究，2008(4):19.
[26]程晓勇、曹云华：澳大利亚的东盟政策解析[J].当代亚太，2007(8):25.
[27]任佳、张毅.试析冷战后印度对东盟的经济外交[J].国际论坛，2006(6):25.
[28]赵洪.试论印度与东盟关系[J].国际问题研究，2006(3):35.
[29]吴崇伯.印度与东盟军事和安全合作试析[J].南洋问题研究，2008(3):24.
[30]马燕冰.印越关系发展对南海问题的影响[J].亚非纵横，2011(6):43.
[31]鞠海龙.美国奥巴马政府南海政策研究[J].当代亚太，2011(3):97-111.
[32]阎学通.对中美关系不稳定性分析[J].世界经济与政治,2010(12):12.
[33]何志工、安小平.南海争端中的美国因素及其影响[J].当代亚太,2010(1)：137.
[34]郭渊.冷战后美国的南中国海政策[J].学术探索，2008(1):55.
[35]张明亮.冷战前美国的南中国海政策[J].南洋问题研究，2006(2):34.
[36]王传剑.美国的南中国海政策：历史与现实[J].外交评论，2009(6):87-100.
[37]江洋、王义桅.美国亚太战略中的南中国海问题[J].东南亚研究1998(5)：36-37.
[38]刘建飞.美国战略重心东移背景下的南海局势与中美关系[J].国际关系学院学报，2012(4):93-98.
[39]萨本望、喻舒曼.关于美国“重返亚太”的几点看法[J].和平与发展,2012(1):30.
[40]刘卿.美越关系新发展及前景[J].国际问题研究，2012(2):93.
[41]吴征宇.关于层次分析的若干问题[J].欧洲，2001(6):3.
[42]刘宏松.霸权国对多边主义制度的有限参与—以冷战后美国参与东盟地区论坛为例[J].外交评论，2007(4):73-74.
[43]张志东.论冷战后美国与东盟国家的关系[J].东南亚研究1997(4):28.
[44]白雪峰.布什政府在东南亚的三重战略及走向[J].南洋问题研究，2008(1):58.
[45]李晓、李俊久.美国的霸权地位评估与新兴大国的应对[J].世界经济与政治，2014(1):122.
[46]宋德星、李高峰.美国亚太战略的地缘政治考量[J].和平与发展，2011(4):18.
[47]程桂龙.从“离岸平衡”到“危机管控”：美国南海政策的新走向[J].和平与发展，2012(6):45.
[48]唐永胜.美国强化亚太同盟体系对中国安全的影响[J].现代国际关系，2013(4):12.
[49]郭渊.遏制战略与美国的南中国海政策[J].太平洋学报，2012(11):39-47.
[1] Saul B. Cohen. Geography and Politics in a World Divided [M].New York: OxfordUniversity Press,1975:29.
[2] Geoffrey Parker. Geopolitics: Past, Present and Future[M].London:Pinter,1998:5.
[3] Carl von Clausewitz. On War, trans. by Michael Howard and Peter Parat[M].Princeton University Press,1989:128.
[4] Francis P. Sempa. Geopolitics: From the Cold War to the21st Century[M].NewBrunswick, NL: Transaction Publishers,2002:103-104.
[5] John B. Hattendorf,ed. the Influence of History on Mahan[M].Newport RhodeIsland: Naval War College,1991:183.
[6] Nicholas J. Spykman. America’s Strategy in World Politics[M].NewYork：Harcourt,1942:125,161.
[7] Zbigniew Brzezinski, In Quest of National Security[M].Boulder: Wesview Press,1988:26.
[8] Francis P. Sempa. Geopolitics: From the Cold War to the21st Centuary [M]. NL:Transaction Publishers,2002:103-104.
[9] Colin Mac Andrews and Chia Lin Sien. Southeast Asian seas, Frontiers forDevelopment[M]. McGraw-Hill International Book Company,1981:226-234.
[10] Shu Guang Zhang. Deterrence and Strategic Culture：Chinese AmericanConfrontation,1949-1958[M]. New York:Cornell University Press,1992:152.
[11] Liselotte Odgaard.Maritime Security between China and Southeast Asia [M].Ashgate Publishing Company,2002:131.
[12] Lee Lai To.China and South China Sea Dialogues[M]. USA: PreagarPublishers,1999:143.
[13] Jian wei Wang. Limited Adversaries: Post-Cold War Sino-American MutualImage[M].New York and London: Oxford University Press,2000.
[1] Robert D. Kaplan,Will Rogers and Ian Storey. Cooperation from Strength TheUnited States, China and the South China Sea[R].January2012.
[2] The Military Power of the People's Republic of China2005[R]. Annual Report toCongress Office of the Secretary of Defense, July19,2005.
[3] U.S. Department of Defense. Quadrennial Defense Review Report[R].September30,2001.
[4] U.S. Department of Defense. The Unite States Security Strategy for the East AsiaPacific Region[R].1995.
[5] U.S. Department of Defense.The Unite States Security Strategy for the East AsiaPacific Region[R].1998.
[6] White House: National Security Strategy[R]. May2010:1.
