冲突管理与东盟地区规范的建构
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摘要
在国际政治研究领域,权力、规范往往是一对相互矛盾的话语,它们分别建立在不同的本体论基础之上。现实主义国际政治理论认为权力和利益是国家行为中起决定性作用的因素,其他因素则是国家行为中的次要因素;相反,建构主义理论认为,权力因素固然重要,但唯有通过观念才能真正起作用。在现实中,这种理论范式的不可通约性和经验事实之间似乎存在较大的脱节。东盟围绕柬埔寨问题的冲突管理表明,权力话语和规范话语都是国家或国际组织行为的重要手段,是无法相互替代的。
作为以区域和平发展为宗旨的地区主义组织,东盟的成立在很大程度上是创始国管理区内国家间冲突的结果。国家间的冲突管理有多种方式,它包括建立联盟、地区主义和市场一体化等,从地区稳定、制度安全的立场出发,地区一体化的路径最终成为五个创始国的选择。基于经济、社会和文化的共同发展是维护地区和平与稳定的根本这一“共有观念”,东盟将其性质定位于非政治、非军事的合作,但其背后的政治意图是明确的:维护各自国家的主权、独立,防范共产主义的“颠覆”,在此基础上谋求地区事务的主导权。
怎样协调成员国之间的不同利益,管理好本地区国家之间的各种冲突,东盟从和平的路径出发,逐步形成了一系列特殊的行为规范。这些规范既包括国际社会所共同遵守的诸多正式的法律理性规范,也包括若干建立在特殊的政治、经济发展水平之上的、以非正式形式出现的社会文化规范。由于东盟成员国特殊的发展阶段和历史际遇,东盟的法律理性规范中出现了对“不干涉内政”、“非军事合作”等原则的绝对化理解,作为非正式行为规范和决策机制的“东盟方式”,实际上也体现了对国家主权的高度敏感。正因为如此,东盟作为一个区域一体化组织,它并不以国家主权的让渡为特征。
越柬战争及其连锁反应是对东盟有关“主权平等”、“和平解决争端”与“不干涉内政”等原则的挑战。从国际规范的角度上看,越柬两党、两国矛盾的根源在于双方围绕支配与反支配的斗争。它反应了越南在地区观念上与东盟的巨大差异,也宣告了1975年后东盟第一次规范扩散的失败。战争还加深了大国对地区事务的介入,从而打击了东盟建立“和平、自由和中立区”以及“一个东南亚”的理想。除此之外,难民问题、泰柬边界冲突等问题还直接威胁到了东盟成员国的稳定与安全,也影响到了东盟的团结。
尽管如此,由于身份和利益的限制,东盟最终选择了以恢复柬埔寨独立为目的的冲突管理路径,它包括对话、沟通、国际动员、经济制裁和外交对抗等。但如何看待越南的战争行为、如何推动柬埔寨问题的政治解决,东盟成员国存在着不同的看法。最终,作为“东盟方式”灵活性的体现,“双轨外交”既维护了东盟作为一个整体、以“一个声音说话”的原则,也为成员国在越柬冲突各方之间进行有效的沟通创造了条件。早期的双轨外交由于双方的政策底线差距过大而宣告失败。1986年之后,随着各种形势的巨变,东盟对柬埔寨问题的政策出现了重大的法理突破,越南在柬利益及其所扶植的金边政权逐步得到了东盟的容忍和认可,与此同时,越南也逐渐转向了经济利益优先的偏好。在东盟的沟通与斡旋下,共同话语的建立和各自政策的妥协使得越柬冲突各方走上对话的舞台,推动了越柬战争的最终结束,也为越南接受东盟地区规范创造了条件。
尽管观念和规范在东盟成员国之间、在东盟与越南的交往中有着重要的地位,但要真正推动柬埔寨问题的政治解决,却绝非那么简单。在任何重大地区问题上,东盟都不可能无视大国实力在东南亚的存在。要解决与越柬冲突,除了与冲突各方进行大力的外交努力外,东盟还必须充分动员国际社会尤其是大国的力量,来对冲突各方施加足够的压力,以促使它们从各自的立场后退,寻求符合东盟规范的冲突解决途径。事实证明,虽然成员国对于大国力量有着不同的看法,东盟及其成员国对这些大国的动员手段和效果都是相当有限的。越柬冲突的结束,固然离不开东盟的努力,但它同时也是大国博弈的结果。
东盟介入越柬冲突管理的进程说明,东盟规范在不同层次的冲突管理中有着不同的效应,它能够有效地控制成员国之间的双边争端,但对成员国与区外国家的争端、区外国家之间的争端而言,东盟不得不动员物质性因素即权力的手段来进行管理。
总之,在国际政治的多元话语结构中,规范是重要的,但最终起决定性作用的依然是权力因素。东盟在介入柬埔寨问题的冲突管理过程中,能够灵活运用各种物质性和非物质性手段,以推动冲突的最终解决。这也说明,关于规范与权力的学理分歧同外交政策制定者的现实决策之间有着较大的区别,运用权力手段还是规范的话语,取决于领导人追求国家或联盟理想时的特定场景。
In the study of World Politics, power and norm which based on different ontology form a pair of antinomies. Realism considers power and benefit to be decisive factors, with the others being subordinate. On the contrary, Constrictivism believes that power could operate only through idea, although the factor of power is important. But in the other hand, the incommensurability between different academic paradigms is out of accord with the practice in international relations. From ASEAN's intervening in the management of Cambodian Problem, it can be seen that the discourses of power and norm are all important means of action for states or international organizations, each one should not supersede the other.
ASEAN as a regionalistic organization which aimed at regional peace and development, its establishment stemmed in large part from the regional conflict management among the five founder nations. There were many measures for the inter-national conflict management, such as leaguer establishment, regionalism and market integration, but regional integration became a optimal option of five founder nations for regional stabilization and their institutional security. Based on "shared ideas" of which economic, social and cultural co-prosperity being the groundwork of regional peace and stabilization, ASEAN was identified in non-political, non-military cooperation. This identification has a definite political intention: protect the sovereignty and independence, keep away the communist subversion, and then struggle for the dominant status in regional affairs.
In order to harmonize different benefits and then manage regional conflicts peacefully among member states, ASEAN had established a series of behavioral norms. It include not only the promissory legal-rational norms which should be abode in international community and appeared in statute forms, but also the un-promissory social-cultural norms which based on special development level in ASEAN member states. Because of the historical and contemporary circumstances, there was a disposition of absolutization in ASEAN's understanding of the legal-rational norms, such as the principles of "noninterference in internal affairs" and "non-military cooperation". As a informal behavioral norm and decision-making regime, the "ASEAN Way" was also resulted in the sensitivity to sovereignty of its members. For these reasons, ASEAN was not characterized by sovereignty transfer to constitute its identity of regional integration.
The third Indochina War and its chain-reacting challenged ASEAN's norms about "sovereign equality", "peacefully conflict resolution" and "noninterference in internal affairs". The war was actually stemmed in the struggle for predomination and anti-predomination between the two nation and their communist parties, Communist Party of Kampuchea and Vietnam Communist Party. The war reflected the great difference about regionalism of Vietnam and ASEAN, and also indicated the latter's failure to diffuse ASEAN's regional norms. Furthermore, fore-and-aft this war, great powers got a chance to intervene in Southeast Asia affairs, then endangered ASEAN's ideal for "Zone of Peace, Freedom and Neutrality" and "One Southeast Asia". Among others, the influx of refugee and conflict in Thai-Cambodian border endangered the stabilization, security and solidarity of ASEAN's member states.
Despite of the intolerable harm which resulted in Vietnamese aggression, ASEAN's identity confined its action to the conflict management aimed at resume peace in Cambodia, the measure consist of dialogue, communication, mobilization in international community, economic sanction and diplomatic confrontation, etc. But how to evaluate this aggression and how to resolve the Cambodian Problem by political means, there are different views in ASEAN. Embodying the flexibility in "ASEAN Way", "double track" policy stuck to ASEAN's principle of "speak with one voice" as a collectivity in one hand, it also created an atmosphere for communication among factions in Vietnam-Cambodian conflict in the other hand, and this policy got no achievement because of the great gulf between each factions. 1986 and after see a significant transformation in ASEAN's policy towards Cambodian Problem, in which Vietnamese benefits and the puppet government in Cambodia got admitted, at the same time, Vietnam took a policy inclining to economic development. By ASEAN's communication and mediate, the factions in Cambodian Problem entranced into the arena of dialogue based on the foundation of "shared discourse" and every factions' compromise. At the time the third Indochina War went to end, there saw a disposition for Vietnam to accept ASEAN's regional norms.
