山西方言声调研究
|
摘要
山西方言声调研究取得了很大的成就,但仍有些问题长期有争议或探讨不够深入。本文在现有基础上,从三个方面进行了研究。具体如下：
一、利用公开的资料和自查材料,通过比较、统计,从单字调和非叠字二字组连读变调两个角度概括山西方言声调的特点。山西官话以四调为常,晋语以五调和六调为常。山西方言最少有三个调类,分布在晋南官话区；最多有八个调类,分布在晋东南晋语区。山西官话主要的调拱匹配方式是：阴平(低降)、阳平(升)、上声(平/高降)、去声(高降/平)；晋语情况复杂,大体上讲,阴平以降升拱为主,阳平以平拱为最常见,上声以降升拱为主,去声升拱、降拱比例相当,阳入以降升拱为主,阴入除了没有降升拱,其他拱形都有,如果只有一个入声调,调拱情况与有两个入声调方言的阴入相同。山西中原官话汾河片河东小片、大包片连读变调比较简单,连读组合式合并的情况较少；其他地区连读变调都比较复杂,尤其是晋东南上党片,连读变调情况不但复杂,而且内部一致性差(该片单字调数目也很悬殊)。整体上看,山西方言连读变调是晋南、晋北简单、一致性强,中部、西部、东部(含东南部)复杂、一致性差。
二、利用公开的资料和自查材料,探讨山西方言调类的分合情况。调查调类分化情况主要是利用选定的调查用字,考察它们在代表点同音字汇材料中的声调读音。研究调类合并,主要分两步：1.使用声调对比字检验,被认为合并的两个调类是否合并；2.在调类合并区中心点以外设点,考察调类合并情况；3.通过调类合并的不同步,推测调类合并过程；4.通过与周边方言比较、考察连读变调情况等,分析调类合并的原因。山西方言调类分化主要有清浊分调,文白分调,全次分调①。山西方言平、去、入的清浊分调很整齐,有的清浊分调后,又发生了新的合并。全次分调主要发生在上声、入声。上声的全次分调主要表现为全浊上声归去声(如果分阴阳去则归阳去),清上和次浊上归上声。部分点入声也发生了全次分调,基本情况是全浊入一类,次浊入、清入一类。山西方言文白分调罕见,主要分布在晋东南,主要发生在次浊入,表现为常用于书面语词的次浊入字独立为一个调类②,常用于口语词的字归阴入。调类合并在山西很普遍,本文共选了六个与调类合并有关的问题进行研究：1.高平方言阴阳平合并的过程,主要是根据各乡镇方言阴阳平合并的不同步,推测调类合并的方向和大致过程；2.并州片平声不分阴阳的性质,通过分析,认为并州方言平声不分阴阳的性质是先分后合,不是存古；3.五台片阴平、上声是否合并考察,通过声调对比字听辨实验,认为五台片阴平、上声合并不普遍,多数点没有合并,先前的调查大多失实；4.山西三调方言调类合并分析。分析了临汾古县、运城垣曲调类合并的过程和原因。认为垣曲古城镇三调方言的形成是因为阴平归到了阴去,阳去归到了上声；阳去归上声发生在阴平归阴去之后。古县方言三调形成的主要原因是阳去归到了上声,阴去归到了阳平。这两点调类合并的原因都是调值接近和连读变调的影响；5.晋南临汾市区方言阴阳去合并的原因,认为临汾市区方言阴阳去合并的方向是阳去归阴去,主要原因是外来方言和连读变调的影响。
三、通过考察选定的入声字在代表点同音字汇材料中的读音,总结古入声字在山西晋语和官话中的声调演变特点。研究发现,山西晋语区各点都有入声舒化现象,但除了北部五台片、大包片,南部吕梁片隰县小片的少数几个点外,大多数点舒化程度不高。山西晋语入声字舒化后,浊入主要归阳平,次浊入主要归去声,清入字归并方向不集中,主要是归阴平和去声①。入声舒化字有很强的一致性,有些入声字在几乎所有的山西晋语中都读舒声调。山西入声分阴阳方言入声合并的方向是阳入归阴入,原因主要是强势方言的影响,此外,连读变调的影响也起到了推动作用。中原官话汾河片的清入、次浊入主要归阴平,浊入主要归阳平。晋南运城、临汾交界处有几个点比较特殊：浊入主要归阳平,清入、次清入主要归去声。文章以运城新绛方言为例进行了分析,认为次浊入、清入主要归去声的原因是该方言的阴平正向去声合并；次浊入归去声所占比例高于清入的原因主要是次浊入字从普通话借入读音的字占的比例比清入高,这些字的调类一般与普通话相同,普通话中次浊入主要归去声,因此,这些字在新绛方言也归去声。
The study of the tone in the Shan xi dialect, which is usually included in the comprehensive study of a certain dialect or phonetics, mainly focuses on the introduction of some simple tone categories as well as the illustration of the tone sandhi of the two-syllabic words. However, there are a few studies concerned with the Shan xi dialect lacking an overall study as well as a further explanation about some controversial questions. Due to this current situation, this article will study the tone of Shan xi dialect from four aspects. The main contents are as follows:
I To study the monosyllabic tone in Shan xi dialect.