[7] CSIS. Commission on Smart Power, A Smarter, More Secure American[R].2007.
[8] U.S. Department of Defense. Quadrennial Defense Review Report[R].February,2010.
[9] Defending Australia in the Asia Pacific Century: Force2030[R].2009.
[10] U.S. Strategic and Defense Relationships in the Asia-Pacific Region[R].2007.
[11] The National Security Strategy of the United States[R]. May2010.
[12] Military and Security Developments Involving the People’s Republic of China[R].2010.
[13] Bronson Percival. China’s Activities in Southeast Asia and the Implications for U.S. Interests [R].2010.
[14] The National Military Strategy of the United States of America[R].2011:14.
[15] Seiji F. Naya and Michael G. Plummer. Economics of the Enterprise for ASEANInitiative[R].December2004.
[16] Mark E. Manyin.U.S.-Vietnam Relations in2011: Current Issues andImplicationsfor U.S. Policy[R].CRS Report for Congress,May18,2012.
[17] Jan van Tol, Mark Gunzinger, Andrew F. Krepinevich, and Jim Thomas.Air SeaBattle: A Point of Departure Operational Concept[R].May18,2010.
[18] David J. Berteau, Michael J.Green. U.S. Force Posture Strategy in the Asia PacificRegion: An Independent Assessment[R].Center for Strategic and InternationalStudies Report,August2012.
[19] U.S. Department of Defense.Sustaining U.S.Global Leadership: Priorities for21stCentury Defense[R]. Jan.2012.
[20] U.S. Department of Defense.Quadrennial Defense Review [R]. March2014.
[21] Battelle,2013Global R&D Funding Forecast[R].December2012.
[1] John W. Garver. China's Push through the South China Sea: The Interaction ofBureaucratic and National Interests[J].The China Quarterly, No.132(Dec.,1992),pp.999-1028.
[2] Michael G. Gallagher. China's Illusory Threat to the South China Sea [J].International Security, Vol.19, No.1Summer,1994:169-194.
[3] Thomas J. Christensen. China, the U.S.-Japan Alliance, and the Security Dilemma inEast Asia [J].International Security, Vol.23, No.4Spring,1999:49-80.
[4] Samuel S. G. Wu and Bruce Bueno de Mesquita. Assessing the Dispute in the SouthChina Sea: A Model of China's Security Decision Making[J].International StudiesQuarterly, Vol.38, No.3Sep.1994:379-403.
[5] Cheng-yi Lin.Taiwan's South China Sea Policy[J].Asian Survey, Vol.37, No.4Apr1997:323-339.
[6] Eric Hyer. The South China Sea Disputes: Implications of China's Earlier TerritorialSettlements[J].Pacific Affairs, Vol.68, No.1Spring,1995:34-54.
[7] Pierre-Yves Manguin. Trading Ships of the South China Sea. ShipbuildingTechniques and Their Role in the History of the Development of Asian TradeNetworks [J].Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, Vol.36, No.31993:253-280.
[8] David Zweig and Bi Jianhai.China's Global Hunt for Energy[J].Foreign Affairs, Vol.84, No.5Sep.-Oct.,2005:25-38.
[9] Nicholas D. Kristof.The Rise of China [J]. Foreign Affairs, Vol.72, No.5Nov.-Dec.,1993:59-74.
[10] Richard Bernstein and Ross H. Munro. The Coming Conflict with America[J].Foreign Affairs, Vol.76, No.2Mar.-Apr.,1997:18-32.
[11]Robert S. Ross.Beijing as a Conservative Power[J].Foreign Affairs, Vol.76, No.2Mar.-Apr.,1997:33-44.
[12] Michael T. Klar.The New Geography of Conflict[J].Foreign Affairs, Vol.80, No.3May-Jun.2001:49-61.
[13] Hongyi Harry Lai.China's Oil Diplomacy: Is It a Global Security Threat?[J].ThirdWorld Quarterly, Vol.28, No.32007:519-537.
[14] Brantly Womack. China between Region and World[J].The China Journal, No.61Jan.2009:1-20.
[15] M. C.Thailand, Indo-China, and Japan's South Sea Policy[J].Bulletin ofInternational News, Vol.18, No.5Mar.8,1941:259-266.
[16] June Teufel Dreyer.Sino-Japanese Rivalry and Its Implications for DevelopingNations[J].Asian Survey, Vol.46, No.4July/August2006:538-557.
[17] Joshua H. Ho. The Security of Sea Lanes in Southeast Asia[J].Asian Survey, Vol.46, No.4July/August2006:558-574.
[18] Tamara Renee Shie. Rising Chinese Influence in the South Pacific: Beijing's“Island Fever”[J].Asian Survey, Vol.47, No.2March/April2007:307-326.
[19] Lawrence Sáez.U.S. Policy and Energy Security in South Asia: EconomicProspects and Strategic Implications[J].Asian Survey, Vol.47, No.4July/August2007:657-678.
[20] Leszek Buszynski,The South China Sea: Oil, Maritime Claims, and U.S.—ChinaStrategic Rivalry[J].The Washington Quarterly,Spring2012:139-156.