Value and norm were both significant in interaction among member states of ASEAN and among ASEAN and Vietnam, but it's not all for resolving the Cambodian Problem through political ways. ASEAN could not neglect the existence of great power in any sixty-four-dollar question in Southeast Asia. Except diplomatic struggle for a conflict resolution according with ASEAN's regional norms, ASEAN should impel great powers to press every faction in conflict to get a compromise. Despite the different views and measures, every member states and ASEAN itself could do very little to mobilize the great power. As to the end of the conflict, ASEAN's efforts were very important, but it was also an outcome of game between powers.
It could be seen in ASEAN's conflict management in the third Indochina War that ASEAN's norms had different effect in different level of conflict, it had successfully controlled bilateral conflicts among member states. As to conflicts with and among external actors, ASEAN could not but appealed to substantial powers.
To sum up, norm was an important factor in the multi-discourse framework of international politics, but it was power which gives a crucial and final function. In order to resolve the Cambodian Problem, ASEAN's took material or immaterial measures according to circumstances in the conflict management. This proved that there are many distinctions between diplomatic decision-making and doctrinal research about norm and power. Which factor should be assorted to, power or norm, depends on the context in which leaders pursue the ideal of one's country or of some league.
作为以区域和平发展为宗旨的地区主义组织,东盟的成立在很大程度上是创始国管理区内国家间冲突的结果。国家间的冲突管理有多种方式,它包括建立联盟、地区主义和市场一体化等,从地区稳定、制度安全的立场出发,地区一体化的路径最终成为五个创始国的选择。基于经济、社会和文化的共同发展是维护地区和平与稳定的根本这一“共有观念”,东盟将其性质定位于非政治、非军事的合作,但其背后的政治意图是明确的:维护各自国家的主权、独立,防范共产主义的“颠覆”,在此基础上谋求地区事务的主导权。
怎样协调成员国之间的不同利益,管理好本地区国家之间的各种冲突,东盟从和平的路径出发,逐步形成了一系列特殊的行为规范。这些规范既包括国际社会所共同遵守的诸多正式的法律理性规范,也包括若干建立在特殊的政治、经济发展水平之上的、以非正式形式出现的社会文化规范。由于东盟成员国特殊的发展阶段和历史际遇,东盟的法律理性规范中出现了对“不干涉内政”、“非军事合作”等原则的绝对化理解,作为非正式行为规范和决策机制的“东盟方式”,实际上也体现了对国家主权的高度敏感。正因为如此,东盟作为一个区域一体化组织,它并不以国家主权的让渡为特征。
越柬战争及其连锁反应是对东盟有关“主权平等”、“和平解决争端”与“不干涉内政”等原则的挑战。从国际规范的角度上看,越柬两党、两国矛盾的根源在于双方围绕支配与反支配的斗争。它反应了越南在地区观念上与东盟的巨大差异,也宣告了1975年后东盟第一次规范扩散的失败。战争还加深了大国对地区事务的介入,从而打击了东盟建立“和平、自由和中立区”以及“一个东南亚”的理想。除此之外,难民问题、泰柬边界冲突等问题还直接威胁到了东盟成员国的稳定与安全,也影响到了东盟的团结。
尽管如此,由于身份和利益的限制,东盟最终选择了以恢复柬埔寨独立为目的的冲突管理路径,它包括对话、沟通、国际动员、经济制裁和外交对抗等。但如何看待越南的战争行为、如何推动柬埔寨问题的政治解决,东盟成员国存在着不同的看法。最终,作为“东盟方式”灵活性的体现,“双轨外交”既维护了东盟作为一个整体、以“一个声音说话”的原则,也为成员国在越柬冲突各方之间进行有效的沟通创造了条件。早期的双轨外交由于双方的政策底线差距过大而宣告失败。1986年之后,随着各种形势的巨变,东盟对柬埔寨问题的政策出现了重大的法理突破,越南在柬利益及其所扶植的金边政权逐步得到了东盟的容忍和认可,与此同时,越南也逐渐转向了经济利益优先的偏好。在东盟的沟通与斡旋下,共同话语的建立和各自政策的妥协使得越柬冲突各方走上对话的舞台,推动了越柬战争的最终结束,也为越南接受东盟地区规范创造了条件。
尽管观念和规范在东盟成员国之间、在东盟与越南的交往中有着重要的地位,但要真正推动柬埔寨问题的政治解决,却绝非那么简单。在任何重大地区问题上,东盟都不可能无视大国实力在东南亚的存在。要解决与越柬冲突,除了与冲突各方进行大力的外交努力外,东盟还必须充分动员国际社会尤其是大国的力量,来对冲突各方施加足够的压力,以促使它们从各自的立场后退,寻求符合东盟规范的冲突解决途径。事实证明,虽然成员国对于大国力量有着不同的看法,东盟及其成员国对这些大国的动员手段和效果都是相当有限的。越柬冲突的结束,固然离不开东盟的努力,但它同时也是大国博弈的结果。
东盟介入越柬冲突管理的进程说明,东盟规范在不同层次的冲突管理中有着不同的效应,它能够有效地控制成员国之间的双边争端,但对成员国与区外国家的争端、区外国家之间的争端而言,东盟不得不动员物质性因素即权力的手段来进行管理。
总之,在国际政治的多元话语结构中,规范是重要的,但最终起决定性作用的依然是权力因素。东盟在介入柬埔寨问题的冲突管理过程中,能够灵活运用各种物质性和非物质性手段,以推动冲突的最终解决。这也说明,关于规范与权力的学理分歧同外交政策制定者的现实决策之间有着较大的区别,运用权力手段还是规范的话语,取决于领导人追求国家或联盟理想时的特定场景。
In the study of World Politics, power and norm which based on different ontology form a pair of antinomies. Realism considers power and benefit to be decisive factors, with the others being subordinate. On the contrary, Constrictivism believes that power could operate only through idea, although the factor of power is important. But in the other hand, the incommensurability between different academic paradigms is out of accord with the practice in international relations. From ASEAN's intervening in the management of Cambodian Problem, it can be seen that the discourses of power and norm are all important means of action for states or international organizations, each one should not supersede the other.
ASEAN as a regionalistic organization which aimed at regional peace and development, its establishment stemmed in large part from the regional conflict management among the five founder nations. There were many measures for the inter-national conflict management, such as leaguer establishment, regionalism and market integration, but regional integration became a optimal option of five founder nations for regional stabilization and their institutional security. Based on "shared ideas" of which economic, social and cultural co-prosperity being the groundwork of regional peace and stabilization, ASEAN was identified in non-political, non-military cooperation. This identification has a definite political intention: protect the sovereignty and independence, keep away the communist subversion, and then struggle for the dominant status in regional affairs.
In order to harmonize different benefits and then manage regional conflicts peacefully among member states, ASEAN had established a series of behavioral norms. It include not only the promissory legal-rational norms which should be abode in international community and appeared in statute forms, but also the un-promissory social-cultural norms which based on special development level in ASEAN member states. Because of the historical and contemporary circumstances, there was a disposition of absolutization in ASEAN's understanding of the legal-rational norms, such as the principles of "noninterference in internal affairs" and "non-military cooperation". As a informal behavioral norm and decision-making regime, the "ASEAN Way" was also resulted in the sensitivity to sovereignty of its members. For these reasons, ASEAN was not characterized by sovereignty transfer to constitute its identity of regional integration.
The third Indochina War and its chain-reacting challenged ASEAN's norms about "sovereign equality", "peacefully conflict resolution" and "noninterference in internal affairs". The war was actually stemmed in the struggle for predomination and anti-predomination between the two nation and their communist parties, Communist Party of Kampuchea and Vietnam Communist Party. The war reflected the great difference about regionalism of Vietnam and ASEAN, and also indicated the latter's failure to diffuse ASEAN's regional norms. Furthermore, fore-and-aft this war, great powers got a chance to intervene in Southeast Asia affairs, then endangered ASEAN's ideal for "Zone of Peace, Freedom and Neutrality" and "One Southeast Asia". Among others, the influx of refugee and conflict in Thai-Cambodian border endangered the stabilization, security and solidarity of ASEAN's member states.
Despite of the intolerable harm which resulted in Vietnamese aggression, ASEAN's identity confined its action to the conflict management aimed at resume peace in Cambodia, the measure consist of dialogue, communication, mobilization in international community, economic sanction and diplomatic confrontation, etc. But how to evaluate this aggression and how to resolve the Cambodian Problem by political means, there are different views in ASEAN. Embodying the flexibility in "ASEAN Way", "double track" policy stuck to ASEAN's principle of "speak with one voice" as a collectivity in one hand, it also created an atmosphere for communication among factions in Vietnam-Cambodian conflict in the other hand, and this policy got no achievement because of the great gulf between each factions. 1986 and after see a significant transformation in ASEAN's policy towards Cambodian Problem, in which Vietnamese benefits and the puppet government in Cambodia got admitted, at the same time, Vietnam took a policy inclining to economic development. By ASEAN's communication and mediate, the factions in Cambodian Problem entranced into the arena of dialogue based on the foundation of "shared discourse" and every factions' compromise. At the time the third Indochina War went to end, there saw a disposition for Vietnam to accept ASEAN's regional norms.