This part will analyze the tone category and the distribution areas of the Shan xi dialect as well as compare, analyze and demonstrate the tone pitch of the different tone categories in different areas. The first part will adopt the method of linking work at selected spots with that in entire areas. It will first give an overall introduction to the tone categories and features of the Shan xi dialect in different sections, then choose some of the specific categories and analyze them delicately. The second part will list in a chart the tone pitch of the monosyllabic tone in102spots, and then make delicate comparison and analysis on the tone pitch of different tone categories at section unit, so as to combine the records of the similar tone pitches and explain the distinctive one.
II To investigate the features of the tone sandhi in the unfolding two-syllabic words.
It will first list its tone sandhi in different areas, then investigate how the tone sandhi is combined as well as its features. According to the statistics, the tone sandhi of the two-syllabic word is relatively simple in Da tong and Yun cheng dialect, while that of the Zhong yuan mandarin, Fen he section, Ping yang section, Bing zhou section and Shang dang section is complicated. Apart from the different investigation standards as well as the people involved, the complicated nature of the dialect itself also contributes a lot to this situation.
III To analyze the separation and merging of the tone category in Shan xi dialect.
The tones of the Shan xi dialect fall into three categories:unvoiced and voiced, literary and colloquial。 As for the unvoiced and voiced tones, the level, falling and entering tones in Shan xi dialect are in order, and some are merged for a second time. Differentiation mainly presents in the rising and entering tones. As for the rising tone, it follows the principle that the voiced rising tone is split into the falling tone or Yang qu; the unvoiced rising and sub-voiced rising tones, the rising tone. This can be applied almost in the whole Shan xi province. For the entering tones, its basic feature is that voiced and unvoiced tones belong to the same categories, the same with sub-voiced and unvoiced entering tones. The nature of the in the entering tone is complex, for in the early stage the sub-voiced entering tone is probably in the same category with voiced entering tone rather than being separated later. The literary and colloquial tones, which also exist in Shan xi, mainly present in the merging of the entering tone, especially in the merging of yang entering to sub-yang entering tone. The literal words will be first split, and the rest remain as before, or move forward slowly. The merging of tone category is quite prevalent in Shan xi. This article mainly studies this phenomenon. By way of linking work of selected spots with that in entire areas, the six of representative questions have been selected in the study.
a. The process of the merging of High and level and Rising tone in Gao ping dialect.
This article will analyze the reasons of the merging at different stages in various regions and give a conjecture of this process.
b. The feature of the High and Level tone being the same with the Rising tone in Bing zhou section.
Based on the systematic principle of the phonetics evolvement and the comparison of the tone in surrounding areas, this feature is considered to be merged after being separated.
c. The investigation of weather the High and Level tone and Rising Tone being merged in Wu Tai section.
By the experiment of compare words, it's found that the High and Level and Rising Tone in Wu Tai section are merged only at a few regions, and there's something wrong in previous investigation.
d. The study of the tone category merging in Three-toned dialect.
The article analyzes its evolved process and cause. It's believed that the Three-toned dialect in the ancient town of Yuan qu is formed by the High and Level Tone being split into Yang qu, which exists before the Yang qu being the split into the Rising Tone. As for Gu xian dialect, it is formed by Yang qu being split into the Rising Tone, and the Yin qu, the Yang ping, which is caused by its closing tone pitch and original tone sandhi.
e. The study of the Yang qu being merged with Yin qu in Lin Fen dialect.
It follows the principle of Yang qu being split into Yin qu, which is mainly caused by the tone sandhi.
Ⅳ To conclude the evolvement of the MC enter-tone in Jin dialect and mandarin in Shan xi.
It mainly studies three questions:the characteristics of the glottal stop dropping of the Jin dialect; the main reason of the Yin yang dialect as well as its merging in the entering tone; the tone evolvement of the entering tone words in Shan xi mandarin. The glottal stop dropping is quite prevalent in Jin dialect, yet its degree is at a much low level in most areas with a few exceptions such as Da bao section in north area and Lv liang section in south area. During this process, the voiced tone is split into the rising tone, the sub-voiced tone and the falling tone, while the merging of the unvoiced words have much in common on their usage of the long tone in Jin dialect. The major direction for the Yin yang dialect and its merging in entering tone is that Yang is split into Yin, which is mainly affected by the major dialects as well as the tone sandhi. The unvoiced and sub-voiced entering tone of the Zhong yuan mandarin in Fen he section are split into falling tone, while the voiced, the rising tone. However, in a few sections between Yun cheng and Lin fen, the evolvement of Yin yang dialect is on the contrary. Take the Xin jiang dialect in Yun cheng for an example. The reason of the sub-voiced and unvoiced entering tone being split into the falling tone is the merging between its high and level tones and falling tones. The proportion of the sub-voiced entering tone being split into the falling tone is much higher than that of the unvoiced entering tone, because the sub-voiced entering tone words, whose tone category is similar to mandarin, borrowed more pronunciations from mandarin than unvoiced entering tone words.