Value and norm were both significant in interaction among member states of ASEAN and among ASEAN and Vietnam, but it's not all for resolving the Cambodian Problem through political ways. ASEAN could not neglect the existence of great power in any sixty-four-dollar question in Southeast Asia. Except diplomatic struggle for a conflict resolution according with ASEAN's regional norms, ASEAN should impel great powers to press every faction in conflict to get a compromise. Despite the different views and measures, every member states and ASEAN itself could do very little to mobilize the great power. As to the end of the conflict, ASEAN's efforts were very important, but it was also an outcome of game between powers.
It could be seen in ASEAN's conflict management in the third Indochina War that ASEAN's norms had different effect in different level of conflict, it had successfully controlled bilateral conflicts among member states. As to conflicts with and among external actors, ASEAN could not but appealed to substantial powers.
To sum up, norm was an important factor in the multi-discourse framework of international politics, but it was power which gives a crucial and final function. In order to resolve the Cambodian Problem, ASEAN's took material or immaterial measures according to circumstances in the conflict management. This proved that there are many distinctions between diplomatic decision-making and doctrinal research about norm and power. Which factor should be assorted to, power or norm, depends on the context in which leaders pursue the ideal of one's country or of some league.
引文
[1]参见王正毅、张岩贵著:《国际政治经济学——理论范式和现实经验研究》,商务印书馆2003年版,第632-648页。
[1]此类文章还有黄书海:《东盟外长会议与柬埔寨问题》,《世界知识》1984年第12期;艾冰的《泰国积极推进柬埔寨问题的政治解决》(《世界知识》1988年第1期);邱波:《苏联对柬埔寨问题政策的变化》,《东南亚纵横》1990年第3期;等。
[2]这方面的文章还见田中青的《希望与忧虑并存——柬埔寨问题非正式会议浅析》(《国际展望》1988年第16期);劳夫《关于柬埔寨局势的几个问题》(《世界知识》1987年第15期);如文:《美国在柬埔寨问题上的如意算盘》,《世界知识》1990年第16期:唐天日:《围绕柬埔寨问题的外交斗争》,《嘹望》1987年第39期:等。
[1]此类研究型文章还包括王伟民:《从“变印度支那战场伟商场”看泰国对印支国家政策的新趋势》,《东南亚》1989年第4期:潘蓓英:《柬埔寨问题的症结与出路》,《外交评论-外交学院学报》1989年第2期;
[2]岳红雨:《东盟国家与柬埔寨问题》,《绵阳师范高等专科学校学报》2001年第4期:《美国对柬埔寨问题的政策初探》,乐山师范学院学报2001年第5期;《泰国和印尼对柬埔寨问题的政策分析》,《绵阳师范学院学报》2003年第6期。
[3]此类有关冲突或危机管理的理论论证还见,何曜:《国际关系中冲突及其解决的理论分析》,《世界经济研究》2003年第6期等。
[1]王作成:《马来西亚与东盟:外交政策与地区主义》,复旦大学博士论文2004年。
[2]耿协峰:《新地区主义与亚太地区结构变动》,北京大学出版社 2003年。
[3]韦民:《民族主义与地区主义的互动:东盟研究新视角》,北京大学出版社 2005年。
[4]郑翠英:《走向安全共同体——兼论东盟地区秩序建构中的越南因素》,北京大学博士论文 2004年。
[5]Sanghamitra Basu,Kampuchea as a Factor in the Sino-Soviet Conflict:1975-1984,Calcutta:Firma Kim Private ltd.,1987,pp.93-94.
[1]Stephen J.Morris,Why Vietnam Invaded Cambodia:Political Culture and the Cause of War,California:Stanford University Press,1999.
[2]Thu-huong Nguyen-vo,Khmer-viet Relations and the Third Indochina Conflict,North Carolina:McFarland &Company,Inc.,Publishers,1992.
[3]Chang Pao-Min,Kampuchea between China and Vietnam,Singapore University Press,1985.
[4]此类研究还可见Malcolm Salmon(ed.),The Vietnam-Kampuchea-China Conflicts:Motivations,Background,Significance,Department of Political and Social Change Research School of Pacific Studies Australian National University,(Working Paper);Evans.G & Rowley K.,Red Brotherhood at War:Vietnam,Cambodia and Laos since 1975,London and New York:Verso,1990;Burchett Wilfred G.,The China-Cambodia-Vietnam Triangle,Chicago:Vanguard,1981.
[5]F.O.Hampson,A New Role for Middle Powers in Regional Conflict Resolution? In Brian L.Job,The Insecurity Dilemma:National Security of Third World States,Boulder & London:Lynne Rienner Publishers,1992.
[1]Arthur Lim Joo-Jock,The Kampuchean Conflict and Regional Security:A Suggested Solution,in Mohammed Ayoob(ed.),Regional Security in the Third World,London & Sydney:Croom Helm,1986.
[2]M.Caballero-Anthony,Regional Security in Southeast Asia:Beyond the ASEAN Way,Singapore:ISEAS,2005.
[3]Dewi Fortuna Anwar,Indonesia in ASEAN:Foreign Policy and Regionalism,singapoer.ISEAS,1994,pp.182-189.
[4]Ralf Emmers,Cooperative Security and Balance of Power in ASEAN and ARF,New York:Routledge Curzon,2003.
[5]Micheal Leifer,ASEAN and the Security of South-East Asia,London & New York:Routledge,1989,pp.89-120.
[1]Bilveer Singn,Soviet Relations with ASEAN(1967—1988),Singapore:Singapore University Press,1989.
[2]Estrella D.Solidum,Towards a Southeast Asian Community,Quezon City:University of the Philippines Press,1974.
[3]T.J.Pempel,East Asia:Emerging Webs of Regional Connectedness,载阎学通、周方银主编:《东亚安全合作》,北京大学出版社 2004年。
[4]Sheldon W.Simon,The ASEAN States and Regional Security,California,Hoover Institution Press,1982.
[5]Donald E.Weatherbee,ASEAN and Indochina:the ASEANization of Vietnam,in Sheldon W.Simon(ed.),East Asian Security in the Post-Cold War Era,Armonk,New York:M.E.Sharpe,1993.
[1]Gareth Porter,Vietnam:the Politics of Bureaucratic Socialism,Ithaca,New York:Cornell University Press,1993.see also:"The Transformation of Vietnam's Woddview:From Two Camps to Interdependence",Contemporary Southeast Asia,Vol.12,no.1,(June 1990).
[2]阿米塔·阿查亚:《建构安全共同体:东盟与地区秩序》,王正毅、冯怀信译,上海人民出版社 2004年。
[3]阿米塔·阿查亚:《建构安全共同体:东盟与地区秩序》,王正毅、冯怀信译,上海人民出版社 2004年,第136页。
[4]Jurgen Haacke,ASEAN's Diplomatic and Security Culture,London and New York:Routledge Curzon,2003.
[1]星野昭吉:《全球政治学——全球化进程中的变动、冲突、治理与和平》,刘小林译,新华出版社 2000年,第247页。
[2]詹姆斯·多尔蒂、小罗伯特·普法尔茨格拉夫:《争论中的国际关系理论》,阎学通、陈寒溪等译,世界知识出版社 2003年,第200页。
[3]科塞:《社会冲突的功能》,孙立平译,华夏出版社 1989年,前言,第2页。
[1]倪世雄等:《当代西方国际关系理论》,复旦大学出版社 2001年,第269-270页。
[2]Anne-Marie Gardner,"Diagnosing Conflict:What do we know?" In F.Hampson & D.Malone(eds.),From Reaction to Conflict Prevention." Opportunities for the UN System,Boulder,Colorado:Lynne Rienner Publishers,2002,pp.15-40.
[3]小约瑟夫·奈:《理解国际冲突:理论与历史》,张小明译,上海人民出版社 2005年,第41页。
[4]刘俊波:《冲突管理理论初探》,《国际论坛》2007年第1期。
[1]Mely C.Anthony,Regional Security in Southeast Asia:beyond the ASEAN Way,Singapore:Institute of Southeast Asian Studies(ISEAS),2005,p.22.
[2]Muthiah Alagappa,"Regional Institutions,the UN and International Security",Third World Quarterly,Vol.18,no.3,1997.cited from Anthony,ibid.
[3]Gregory A.Raymond,"Problems and Prospects in the Study of International Norms",The International Studies Review.Vol.41,No.2,Nov.,1997.
[4]卡赞斯坦:《文化规范与国家安全——战后日本警察与自卫队》,李小华译,北京:新华出版社 2002年,“译者的话”。
[1]Mely C.Anthony,Regional Security in Southeast Asia:beyond the ASEAN Way,Singapore:Institute of Southeast Asian Studies(ISEAS),2005,p.22.
[2]参见,钱春泰:《国际政治中武力的潜在运用——威逼与威慑》,《欧洲研究》2005年第4期.
[1]Amitav Acharya,"Regional Approaches to Security in the Third World:Lessons and Prospects",in L.Swatuk &T.M.Shaw(eds.),The South at the End of the Twentieth Century:rethinking the political economy of foreign policy in Africa,Asia,the Caribbean,and Latin America.St.Martin's Press,1994.
[2]此为概略。中国明代以前大致将东南亚称为“南海”;明代张燮著《东西洋考》,以文莱为界分为“东洋”和“西洋”;清代中叶之后才统称“南洋”。
[3]K.T.Young & L.M.Tondel,The Southeast Asian Crisis,New York:Oceana Publications,1966,p.63.
[1]“美国的亚洲政策”(1943年12月23-30日),陶文钊主编:《美国对华政策文件集1949～1972》(第1卷·上),世界知识出版社 2003年版,第133-148页。
[1]其中以胡平所领导的马来亚共产党在马来亚丛林地带的游击战、菲共在吕宋地区的游击战为代表。
[2]Jurgen Haacke,ASEAN's Diplomatic and Security Culture:Origins,development ana prospects,London & New York:Routledge Curzon,2003,p.33.
[3]Pantja Sila或Pancasila,印尼的建国五基。包括民族主义、国际主义、协商一致(或民主)、社会繁荣、神道五种社会理念的融合。
[1]M.Haas,The Asian Way to Peace:A Story of Regional Co-operation,New York:Praeger Publishers,1989,p.5.
[2]Evelyn S.Colbert,Southeast Asia in International Politics:1941-56,Ithaca:Cornell University Press,1977,p.292.
[3]Bilveer Singh,Soviet Relation with ASEAN,Singapore:Singapore University Press,1989,p.19.
[1]Shaun Narine,Explaining ASEAN:Regionalism in Southeast Asia,Colorado:Lynne Rienner Publishers,2002,p.10.
[2]1963年,新加坡、沙巴、沙捞越与英国在伦敦签署协议,三个地区于8月31起获得完全独立并同时与马来亚联合邦一起组成马来西亚联邦。该计划被苏加诺视为英国新殖民主义计划,和菲律宾总统马卡帕加尔一道予以激烈反对。
[1]郑翠英:《走向安全共同体——兼论东盟地区秩序建构中的越南因素》,北京大学博士论文 2004年,第47页。
[1]Address to Foreign Correspondents' Club in Johore Bahru,Malaysia,23 June 1966.Cited from Bilveer Singh,Soviet Relation with ASEAN,Singapore:Singapore University Press,1989,p.31.
[1]The ASEAN Declaration,Bangkok Declaration,1967,http://www.aseansec.org/1210.htm
[2]有关东盟性质的争论情况,参见郑翠英:《走向安全共同体——兼论东盟地区秩序建构中的越南因素》,北京大学博士论文2004年,第53-54页。
[3]让拉·夏:《东南亚国家联盟:政治上成功,经济上失败?》,《世界经济译丛》1994年第8期。
[4]Bilveer Singh,Soviet Relation with ASEAN,Singapore:Singapore University Press,1989,p.33.
[1]Antara News Bulletin,15 December 1966.
[2]赵晨:《东南亚国家联盟——成立发展同主要大国的关系》,中国物资出版社 1994年,第21页。
[3]参见雷迅马:《作为意识形态的现代化:社会科学与美国对第三世界政策》,牛可译,中央编译出版社 2003年,中文版序。
[1]Michael Leifer,ASEAN and the Security of South-east Asia,London & New York:Routledge,1989,p.150.
[1]Chin Kin Wah,The Defense of Malaysia and Singapore,Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,1983.pp.256-259,cited in Michael Leifer,ASEAN and the Security of Southeast Asia,p.34.
[2]Michael Antolik,ASEAN and the diplomacy of accommodation,Armonk,New York:M.E.Sharpe,1990,p.156.
[1]Michael Leifer,ASEAN and the Security of Southeast Asia,London & New York:Routledge,1989,pp.38-39.
[2]Michael Antolik,ASEAN and the diplomacy of accommodation,New York:M.E.Sharpe,1990,pp.51-52.
[1]阿米塔·阿查亚:《建构安全共同体:东盟与地区秩序》,上海人民出版社 2004年,第32-33页。
[2]阿米塔·阿查亚:《建构安全共同体:东盟与地区秩序》,上海人民出版社 2004年,第35页。
[1]阿米塔·阿查亚:《建构安全共同体:东盟与地区秩序》,上海人民出版社 2004年,第67页。
[2]Zone of Peace,Freedom and Neutrality Declaration,Kuala Lumpur,27 Nov.1971,http://www.ascansec.org/1210.htm
[3]Treaty of Amity and Co-operation in Southeast Asia,Bali,24 February 1976,http://www.aseansec.org/1210.htm
[1]阿米塔·阿查亚:《建构安全共同体:东盟与地区秩序》,上海人民出版社 2004年,第74-75页。
[2]Roger Irvine,"The Formative Years of ASEAN:1967-1975",in Alison Broinowski(ed.),Understanding ASEAN,London & Basingstoke:Macmillan Press,1982,p.24.
[3]New Straits Times,1 April 1976.转引自阿米塔·阿查亚:《建构安全共同体:东盟与地区秩序》,上海人民出版社 2004年,第84-85页。
[1]Declaration of ASEAN Concord,E."Security",Bali,24 February 1976.http://www.aseansec.org/1210.htm
[2]陆建人:《1998年东盟形势回顾与展望》,《当代亚太》1999年第1期。
[1]参见阿米塔·阿查亚:《建构安全共同体:东盟与地区秩序》,上海人民出版社 2004年,第89-90页。
[2]Hoang Anh Tuan,"ASEAN Dispute Management:Implications for Vietnam and an Expanded ASEAN",Contemporary Southeast Asia,Vol.18,No.1,June 1996.
[3]Jorgenson-Dahl,Regional Organisation and Order in Southeast Asia,London:Macmillan,1982,p.166.
[1]阿米塔·阿查亚:《建构安全共同体:东盟与地区秩序》,上海人民出版社 2004年,第87-97页。
[1]Thu-huong Nguyen-vo,Khmer-Viet Relations and the Third Indochina Conflict,North Carolina:McFarland &Company,1992,p.1.
[2]Alexander B.Woodside,Vietnam and the Chinese Model,Cambridge,Mass.:Harvard University Press,1971,p.234.
[1]Thu-huong Nguyen-vo,Khmer-Viet Relations and the Third Indochina Conflict,North Carolina:McFarland &Company,1992,pp.2-14.
[2]Alexander B.Woodside,Vietnam and the Chinese Model,Cambridge,Mass.:Harvard University Press,1971,p.254.
[3]梁英明、梁志明等:《东南亚近现代史》昆仑出版社 2005年,第186-190页。
[1]Stephen J.Morris,Why Vietnam Invaded Cambodia,California:Stanford University Press,1999,pp.27-28.
[1]Ben Kiernan,"Pol Pot and the Kampuchean Communist Movement",in Kiernan & Chanthou Boua(eds.),Peasants and Politics in Kampuchea,1942-1981,New York:Sharpe,1982,p.10.
[2]Thu-huong Nguyen-vo,Khmer-Viet Relations and the Third Indochina Conflict,North Carolina:McFarland &Company,1992,p.35.
[3]张锡镇:《西哈努克家族》,社会科学文献出版社,1996年,第83-87页。
[1]张锡镇:《西哈努克家族》,社会科学文献出版社,1996年,第86-87页。
[2]Ben Kiernan,"Pol Pot and the Kampuchean Communist Movement",in Kiernan & Chanthou Boua(eds.),Peasants and Politics in Kampuchea,1942-1981,New York:Sharpe,1982,pp.59-68.
[3]Thu-huong Nguyen-vo,Khmer-Viet Relations and the Third Indochina Conflict,North Carolina:McFarland &Company,1992,pp.30-31.
[1]张锡镇:《西哈努克家族》,社会科学文献出版社,1996年,第102-104页。
[2]Norodom Sihanouk,War and Hope:the Case for Cambodia,New York:Pantheon,1980,pp.12-13.
[3]Norodom Sihanouk,War and Hope:the Case for Cambodia,New York:Pantheon,1980,pp.151-154.