一、利用公开的资料和自查材料,通过比较、统计,从单字调和非叠字二字组连读变调两个角度概括山西方言声调的特点。山西官话以四调为常,晋语以五调和六调为常。山西方言最少有三个调类,分布在晋南官话区；最多有八个调类,分布在晋东南晋语区。山西官话主要的调拱匹配方式是：阴平(低降)、阳平(升)、上声(平/高降)、去声(高降/平)；晋语情况复杂,大体上讲,阴平以降升拱为主,阳平以平拱为最常见,上声以降升拱为主,去声升拱、降拱比例相当,阳入以降升拱为主,阴入除了没有降升拱,其他拱形都有,如果只有一个入声调,调拱情况与有两个入声调方言的阴入相同。山西中原官话汾河片河东小片、大包片连读变调比较简单,连读组合式合并的情况较少；其他地区连读变调都比较复杂,尤其是晋东南上党片,连读变调情况不但复杂,而且内部一致性差(该片单字调数目也很悬殊)。整体上看,山西方言连读变调是晋南、晋北简单、一致性强,中部、西部、东部(含东南部)复杂、一致性差。
二、利用公开的资料和自查材料,探讨山西方言调类的分合情况。调查调类分化情况主要是利用选定的调查用字,考察它们在代表点同音字汇材料中的声调读音。研究调类合并,主要分两步：1.使用声调对比字检验,被认为合并的两个调类是否合并；2.在调类合并区中心点以外设点,考察调类合并情况；3.通过调类合并的不同步,推测调类合并过程；4.通过与周边方言比较、考察连读变调情况等,分析调类合并的原因。山西方言调类分化主要有清浊分调,文白分调,全次分调①。山西方言平、去、入的清浊分调很整齐,有的清浊分调后,又发生了新的合并。全次分调主要发生在上声、入声。上声的全次分调主要表现为全浊上声归去声(如果分阴阳去则归阳去),清上和次浊上归上声。部分点入声也发生了全次分调,基本情况是全浊入一类,次浊入、清入一类。山西方言文白分调罕见,主要分布在晋东南,主要发生在次浊入,表现为常用于书面语词的次浊入字独立为一个调类②,常用于口语词的字归阴入。调类合并在山西很普遍,本文共选了六个与调类合并有关的问题进行研究：1.高平方言阴阳平合并的过程,主要是根据各乡镇方言阴阳平合并的不同步,推测调类合并的方向和大致过程；2.并州片平声不分阴阳的性质,通过分析,认为并州方言平声不分阴阳的性质是先分后合,不是存古；3.五台片阴平、上声是否合并考察,通过声调对比字听辨实验,认为五台片阴平、上声合并不普遍,多数点没有合并,先前的调查大多失实；4.山西三调方言调类合并分析。分析了临汾古县、运城垣曲调类合并的过程和原因。认为垣曲古城镇三调方言的形成是因为阴平归到了阴去,阳去归到了上声；阳去归上声发生在阴平归阴去之后。古县方言三调形成的主要原因是阳去归到了上声,阴去归到了阳平。这两点调类合并的原因都是调值接近和连读变调的影响；5.晋南临汾市区方言阴阳去合并的原因,认为临汾市区方言阴阳去合并的方向是阳去归阴去,主要原因是外来方言和连读变调的影响。
三、通过考察选定的入声字在代表点同音字汇材料中的读音,总结古入声字在山西晋语和官话中的声调演变特点。研究发现,山西晋语区各点都有入声舒化现象,但除了北部五台片、大包片,南部吕梁片隰县小片的少数几个点外,大多数点舒化程度不高。山西晋语入声字舒化后,浊入主要归阳平,次浊入主要归去声,清入字归并方向不集中,主要是归阴平和去声①。入声舒化字有很强的一致性,有些入声字在几乎所有的山西晋语中都读舒声调。山西入声分阴阳方言入声合并的方向是阳入归阴入,原因主要是强势方言的影响,此外,连读变调的影响也起到了推动作用。中原官话汾河片的清入、次浊入主要归阴平,浊入主要归阳平。晋南运城、临汾交界处有几个点比较特殊：浊入主要归阳平,清入、次清入主要归去声。文章以运城新绛方言为例进行了分析,认为次浊入、清入主要归去声的原因是该方言的阴平正向去声合并；次浊入归去声所占比例高于清入的原因主要是次浊入字从普通话借入读音的字占的比例比清入高,这些字的调类一般与普通话相同,普通话中次浊入主要归去声,因此,这些字在新绛方言也归去声。
The study of the tone in the Shan xi dialect, which is usually included in the comprehensive study of a certain dialect or phonetics, mainly focuses on the introduction of some simple tone categories as well as the illustration of the tone sandhi of the two-syllabic words. However, there are a few studies concerned with the Shan xi dialect lacking an overall study as well as a further explanation about some controversial questions. Due to this current situation, this article will study the tone of Shan xi dialect from four aspects. The main contents are as follows:
I To study the monosyllabic tone in Shan xi dialect.