[1]T.D.Allman,"Hanoi Eggs on a Revolt",Washington Post,February 1,1970.
[2]张锡镇:《西哈努克家族》,社会科学文献出版社,1996年,第184页。
[3]Stephen J.Morris,Why Vietnam Invaded Cambodia,California:Stanford University Press,1999,p.48.
[1]Odd Arne Westad & Sophie Q-Judge(eds.),The third Indochina War:Conflict between China,Vietnam and Cambodia,1972-1979,London & New York:Routledge,2006,p.166.
[2]Wilfred P.Deac,Road to the Killing Fields:the Cambodian War of 1970-1975,College Station:Texas A & M University Press,1997,p.87.
[3]Ben Kiernan,"Pol Pot and the Kampuchean Communist Movement",in Kiernan & Chanthou Boua(eds.),Peasants and Politics in Kampuchea,1942-1981,New York:Sharpe,1982,p.308.
[4]张锡镇:《西哈努克家族》,社会科学文献出版社,1996年,第184页。亦见Stephen J.Morris,Why Vietnam Invaded Cambodia,California:Stanford University Press,1999,p.50.
[1]沈志华主编:《苏联历史档案选编》,第31卷,№01829:谢尔巴科夫“关于越南劳动党解决印度支那问题的政策与苏联根据苏共二十四大决议所面临的任务”的政治信函(1971年5月21日),北京:社会科学文献出版社 2002年,第459页。
[2]Stephen Heder,"Kampuehea:From Pol Pot to Pen Sovan to the Villages",in Khien Theeravit & Brown(eds.),Indochina and Problems of Security and Stability in Southeast Asia,Bangkok:Chulalongkom University Press,1983.
[1]Chang Pao-Min,Kampuchea Between China and Vietnam,Singapore:Singapore University Press,1985,pp.42-43.
[4]亨利·基辛格:《白宫岁月》(第二册),世界知识出版社 2003年,第1748-1750页。
[1]Stephen J.Morris,Why Vietnam Invaded Cambodia,California:Stanford University Press,1999,p.60.
[2]Henry A.Kissinger,Years of Upheaval,Boston:Little,Brown,1982,p.16.
[3]Stephen J.Morris,Why Vietnam Invaded Cambodia,California:Stanford University Press,1999,pp.63-65.
[1]Vietnam Courier,no.45,February 1976,p.3.
[2]Stephen J.Morris,Why Vietnam Invaded Cambodia,California:Stanford University Press,1999,pp.92-93.
[3]Vietnam Courier,no.52,September 1976,p.7.
[4]Chandler,Ben Kiernan et al,(eds.),Pol Pot Plans the Future:Confidential Leadership Documents from Democratic Kampuchea,1976-1977.New Haven,Connell:Yale Center for International and Area Studies,1988,p.126.
[1]1976年,居留柬埔寨的越南人尚有1万余人,到1978年底,已全部被红色高棉所消灭。参考Ben Kiernan,The Pol Pot Regirne:Race,Power,and Genocide in Cambodia under the Khmer Rouge,1975-1979,New Haven,Conn.;London:Yale University Press,2002,p.458.
[2]Chang Pao-Min,Kampuchea between China and Vietnam,Singapore:Singapore University Press,1985,pp.43-44.
[3]Stephen P.Heder,"The Kampuchean-Vietnemese Conflict",in David W.P.Elliott(ed.),The Third Indochina Conflict,Boulder:Westview Press,pp.43-47.
[1]Vietnam Courier,no.40,September 1975,p.3.
[2]“邓小平与黎笋谈中越关系”,Odd Arne Westad et al(eds.),77 Conversations Between Chinese and Foreign Leaders on the Wars in Indochina,1964-1977,Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars,Washington,D.C.,1998,pp.192-193.
[3]Chang Pao-Min,Kampuchea between China and Vietnam,Singapore:Singapore University Press,1985,pp.46-47.
[4]Chang Pao-Min,Kampuchea between China and Vietnam,Singapore:Singapore University Press,1985,p.54.
[5]Chang Pao-Min,Kampuchea between China and Vietnam,Singapore:Singapore University Press,1985,pp.58-59.
[1]郭明主编:《中越关系演变四十年》,广西人民出版社 1992年,第114-115页。
[2]Communist Party of Vietnam,Fourth National Congress:Documents,Hanoi:Foreign Languages Publishing House,1977,pp.248-249.
[1]Michael Richardson,"ASEAN and Indo-Chinese Refugees",in Alison Broinowski(ed.),Understanding ASEAN,London & Basingstoke,MacMillan Press,1982,p.95.
[2]Michael Richardson,"ASEAN and Indo-Chinese Refugees",in Alison Broinowski(ed.),Understanding ASEAN,London & Basingstoke,MacMillan Press,1982,pp.92-95.
[3]M.Rajendran,ASEAN's Foreign Relations:the shift to Collective Action,Kuala Lumpur:.Arenabuku sdn.Bhn.,1985,p.89.
[4]Chang Pao-min,"The Sino-Vietnamese Dispute over the Ethnic Chinese",The China Quarterly,June 1982.
[5]M.Rajendran,ASEAN's Foreign Relations:the shift to Collective Action,Kuala Lumpur:Arenabuku sdn.Bhn.,1985,pp.89-91.
[6]Richard Stubbs,"can't they stay in Southeast Asia? the problems of Vietnam's neighbours",in Elliot Tepper (ed.),Southeast Asian Exodus:from tradition to resettlement,Ottawa:Canadian Asian Studies Association,1980.
[7]Joint Press Statement The Special ASEAN Foreign Ministers Meeting On Indochinese Refugees,Bangkok,13January 1979.东盟秘书处网站:http://www.aseansec.org/1258.htm
[8]Joint Communique Of The Twelfth ASEAN Ministerial Meeting,Bali,28-30 June 1979.东盟秘书处网站:http://www.aseansec.org/1242.htm
[1]Statement by Prasong Sansuri,Deputy Secretary General of the National Security Council,Thailand,in Far Eastern Economic Review,15 June 1979,p.29.
[2]M.Rajendran,ASEAN's Foreign Relations:the shift to Collective Action,Kuala Lumpur.Arenabuku sdn.Bhn.,1985,p.94.
[1]M.Rajendran,ASEAN's Foreign Relations:the shift to Collective Action,Kuala Lumpur:Arenabuku sdn.Bhn.,1985,p.88.notes 6.
[2]Michael Richardson,ibid,pp.92-95.以上数字仅包括根据各国官方或联合国难民署统计的难民营内人数。
[3]Michael Leifer,ASEAN and the security of South-East Asia,London & New York:Routledge,1989,p.97.
[4]Far Eastern Economic Review,June 27,1980,p.10.
[5]Far Eastern Economic Review,June 12,1981,p.12.
[6]The Straits Times,July 19,1982,p.40.
[1]广西社会科学院印度支那研究所编:《中越关系大事记》,1980年3月,第105页。
[2]王泰平主编:《中华人民共和国外交史》第3卷,北京:世界知识出版社 1999年,第68页。
[3]宫力:《1979年中越边境冲突中的美中苏三角关系》,《国际观察》2004年第3期。
[4]Zbigniew Brzezinski,Power and Principle:Memoirs of the National Security Adviser,1977-1981,New York:Farrar· Straus· Giroux,1983,p.409.
[1]Jusuf Wanandi,"Politico-Security dimensions of Southeast Asia",Asian Survey,Vol.17,no.1,August 1977.
[2]Declaration of ASEAN Concord,Indonesia,24 February 1976,东盟秘书处网站:http://www.aseansec.org/1216.htm
[3]Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in Southeast Asia,Bali,24 February 1976,东盟秘书处网站:http://www.ascansec.org/1217.htm
[4]Joint Communique The Second ASEAN Heads of Government Meeting,Kuala Lumpur,4-5 August 1977,东盟秘书处网站:http://www.ascanscc.org/1224.htm
[1]Joint Communique Of The Tenth ASEAN Ministerial Meeting Singapore,5-8 July 1977,东盟秘书处网站:http://www.aseansec.org/1240.htm
[2]Joint Press Release Of The Eleventh ASEAN Ministerial Meeting Pattaya,14-16 June 1978,东盟秘书处网站:http://www.aseansec.org/1241.htm
[3]M.Rajendran,ASEAN's Foreign Relations:the shift to Collective Action,Kuala Lumpur:Arenabuku sdn.Bhn.,1985,pp.93-94.
[4]Ronald D.Palmer & Thomas J.Reekford,Building ASEAN:20 Years of Southeast Asian Cooperation,New York:Praeger,1987,pp.59-61.
[1]蒋建东:《苏联的海洋扩张》,上海:上海人民出版社 1981年,第163页。
[1]The International Institute for Strategic Studies,The Military Balance 1979-1980,London:IISS,1979,pp.66-74.
[2]Nikolas Busse,"Constructivism and Southeast Asian security",The Pacific Review,Vol.12,No.1,1999.
[1]Michael Leifer,"Overnight,an oasis may become a desert",Far Eastern Economic Review,8 January 1987.
[2]David Wurfel & Bruce Burton(eds.),The Political Economy of Foreign Policy in Southeast Asia,Basingstoke,Hampshire:Macmillan,1990,pp.98-113.
[1]Statement by the Indonesian Foreign Minister as Chairman of the ASEAN Standing Committee on the Escalation of the Armed Conflict between Vietnam and Kampuchea,Jakarta,9 January 1979.东盟秘书处网站:http://www.aseansec.org/1210.htm.
[2]Joint Statement The Special ASEAN Foreign Ministers Meeting On The Current Political Development In The Southeast Asia Region,Bangkok,12 January 1979,东盟秘书处网站:http://www.aseansec.org/1210.htm
[3]Bilveer Singh,Soviet Relation with ASEAN:1967-88,Singapore:Singapore University Press,1989,p.68.
[4]Joint Statement:the Asean Foreign Ministers on the Indochina Refugee Problem,Kuala Lumpur,16 August 1979,东盟秘书处网站:http://www.aseansec.org/1610.htm
[1]An Appeal for Kampuchean Independence by the ASEAN Foreign Ministers,Jakarta,20 September 1983,东盟秘书处网站:http://www.aseansec.org/1210.htm.
[2]Statement by the Philippine Foreign Minister as Chairman of the ASEAN Standing Committee and on behalf of the ASEAN Foreign Ministers,New York,9 July 1980.东盟秘书处网站:http://www.aseansec.org/1210.htm.
[1]Jurgen Haacke,ASEAN's Diplomatic and Security Culture:Origins,development and prospects,London & New York:Routledge.2003,p.89.
[2]许通美:《探究世界秩序:一位务实的理想主义者的观点》,门洪华等译,中央编译出版社 1999年,第26页、第273页。
[3]Bilveer Singh,The Soviet Union in Singapore's Foreign Policy:An Analysis,Kuala Lumpur:ISIS Malaysia,1990,pp.75-76.
[4]Jurgen Haacke,ASEAN's Diplomatic and Security Culture:Origins,development and prospects,London & New York:Routledge,2003,p.240:note 4.
[5]Chang Pao-min,Kampuchea between China and Vietnam,Singapore:Singapore University Press,1985,pp.139-142.
[1]Statement by the Chairman of the ASEAN Standing Committee on USSR Appeal,Manila,27 March 1981.东盟秘书处网站:http://www.aseansec.org/1210.htm.
[1]雷迅马:《作为意识形态的现代化:社会科学与美国对第三世界政策》,牛可译,中央编译出版社 2003年,中文版序。
[2]梁英明、梁志明等著:《东南亚近现代史》,北京:昆仑出版社 2005年,第39-43页。
[3]参见尼古拉斯·塔林主编:《剑桥东南亚史》,贺圣达等译,云南人民出版社 2003年,第十章第471-484页。
[1]Michael Leifer,ASEAN and the Security of South-East Asia,London & New York:Routledge,1989,p.97.
[2]Rabindra Sen,China and ASEAN:Diplomacy during the Cold War and After,Howrah:Manuscript India,2002,p.19.
[3]Jurgen Haacke,ASEAN's Diplomatic and Security Culture:Origins,development and prospects,London & New York:Routledge Curzon,2003,pp.84-85.
[4]Leo Suryadinata,lndonesia's Foreign Policy under Suharto:Aspiring to International Leadership,Singapore: Times Academic Press,2006,p.128.
[1]Leszek Buszynski,"ASEAN:A Changing Regional Role",Asian Survey,Vol.27,No.7,July 1987.
[2]D.Jenkins,"Maintaining an Even Keel",Far Eastern Economic Review,June 1,1979.
[3]Jurgen Haacke,ASEAN's Diplomatic and Security Culture:Origins,development and prospects,London & New York:Routledge Curzon,2003,p.87.
[1]Justus M.van der Kroef,"ASEAN,Honoi,and the Kampuchean Conflict:Between 'Kuantan' and a 'Third Alternative'",Asian Survey,Vol.21,No.5,May 1981.
[2]有关波尔布特时期柬埔寨人道主义灾难的情况可见:Ben Kiernan,The pol pot regime:race,power,and genocide in Cambodia under the Khmer Rouge,1975-79,New Haven,Conn.& London:Yale University Press,2002.
[3]Odd Arne Westad & Sophie Quinn-Judge(eds.),The Third Indochina War:Conflict between China,Vietnam and Cambodia,1972-1979,London & New York:Routledge,2006,pp.178-179.
[4]Bilveer Singh,The Soviet Union in Singapore's Foreign Policy:An Analysis,Kuala Lumpur:ISIS Malaysia,1990,p.30.
[1]D.Jenkins,"Maintaining an Even Keel",Far Eastern Economic Review,June 1,1979.
[2]Andrew J.Maclntyre,"Interpreting Indonesian Foreign Policy:the case of Kampuchean,1979-1986",Asian Survey,Vol.27,No.5,May 1987.
[3]Michael Leifer,ASEAN and the Security of South-East Asia,London & New York:Routledge,1989,p.137.
[1]Indonesian Times,Jakarta,Dec.,17,1979.Cited from Andrew J.Maclntyre,ibid.
[1]许通美:《探究世界秩序:一位务实的理想主义者的观点》,门洪华等译,中央编译出版社1999年,第26页、第271-273页。
[1]Andrew J.Macintyre,"Interpreting Indonesian Foreign Policy:The Case of Kampuchea,1979-1986",Asian Survey,Vol.27,No.5,May 1987.
[2]K.Das,"Kuantan Principle",Far Eastern Economic Review,April 4,1980.
[1]Justus M.Kroef,ASEAN,"Hanoi,and the Kampuchean Conflict:Between 'Kuantan' and a 'Third Alternative'",Asian Survey,Vol.21,No.5,May 1981.
[2]M.Nagendra Prasad,Indonesia's Role in the Resolution of the Cambodian Problem,Aldershot(England):Ashgate Publishing Ltd.,2001,pp.48-49.
[3]R.Nations,"The Looming Split in the Five",Far Eastern Economic Review,June 20,1980.
[1]Andrew J.Maclntyre,"Interpreting Indonesian Foreign Policy:the case of Kampuchea,1979-1986",Asian Survey,Vol.27,No.5,May 1987.
[2]Joint Communique of the thirteenth ASEAN Ministerial Meeting,Kuala Lumpur,25-26 June,1980,东盟秘书处网站:http://www.aseansec.org/1243.htm
[3]Justus M.Kroef,ASEAN,"Hanoi,and the Kampuchean Conflict:Between 'Kuantan' and a 'Third Alternative'",Asian Survey,Vol.21,No.5,May 1981.
[1]Justus M.Kroef,ASEAN,"Hanoi,and the Kampuchean Conflict:Between 'Kuantan' and a 'Third Alternative'",Asian Survey,Vol.21,No.5,May 1981.
[2]M.Nagendra Prasad,Indonesia's Role in the Resolution of the Cambodian Problem,Aldershot(England):Ashgate Publishing Ltd.,2001,pp.51-52.
[3]David Jenkins,"Second Thoughts on Kuantan",Far Eastern Economic Review,October 10,1980.
[4]Nayan Chanda,"New patterns in a Kaleidoscope",Far Eastern Economic Review.October 17,1980.
[5]有关此一决议的详细内容,见联合国网站:http://www.un.org/chinese/aboutun/prinorgs/ga/35/35all.htm.
[1]M.Nagendra Prasad,Indonesia's Role in the Resolution of the Cambodian Problem,Aldershot(England):Ashgate Publishing Ltd..2001.p.53.
[2]根据联大关于柬埔寨问题的35/6号决议案指出,为了全面政治解决柬埔寨,应该采取一些适当的步骤:外国军队限期内完全撤出柬埔寨、举行联合国监督下的自由选举、采取必要的措施以保证柬埔寨国内事务不受外部力量的干预。A/RES/35/6:The Situation in Kampuchea,http://www.un.org/documents/ga/res/35/a35r6e.pdf
[3]Andrew J.Maclntyre,"Interpreting Indonesian Foreign Policy:the case of Kampuchea,1979-1986",Asian Survey,Vol.27,No.5,May 1987.
[4]人民网:http://www.people.com.cn/GB/historic/0713/2304.html.
[1]Indonesian Times,Jakarta,December 5,1981,p.1.