This part will analyze the tone category and the distribution areas of the Shan xi dialect as well as compare, analyze and demonstrate the tone pitch of the different tone categories in different areas. The first part will adopt the method of linking work at selected spots with that in entire areas. It will first give an overall introduction to the tone categories and features of the Shan xi dialect in different sections, then choose some of the specific categories and analyze them delicately. The second part will list in a chart the tone pitch of the monosyllabic tone in102spots, and then make delicate comparison and analysis on the tone pitch of different tone categories at section unit, so as to combine the records of the similar tone pitches and explain the distinctive one.
II To investigate the features of the tone sandhi in the unfolding two-syllabic words.
It will first list its tone sandhi in different areas, then investigate how the tone sandhi is combined as well as its features. According to the statistics, the tone sandhi of the two-syllabic word is relatively simple in Da tong and Yun cheng dialect, while that of the Zhong yuan mandarin, Fen he section, Ping yang section, Bing zhou section and Shang dang section is complicated. Apart from the different investigation standards as well as the people involved, the complicated nature of the dialect itself also contributes a lot to this situation.
III To analyze the separation and merging of the tone category in Shan xi dialect.
The tones of the Shan xi dialect fall into three categories:unvoiced and voiced, literary and colloquial。 As for the unvoiced and voiced tones, the level, falling and entering tones in Shan xi dialect are in order, and some are merged for a second time. Differentiation mainly presents in the rising and entering tones. As for the rising tone, it follows the principle that the voiced rising tone is split into the falling tone or Yang qu; the unvoiced rising and sub-voiced rising tones, the rising tone. This can be applied almost in the whole Shan xi province. For the entering tones, its basic feature is that voiced and unvoiced tones belong to the same categories, the same with sub-voiced and unvoiced entering tones. The nature of the in the entering tone is complex, for in the early stage the sub-voiced entering tone is probably in the same category with voiced entering tone rather than being separated later. The literary and colloquial tones, which also exist in Shan xi, mainly present in the merging of the entering tone, especially in the merging of yang entering to sub-yang entering tone. The literal words will be first split, and the rest remain as before, or move forward slowly. The merging of tone category is quite prevalent in Shan xi. This article mainly studies this phenomenon. By way of linking work of selected spots with that in entire areas, the six of representative questions have been selected in the study.
a. The process of the merging of High and level and Rising tone in Gao ping dialect.
This article will analyze the reasons of the merging at different stages in various regions and give a conjecture of this process.
b. The feature of the High and Level tone being the same with the Rising tone in Bing zhou section.
Based on the systematic principle of the phonetics evolvement and the comparison of the tone in surrounding areas, this feature is considered to be merged after being separated.
c. The investigation of weather the High and Level tone and Rising Tone being merged in Wu Tai section.
By the experiment of compare words, it's found that the High and Level and Rising Tone in Wu Tai section are merged only at a few regions, and there's something wrong in previous investigation.
d. The study of the tone category merging in Three-toned dialect.
The article analyzes its evolved process and cause. It's believed that the Three-toned dialect in the ancient town of Yuan qu is formed by the High and Level Tone being split into Yang qu, which exists before the Yang qu being the split into the Rising Tone. As for Gu xian dialect, it is formed by Yang qu being split into the Rising Tone, and the Yin qu, the Yang ping, which is caused by its closing tone pitch and original tone sandhi.
e. The study of the Yang qu being merged with Yin qu in Lin Fen dialect.
It follows the principle of Yang qu being split into Yin qu, which is mainly caused by the tone sandhi.
Ⅳ To conclude the evolvement of the MC enter-tone in Jin dialect and mandarin in Shan xi.
It mainly studies three questions:the characteristics of the glottal stop dropping of the Jin dialect; the main reason of the Yin yang dialect as well as its merging in the entering tone; the tone evolvement of the entering tone words in Shan xi mandarin. The glottal stop dropping is quite prevalent in Jin dialect, yet its degree is at a much low level in most areas with a few exceptions such as Da bao section in north area and Lv liang section in south area. During this process, the voiced tone is split into the rising tone, the sub-voiced tone and the falling tone, while the merging of the unvoiced words have much in common on their usage of the long tone in Jin dialect. The major direction for the Yin yang dialect and its merging in entering tone is that Yang is split into Yin, which is mainly affected by the major dialects as well as the tone sandhi. The unvoiced and sub-voiced entering tone of the Zhong yuan mandarin in Fen he section are split into falling tone, while the voiced, the rising tone. However, in a few sections between Yun cheng and Lin fen, the evolvement of Yin yang dialect is on the contrary. Take the Xin jiang dialect in Yun cheng for an example. The reason of the sub-voiced and unvoiced entering tone being split into the falling tone is the merging between its high and level tones and falling tones. The proportion of the sub-voiced entering tone being split into the falling tone is much higher than that of the unvoiced entering tone, because the sub-voiced entering tone words, whose tone category is similar to mandarin, borrowed more pronunciations from mandarin than unvoiced entering tone words.