[2]Andrew J.Maclntyre,"Interpreting Indonesian Foreign Policy:the case of Kampuchea,1979-1986",Asian Survey,Vol.27,No.5,May 1987.
[3]An Appeal for Kampuchean Independence by the ASEAN Foreign Ministers,Jakarta,20 September 1983,东盟秘书处网站:http://www.aseansec.org/1605.htm
[1]J.Wanandi,"Prospects for Peace and Stability in Southeast Asia and for the Solution of the Conflict in Kampuchea",Indonesian Quarterly,12:2,1984.
[1]参见钱其琛:《外交十记》,世界知识出版社2003年,第3-15页。
[1]转引自谢尔登·W·西蒙:《九十年代东盟的安全》,《东南亚研究》1990年第2期。
[2]亚·尼·雅克夫列夫:《一杯苦酒:俄罗斯的布尔什维主义和改革运动》,北京:新华出版社1999年,第169页。转引自戴超武:《基辛格-尼克松的“宏大构想”、尼克松主义与冷战转型》,《南开学报》2007年第5期。
[3]谷源洋:《越南国有企业的改革及其与中国的比较》,北京:经济科学出版社1997年,第146-147页。
[4]“越南政改20年”,凤凰网:http://news.ifeng.com/special/yn/200611/1126_360_39055_4.shtml
[5]Amitav Acharya,The Quest for Identity:International Relations of Southeast Asia,Oxford University Publishing House,2000,p.118.
[1]钱其琛:《外交十记》,北京:世界知识出版社2003年,第46页。
[2]根据社会建构主义理论,国际社会结构不仅包括物质结构、权力结构,还包括意义和价值结构。结构不仅约束行为体的行为,还能改变或建构行为体在某一时期的偏好或利益取向。参见玛莎·菲丽莫:《国际社会中的国家利益》,浙江人民出版社2001年,译者序。
[1]M.van der Kroef,ASEAN,"Hanoi,and the Kampuchean Conflict:Between 'Kuantan' and a 'Third Alternative'",Asian Survey,Vol.21,No.5,May 1981.
[1]R.Nations,"A Foot in the Mouth",Far Eastern Economic Review,May 2,1985.
[2]Joint Communique of The Eighteenth ASEAN Ministerial Meeting,Kuala Lumpur,9 July,1985,东盟秘书处网站:http://www.aseansec.org/1248.htm
[1]Bilveer Singh,Soviet Relations with ASEAN:1967-88,Singapore:Singapore University Press,1989,p.70.
[2]M.Caballero-Anthony,Regional Security in Southeast Asia:Beyond the ASEAN Way,Singapore:ISEAS,2005,p.98.
[3]张锡镇:《西哈努克家族》,北京:社会科学文献出版社1996年,第298页。
[1]M.Caballero-Anthony,Regional Security in Southeast Asia:Beyond the ASEAN Way,Singapore:ISEAS,2005,p.100.
[2]Shaun Narine,"ASEAN and the Management of Regional Security",Pacific Affairs,Vol.71,No.2,Summer 1998.
[3]有关泰国“变战场为商场”政策的提出与评价,参见王伟民:《从“变印度支那战场为商场”看泰国政府对印支国家政策的新趋势》,《东南亚》1989年第4期。
[4]梁英明、梁志明:《东南亚近现代史》,北京:昆仑出版社2005年,第704页。
[1]"Sihanouk unveils 5-point peace plan",Straits Times,28 July 1988.
[1]温特:《国际政治的社会理论》,上海:上海人民出版社2000年,译者序第21-22页。
[1]Michael Leifer.The Balance of Power in East Asia,Hampshire:Macmillan Press Ltd.,1986,p.143.
[2]戴超武:《基辛格-尼克松的“宏大构想”、尼克松主义与冷战转型》,《南开学报》2007年第5期。
[3]沈志华主编:《中苏关系史纲(1917-1991)》,北京:新华出版社2007年,第390-391页。
[1]有关中美缓和、越战停战谈判和苏联对中越关系疏远的影响,可见沈志华、李丹慧:《中美和解与中国对越外交(1971-1973)》,《美国研究》2000年第1期。
[1]Stephen M.Walt,The Origins of Alliances,Ithaca,New York:Cornell University Press,1987,pp.25-26.
[2]Henry Kissinger,American Foreign Policy,New York:W.W.Norton & Company,1976,p.97.
[3]Donald E.Weatherbee,"U.S.Policy and the two Southeast Asia",Asian Survey,Vol.18,No.4,April 1978.
[1]亚历克斯·乔西:《李光耀》,上海:上海人民出版社1976年。第610页。
[2]Bilveer Singh,Soviet Relations with ASEAN:1967-88,Singapore:Singapore University Press,1989,pp.12-13.
[3]Bilveer Singh,Ibid.,p.107.
[4]"Mochtar interviews",New Straits Times,18 April,1985.
[1]Mahathir Mohammad,"Success of the Asia-Pacific Region",New Straits Times,4 June,1985.
[2]Bilveer Singh,Soviet Relations with ASEAN:1967-88,Singapore:Singapore University Press,1989,pp.107-108.
[3]Thanat Khoman,"National Threat Perceptions in East Asia",in Charles E.Morrison(ed.),Threat to Security in East Asia-Pacific,Toronto:Lexington Books,1985,p.20.
[4]由中国支持和援建、设在湖南省益阳市赫山区岳家桥镇四方山的”马来亚革命之声广播电台”一直工作到1981年,这也是中共对马共的最后支持。详细信息请浏览http://www.zq-car.com/archiver/?tid-4080.html
[5]Rizal Sukma,Indonesia and China:the Politics of a troubled relationship,London & New York:Routledge,1999,pp.54-58.
[1]泰国要求关闭美国在其领土上的全部军事基地、菲律宾声明要就美军基地问题进行谈判、东盟关于解散东南亚条约组织的举动以及印尼、马来西亚谋求马六甲海峡非中立化的尝试等,都反映了这一倾向。
[2]Donald E.Weatherbee,"U.S.Policy and the two Southeast Asia",Asian Survey,Vol.18,No.4,April 1978.
[3]Nayan Chanda,"New patterns in a Kaleidoscope",Far Eastern Economic Review,October 17,1980.
[1]N.Ganesan,"ASEAN's relations with major external powers",Contemporary Southeast Asia,Vol.22,No.2,August 2000.
[2]中共中央文献研究室编:《周恩来年谱(1949-1976)》上卷,中央文献出版社1997年,第388-389页。
[3]Roger E.Smith,Cambodia's Foreign Policy,Ithaca:Cornell University Press,1965,p.123.
[4]Melvin Gurtov,China and Southeast Asia,Baltimore:The Johns Hopkins University Press,1975,pp.65-66.
[1]O.A.Weatad & J.Sophie,The Third Indochina War:Conflict between China,Vietnam and Cambodia,1972-79,London & New York:Routledge,2006,p.163.
[2]Chang Pao-Min,Kampuchea between China and Vietnam,Singapore:Singapore University Press,1985,p.54.
[3]Stephen P.Heder,"The Kampuchean-Vietnamese Conflict",in David W.P.Elliott(ed.),The Third Indochina Conflict,Boulder:Westview Press,1981,pp.43-47.
[4]Chang Pao-Min,Kampuchea between China and Vietnam,Singapore:Singapore University Press,1985,pp.61-62.
[1]Chang Pao-Min,Kampuchea between China and Vietnam,Singapore:Singapore University Press,1985,pp.68-69.
[2]Bilveer Singh,Soviet Relations with ASEAN:1967-88,Singapore:Singapore University Press,1989,pp.65-66.
[3]Robert G.Sutter,The Cambodian Crisis and U.S.Policy Dilemmas,Colorado:Westview Press,Inc.,1991,p.47.
[1]岳西宽等编译:《美国历届总统就职演说》,中央编译出版社2005年,第284页。
[2]Christopher Brady,United States Foreign Policy towards Cambodia,1977-92,Hampshire:Macmillan Press Ltd.,1999,pp.66-67.
[3]杜敦信、赵和曼主编:《越南老挝柬埔寨手册》,时事出版社1988年,第117-119页。
[4]Leszek Buszynski,ASEAN:A Changing Regional Role,Asian Survey,Vol.27,No.7,July 1987.
[5]所谓联系战略,是指在谈判中将两个相互分离的问题、目标结合起来,制造谈判筹码,以便在谈判中占据优势。
[1]Leszek Buszynski,ASEAN:A Changing Regional Role,Asian Survey,Vol.27,No.7,July 1987.
[2]Christopher Brady,United States Foreign Policy towards Cambodia,1977-92,Hampshire:Macmillan Press Ltd.,1999,p.114.