引文
[1]侯精一、温端政.山西方言调查研究报告[M].太原：山西高校联合出版社,1993.
[2]侯精一.现代汉语方言概论[M].上海：上海教育出版社,2004.
[3]侯精一.现代晋语的研究[M].北京：商务印书馆,1999.
[4]罗安源.中国语言声调概览[M].北京：民族出版社,2006.
[5]韩沛玲.山西方言音韵研究[M].北京：商务印书馆,2012.
[6]乔全生.晋方言语音史研究[M].北京：中华书局,2008.
[7]何大安.规律和方向[M].北京：北京大学出版社,2004.
[8]刘俐李.汉语声调论[M].南京：南京师范大学出版社,2004.
[9]辛世彪.东南方言声调研究[M].上海：上海教育出版社,2004.
[10]刘淑学.中古入声字在河北方言中的读音研究[M].石家庄：河北大学出版社,2000.
[11]王力.汉语史稿[M].北京：中华书局,1998.
[12]王力.汉语语音史[M].北京,商务印书馆,2008.
[13]徐通锵.历史语言学[M].北京：商务印书馆,1991.
[14]侍建国.历史比较语言学：方言比较与层次[M].北京：中国社会科学出版社,2011.
[15]潘悟云.汉语历史音韵学[M].上海：上海教育出版社,2000.
[16]朱晓农.语音学[M].北京：商务印书馆,2010.
[17]朱晓农.音法演化：发生活动[M].北京：商务印书馆,2012.
[18]曹志耘.汉语方言的地理语言学研究[M].北京商务印书馆,2013.
[19]丁声树、李荣.汉语音韵讲义[M].上海：上海教育出版社,2010.
[20]王临惠.汾河流域方言的语音特点及其流变[M].北京：中国社会科学出版社,2003.3.
[21]邢向东.神木方言研究[M].北京：北京中华书局,2002.
[22]安介生.山西移民史[M].太原：山西人民出版社,1999.
[23]温端政主编.山西方言志丛书(沁县、武乡、天镇、清徐、山阴、屯留、左权盂县、介休、临县、朔县、运城、广灵、定襄)[M].太原：山西高校联合出版社,(寿阳、孝义、太谷、文水、忻州、和顺、临汾、长治)[M].北京：语文出 版社,(平遥、万荣、怀仁、晋城、陵川、襄垣)[M].太原：山西省社科院语文研究室,(中阳)[M].上海：学林出版社,(阳曲)[M].北京：社会科学文献出版社,1982—1999.
[24]乔全生主编.山西方言重点研究丛书(榆社、楼烦、太原北郊、静乐、代县、应县、平鲁、山阴、河津、高平、武乡、长治)[M].太原：山西高校联合出版社,(盂县、汾西、大宁、永和、浑源、五台、浮山、平陆)[M].北京：九州出版社,(洪洞)[M].北京：中央文献出版社,1999—2009.
[1]吴永焕.山东方言声调[D].山东大学博士学位论文,2001.
[2]许芃.中古上声字在现代方言中的演变研究[D].陕西师大博士学位论文,2009.
[3]李仙娟.临猗方言的语音研究[D].西北大学硕士学位论文,2006
[4]闫晓丽.祁县方言初探[D].苏州大学硕士学位论文,2009.
[5]王琼.并州片晋语语言研究[D].北京大学博士学位论文,2012.
[6]崔淑慧.山西北区方言语音研究[D].暨南大学博士学位论文,2004.
[7]王利.晋东南晋语语音研究[D].山东大学博士学位论文,2008.
[8]常莎.晋城方言初探[D].苏州大学硕士学位论文,2008.
[9]吕美红.翼城方言研究[D].苏州大学硕士学位论文,2006.
[10]韩婷.古县方言初探[D].苏州大学硕士学位论文,2010.
[11]田娟.山西霍州方言语音研究[D].陕西师范大学硕士学位论文,2009.
[12]王民雅.山西襄垣方言语音研究[D].浙江大学硕士学位论文,2011.
[13]赵芸.山西垣曲方言语音研究[D].山东师范大学硕士学位论文,2010.
[14]吴文杰.平定方言研究[D].山东大学硕士学位论文,2008.
[15]郭慧.山西宁武方言三区话语音研究[D].兰州大学硕士学位论文,2010.
[16]吕建凤.大同方言的语音研究[D].福建师范大学硕士学位论文,2009.
[17]李欢.山西灵丘方言语音研究[D].西北大学硕士学位论文,2008.
[18]崔娜娜.兴县方言语音研究[D].陕西师范大学硕士学位论文,2010.
[1]侯精一.晋语的分区[J].方言,1986,(4).
[2]沈明.晋语的分区(稿)[J].方言.2006,(4)
[3]侯精一.晋语入声韵母的区别性特征与晋语区的分立[J].1999,(2)
[4]乔全生.晋语与官话非同步发展(一)[J].方言,2003,(2)
[5]刘俐李.汉语声调的曲拱特征和降势音高[J].中国语文,2005,(3)
[6]刘若云、赵新.汉语方言声调屈折的功能[J].方言,2007,(3)
[7]范俊军.论声调语言音节结构成分的互动关系——声母对声调的制动作用[J].西北大学学报(哲学社会科学版),2004,(2)
[8]曹志耘.汉语方言声调演变的两种类型[J].语言研究,1998,(1)
[9]丁邦新.汉语声调的演变[A].丁邦新语言学论文集[C].北京商务印书馆,1998.
[10]何大安.送气分调与相关问题[J].史语所集刊,1989,(60)
[11]钱曾怡.从汉语方言看汉语声调的发展[J].语言教学研究,2000,(2)
[12]陈忠敏.音变研究的回顾和前瞻[J].民族语文,2008,(1).
[13]李如龙.声母对韵母和声调的影响[A].声韵论丛第5辑[C].台北：台湾书局,1996.
[14]李如龙.福建方言声调分化的模式[A].汉语方言论集[C].北京：北京语言学院出版社,1997.
[15]钱曾怡.从汉语方言看汉语声调的发展[J].语言教学与研究,2000,(2)
[16]王世元.声调发展方式一说[J].兰州学刊,1987,(5).
[17]张光宇.送气与调类分化[J].中南民族学院学报(哲学社会科学版),1989,(4).
[18]赵克刚.浊上变去论[J].重庆师范大学学报(哲学社会科学版),1986,(3).
[19]宋益丹.南京方言中的入声喉塞尾实验研究[J].南京师范大学文学院学报,2009,(6)
[20]黄雪贞.客家方言声调的特点[J].方言,1988,(3).
[21]黄雪贞.客家方言声调的特点续论[J].方言,1989,
[22]沈明.山西晋语古清平字的演变[J].方言.1999,(4)
[23]沈明.晋东南晋语入声调的演变[J].语文研究,2005,(4)
[24]沈明.山西岚县方言音系[J].方言,2009.
[25]沈明.晋语五台片入声调的演变方言[J].2007(4)
[26]乔全生.晋语的平声调及其历史演变[J].中国语文,2007.(4)
[27]温端政.试论山西晋语的入声[J].中国语文,1986,(2)
[28]范慧琴.从山西定襄方言看晋语入声的演变[J].西南民族大学学报(人文社科版),2004,(4)
[29]李小平..从音系的辅音含量看晋语入声保留的原因[J].语文研究,1998,(4)
[30]李小平.入声调在秦晋黄河沿岸方言中的演变[J].语文研究,2006,(4)
[31]李小平.山西离石方言音系[J].吕梁教育学院学报,2004,(4)
[32]李小平.山西河曲方言音系[J].吕梁教育学院学报,2005,(3).
[33]曹瑞芳.山西阳泉方言音系[J].吕梁教育学院学报,2005,(2).
[34]曹瑞芳.山西石楼方言音系[J].吕梁教育学院学报,2004,(3).
[35]翟英谊.山西娄烦方言同音字汇[J].方言,1989,(1)
[36]包旭玲.中原官话汾河片方言声调的类型及演变[J].沈阳大学学报,2008(6).
[37]王临惠.山西方言声调的类型(稿)[J].语文研究,2003,(2)
[38]王临惠.秦晋沿黄河方言声调的演变及其自然人文背景[J].方言,2011,(3).
[39]王临惠.山西临猗方言声调演变中的例外现象[J].中国语文2009,(1)
[40]王临惠.汾河流域方言平声调的类型及其成因[J].方言,2001,(1).
[41]王利.晋东南晋语的平声调[J].长治学院学报,2013,(4).
[42]朱晓农.浙江台州方言中的嘎裂声中折调[J].方言,2004,(3)
[43]朱晓农等.凹调的种类——兼论北京话上声的音节学性质[J].中国语文,2012,(5).
[44]朱晓农等.入声演化三途[J].中国语文,2008,(4).
[45]朱晓农.降调的种类[J].语言研究,2012,(2)
[46]朱晓农、杨建芬.嘎裂声作为低调特征—河北省方言的声调考察带[A].音法演化：发生活动[C].商务印书馆,2012.
[47]五台.关于连读变调的再认识[J].语言研究,1986,(1).
[48]郑莉.汉语方言两字组连读变调类型研究述评[J].燕山大学学报(哲社版),2014,(3).
[49]邢向东.神木方言的两字组连读变调和轻声[J].语言研究,1999,(2).
[50]吴媛.岐山话两字组的连读变调及中和调的模式[J].南开语言学刊.2008(2).
[51]江荫禔.朔州市朔城区方言的连读变调[J].方言,1991,(4).
[52]谭晓平.从文白异读看汉语方言声调的借贷原则[J].语言研究,2011,(4).
[53]范慧琴.从山西定襄方言看晋语入声的演变[J].西南民族大学学报(人文社科版),2004,(4).
[54]孙小花.五台方言的入声[J].语文研究,2004,(4)
[55]孙玉卿.山西晋语入声舒化情况分析[J].山西师大学报(社会科学版),2005,(4).
[2]侯精一.现代汉语方言概论[M].上海：上海教育出版社,2004.
[3]侯精一.现代晋语的研究[M].北京：商务印书馆,1999.
[4]罗安源.中国语言声调概览[M].北京：民族出版社,2006.
[5]韩沛玲.山西方言音韵研究[M].北京：商务印书馆,2012.
[6]乔全生.晋方言语音史研究[M].北京：中华书局,2008.
[7]何大安.规律和方向[M].北京：北京大学出版社,2004.
[8]刘俐李.汉语声调论[M].南京：南京师范大学出版社,2004.
[9]辛世彪.东南方言声调研究[M].上海：上海教育出版社,2004.
[10]刘淑学.中古入声字在河北方言中的读音研究[M].石家庄：河北大学出版社,2000.
[11]王力.汉语史稿[M].北京：中华书局,1998.
[12]王力.汉语语音史[M].北京,商务印书馆,2008.
[13]徐通锵.历史语言学[M].北京：商务印书馆,1991.
[14]侍建国.历史比较语言学：方言比较与层次[M].北京：中国社会科学出版社,2011.
[15]潘悟云.汉语历史音韵学[M].上海：上海教育出版社,2000.
[16]朱晓农.语音学[M].北京：商务印书馆,2010.
[17]朱晓农.音法演化：发生活动[M].北京：商务印书馆,2012.
[18]曹志耘.汉语方言的地理语言学研究[M].北京商务印书馆,2013.
[19]丁声树、李荣.汉语音韵讲义[M].上海：上海教育出版社,2010.
[20]王临惠.汾河流域方言的语音特点及其流变[M].北京：中国社会科学出版社,2003.3.
[21]邢向东.神木方言研究[M].北京：北京中华书局,2002.
[22]安介生.山西移民史[M].太原：山西人民出版社,1999.
[23]温端政主编.山西方言志丛书(沁县、武乡、天镇、清徐、山阴、屯留、左权盂县、介休、临县、朔县、运城、广灵、定襄)[M].太原：山西高校联合出版社,(寿阳、孝义、太谷、文水、忻州、和顺、临汾、长治)[M].北京：语文出 版社,(平遥、万荣、怀仁、晋城、陵川、襄垣)[M].太原：山西省社科院语文研究室,(中阳)[M].上海：学林出版社,(阳曲)[M].北京：社会科学文献出版社,1982—1999.
[24]乔全生主编.山西方言重点研究丛书(榆社、楼烦、太原北郊、静乐、代县、应县、平鲁、山阴、河津、高平、武乡、长治)[M].太原：山西高校联合出版社,(盂县、汾西、大宁、永和、浑源、五台、浮山、平陆)[M].北京：九州出版社,(洪洞)[M].北京：中央文献出版社,1999—2009.
[1]吴永焕.山东方言声调[D].山东大学博士学位论文,2001.
[2]许芃.中古上声字在现代方言中的演变研究[D].陕西师大博士学位论文,2009.
[3]李仙娟.临猗方言的语音研究[D].西北大学硕士学位论文,2006
[4]闫晓丽.祁县方言初探[D].苏州大学硕士学位论文,2009.
[5]王琼.并州片晋语语言研究[D].北京大学博士学位论文,2012.
[6]崔淑慧.山西北区方言语音研究[D].暨南大学博士学位论文,2004.
[7]王利.晋东南晋语语音研究[D].山东大学博士学位论文,2008.
[8]常莎.晋城方言初探[D].苏州大学硕士学位论文,2008.
[9]吕美红.翼城方言研究[D].苏州大学硕士学位论文,2006.
[10]韩婷.古县方言初探[D].苏州大学硕士学位论文,2010.
[11]田娟.山西霍州方言语音研究[D].陕西师范大学硕士学位论文,2009.
[12]王民雅.山西襄垣方言语音研究[D].浙江大学硕士学位论文,2011.
[13]赵芸.山西垣曲方言语音研究[D].山东师范大学硕士学位论文,2010.
[14]吴文杰.平定方言研究[D].山东大学硕士学位论文,2008.
[15]郭慧.山西宁武方言三区话语音研究[D].兰州大学硕士学位论文,2010.
[16]吕建凤.大同方言的语音研究[D].福建师范大学硕士学位论文,2009.
[17]李欢.山西灵丘方言语音研究[D].西北大学硕士学位论文,2008.
[18]崔娜娜.兴县方言语音研究[D].陕西师范大学硕士学位论文,2010.
[1]侯精一.晋语的分区[J].方言,1986,(4).
[2]沈明.晋语的分区(稿)[J].方言.2006,(4)
[3]侯精一.晋语入声韵母的区别性特征与晋语区的分立[J].1999,(2)
[4]乔全生.晋语与官话非同步发展(一)[J].方言,2003,(2)
[5]刘俐李.汉语声调的曲拱特征和降势音高[J].中国语文,2005,(3)
[6]刘若云、赵新.汉语方言声调屈折的功能[J].方言,2007,(3)
[7]范俊军.论声调语言音节结构成分的互动关系——声母对声调的制动作用[J].西北大学学报(哲学社会科学版),2004,(2)
[8]曹志耘.汉语方言声调演变的两种类型[J].语言研究,1998,(1)
[9]丁邦新.汉语声调的演变[A].丁邦新语言学论文集[C].北京商务印书馆,1998.
[10]何大安.送气分调与相关问题[J].史语所集刊,1989,(60)
[11]钱曾怡.从汉语方言看汉语声调的发展[J].语言教学研究,2000,(2)
[12]陈忠敏.音变研究的回顾和前瞻[J].民族语文,2008,(1).
[13]李如龙.声母对韵母和声调的影响[A].声韵论丛第5辑[C].台北：台湾书局,1996.
[14]李如龙.福建方言声调分化的模式[A].汉语方言论集[C].北京：北京语言学院出版社,1997.
[15]钱曾怡.从汉语方言看汉语声调的发展[J].语言教学与研究,2000,(2)
[16]王世元.声调发展方式一说[J].兰州学刊,1987,(5).
[17]张光宇.送气与调类分化[J].中南民族学院学报(哲学社会科学版),1989,(4).
[18]赵克刚.浊上变去论[J].重庆师范大学学报(哲学社会科学版),1986,(3).
[19]宋益丹.南京方言中的入声喉塞尾实验研究[J].南京师范大学文学院学报,2009,(6)
[20]黄雪贞.客家方言声调的特点[J].方言,1988,(3).
[21]黄雪贞.客家方言声调的特点续论[J].方言,1989,
[22]沈明.山西晋语古清平字的演变[J].方言.1999,(4)
[23]沈明.晋东南晋语入声调的演变[J].语文研究,2005,(4)
[24]沈明.山西岚县方言音系[J].方言,2009.
[25]沈明.晋语五台片入声调的演变方言[J].2007(4)
[26]乔全生.晋语的平声调及其历史演变[J].中国语文,2007.(4)
[27]温端政.试论山西晋语的入声[J].中国语文,1986,(2)
[28]范慧琴.从山西定襄方言看晋语入声的演变[J].西南民族大学学报(人文社科版),2004,(4)
[29]李小平..从音系的辅音含量看晋语入声保留的原因[J].语文研究,1998,(4)
[30]李小平.入声调在秦晋黄河沿岸方言中的演变[J].语文研究,2006,(4)
[31]李小平.山西离石方言音系[J].吕梁教育学院学报,2004,(4)
[32]李小平.山西河曲方言音系[J].吕梁教育学院学报,2005,(3).
[33]曹瑞芳.山西阳泉方言音系[J].吕梁教育学院学报,2005,(2).
[34]曹瑞芳.山西石楼方言音系[J].吕梁教育学院学报,2004,(3).
[35]翟英谊.山西娄烦方言同音字汇[J].方言,1989,(1)
[36]包旭玲.中原官话汾河片方言声调的类型及演变[J].沈阳大学学报,2008(6).
[37]王临惠.山西方言声调的类型(稿)[J].语文研究,2003,(2)
[38]王临惠.秦晋沿黄河方言声调的演变及其自然人文背景[J].方言,2011,(3).
[39]王临惠.山西临猗方言声调演变中的例外现象[J].中国语文2009,(1)
[40]王临惠.汾河流域方言平声调的类型及其成因[J].方言,2001,(1).
[41]王利.晋东南晋语的平声调[J].长治学院学报,2013,(4).
[42]朱晓农.浙江台州方言中的嘎裂声中折调[J].方言,2004,(3)
[43]朱晓农等.凹调的种类——兼论北京话上声的音节学性质[J].中国语文,2012,(5).
[44]朱晓农等.入声演化三途[J].中国语文,2008,(4).
[45]朱晓农.降调的种类[J].语言研究,2012,(2)
[46]朱晓农、杨建芬.嘎裂声作为低调特征—河北省方言的声调考察带[A].音法演化：发生活动[C].商务印书馆,2012.
[47]五台.关于连读变调的再认识[J].语言研究,1986,(1).
[48]郑莉.汉语方言两字组连读变调类型研究述评[J].燕山大学学报(哲社版),2014,(3).
[49]邢向东.神木方言的两字组连读变调和轻声[J].语言研究,1999,(2).
[50]吴媛.岐山话两字组的连读变调及中和调的模式[J].南开语言学刊.2008(2).
[51]江荫禔.朔州市朔城区方言的连读变调[J].方言,1991,(4).
[52]谭晓平.从文白异读看汉语方言声调的借贷原则[J].语言研究,2011,(4).
[53]范慧琴.从山西定襄方言看晋语入声的演变[J].西南民族大学学报(人文社科版),2004,(4).
[54]孙小花.五台方言的入声[J].语文研究,2004,(4)
[55]孙玉卿.山西晋语入声舒化情况分析[J].山西师大学报(社会科学版),2005,(4).
© 2004-2018 中国地质图书馆版权所有 京ICP备05064691号 京公网安备11010802017129号 地址：北京市海淀区学院路29号 邮编：100083 电话：办公室：(+86 10)66554848；文献借阅、咨询服务、科技查新：66554700 |