[3]潘同文:《布什政府为什么改变对柬埔寨政策》,《国际问题研究》1990年第4期。
[4]喻常森、方倩华:《东盟“和平、自由和中立区”战略构想探讨》,《南洋问题研究》2005年第2期。
[5]Van der Kroef,ASEAN,Hanoi,and the Kampuchean Conflict:Between "Kuantan" and a "Third Alternative",Asian Survey,Vol.21,No.5,May 1981.
[1]"The Credibility of China is at stake",Bangkok Post,August 19,1986.
[2]“中越领导人会晤内幕”,星岛环球网:http://www.singtaonet.com/reveal/t20061205_410812.html
[1]由于中国在柬埔寨等问题上表现出来的合作态度,1989年东盟顶住内外压力宣布“天安门事件”纯属中国内政,这既是对自身行为规范的坚守,也是对中国相应的善意回报。
[2]Bilveer Singh,Soviet Relations with ASEAN:1967-88,Singapore:Singapore University Press,1989,pp.71-72.
[1]The ASEAN Declaration(Bangkok Declaration),8 August,1967,http://www.aseansec.org/1212.htm
[2]安全共同体的概念,最早源于Karl Deutsch,et al.,Political Community in the North Atlantic Area(New Jersey:Princeton University Press,1957,pp.5-6.),在这里,多伊奇将安全共同体定义为“一群人已经凝聚到这样的程度:共同体的成员真正确信彼此之间不以武力相害,而是以其他的方式来解决争端”,“共同体的主要形式是多元安全共同体,这种共同体由主权国家组成,成员国间拥有共同制度、共同价值观、共同的共同体感。它们凝聚到了这样的程度:在相互间形成了对国际体系的和平变化产生了可依赖的预期。”
[3]王正毅、张贵岩:《国际政治经济学——理论范式与现实经验研究》,商务印书馆2004年,第642-644页。
[1]Shaun Narine,ASEAN and the Management of Regional Security,Pacific Affairs,Vol.71,No.2,Summer 1998.
1.沈志华主编:《苏联历史档案选编》,第31卷,北京:社会科学文献出版社2002年。
2.陶文钊主编:《美国对华政策文件集1949～1972》(第1卷),世界知识出版社2003年。
3.钱其琛:《外交十记》,北京:世界知识出版社2003年。
4.中共中央文献研究室编:《周恩来年谱(1949-1976)》上卷,中央文献出版社1997年。
5.A.多勃雷宁:《信赖:多勃雷宁回忆录》,世界知识出版社1997年;
6.C.万斯:《困难的抉择:美国对外政策的危急年代》,中国对外翻译出版公司1987年;
7.亨利·基辛格:《白宫岁月》,世界知识出版社2003年。
8.Communist Party of Vietnam,Fourth National Congress:Documents,Hanoi:Foreign Languages Publishing House,1977.
9.Henry Kissinger,Years of Upheaval,Boston:Little,Brown,1982.
10.Norodom Sihanouk,War and Hope:the Case for Cambodia,New York:Pantheon,1980.
11.Statement by Prasong Sansuri,Deputy Secretary General of the National Security Council,Thailand,in Far Eastern Economic Review,15 June 1979.
12.Zbigniew Brzezinski,Power and Principle:Memoirs of the National Security Adviser,1977-1981,New York:Farrar.Straus.Giroux,1983.
1.T.邓恩、M.考克斯:《八十年危机:1919—1999年的国际关系》,新华出版社2003年;
2.V.库芭拉娃、N.奥鲁夫等:《建构世界中的国际关系》,北京大学出版社2006年;
3.阿米塔·阿查亚:《建构安全共同体:东盟与地区秩序》,王正毅、冯怀信译,上海世纪出版集团2004年;
4.曹云华:《新中国—东盟关系论》,世界知识出版社2005年;
5.丁邦泉主编:《国际危机管理》,国防大学出版社2004年;
6.杜敦信、赵和曼主编:《越南老挝柬埔寨手册》,时事出版社1988年。
7.方长平:《国家利益的建构主义分析》,当代世界出版社2002年;
8.戈尔茨坦、R.基欧汉编:《观念与外交政策:信念、制度与政治变迁》,北京大学出版社2005年;
9.耿协峰:《新地区主义与亚太地区结构变动》,北京大学出版社2003年;
10.谷源洋:《越南国有企业的改革及其与中国的比较》,北京:经济科学出版社1997年。
11.广西社会科学院印度支那研究所编:《中越关系大事记》,1980年3月。
12.郭明:《中越关系演变四十年》,广西人民出版社1992年;
13.汉斯·摩根索:《国家间政治:权力斗争与和平》,北京大学出版社2006年版;
14.胡平:《国际冲突分析与危机管理研究》,军事谊文出版社1993年;
15.基欧汉、小约瑟夫·奈:《权力与相互依赖》,北京大学出版社2002年;
16.基欧汉:《霸权之后:世界政治经济中的合作与纷争》,上海世纪出版集团2001年;
17.基辛格:《大外交》,海南出版社1998年;
18.蒋建东:《苏联的海洋扩张》,上海:上海人民出版社1981年。
19.卡尔·多伊奇:《国际关系分析》,世界知识出版社1992年;
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21.科塞:《社会冲突的功能》,孙立平译,华夏出版社1989年。
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56.Muthiah Alagappa,"Regional Institutons,the UN and International Security",Third World Quarterly,Vol.18,No.3,1997.
57.Muthiah Alagappa,Regionalism and the Quest for Security:ASEAN and the Cambodian Conflict,Journal of International Affairs,Vol.46,no.2.(Winter 1993)
58.Muthiah Alagappa,The Cambodian conflict:Changing interests,The Pacific Review,Vol.3,Issue 3,1990.
59.N.Ganesan,"ASEAN's relations with major external powers",Contemporary Southeast Asia,Vol.22,No.2,August 2000.
60.Nayan Chanda,"New patterns in a Kaleidoscope",Far Eastern Economic Review,October 17,1980.
61.Nikolas Busse,"Constructivism and Southeast Asian security",The Pacific Review,Vol.12,No.1,1999.
62.R.Nations,"A Foot in the Mouth",Far Eastern Economic Review,May 2,1985.
63.R.Nations,"The Looming Split in the Five",Far Eastern Economic Review,June 20,1980.
64.Robert S.Ross,China and the Cambodian Peace Process:The Value of Coercive Diplomacy,Asian Survey,Vol.31,No.12.(Dec.,1991)
65.Samuel Sharpe,An ASEAN way to security cooperation in Southeast Asia? The Pacific Review,Vol.16,Issue 2.(June 2003)
66.Shaun Narine,"ASEAN and the Management of Regional Security",Pacific Affairs,Vol.71,No.2,summer 1998.
67.Sheldon W.Simon,The Two Southeast Asias and China:Security Perspectives,Asian Survey,Vol.24,No.5.(May 1984)
68.T.D.Allman,"Hanoi Eggs on a Revolt",Washington Post,February 1,1970.
69.The Straits Times,July 19,1982,p.40.
70.Vietnam Courier,no.40,September 1975.
71.Vietnam Courier,no.45,February 1976.
72.Vietnam Courier,no.52,September 1976.
73.William Bach,A Chance in Cambodia,Foreign Policy,No.62,Spring,1986.
1.东盟秘书处网站:http://www.aseansec.org
2.凤凰网:http://news.ifeng.com/specia/yn
3.联合国中文网:http://www.un.org/chinese
4.联合国文献中心:http://www.un.org/documents
5.人民网:http://www.people.com.cn
6.星岛环球网:http://www.singtaonet.com/reveal
[1]此类文章还有黄书海:《东盟外长会议与柬埔寨问题》,《世界知识》1984年第12期;艾冰的《泰国积极推进柬埔寨问题的政治解决》(《世界知识》1988年第1期);邱波:《苏联对柬埔寨问题政策的变化》,《东南亚纵横》1990年第3期;等。
[2]这方面的文章还见田中青的《希望与忧虑并存——柬埔寨问题非正式会议浅析》(《国际展望》1988年第16期);劳夫《关于柬埔寨局势的几个问题》(《世界知识》1987年第15期);如文:《美国在柬埔寨问题上的如意算盘》,《世界知识》1990年第16期:唐天日:《围绕柬埔寨问题的外交斗争》,《嘹望》1987年第39期:等。
[1]此类研究型文章还包括王伟民:《从“变印度支那战场伟商场”看泰国对印支国家政策的新趋势》,《东南亚》1989年第4期:潘蓓英:《柬埔寨问题的症结与出路》,《外交评论-外交学院学报》1989年第2期;
[2]岳红雨:《东盟国家与柬埔寨问题》,《绵阳师范高等专科学校学报》2001年第4期:《美国对柬埔寨问题的政策初探》,乐山师范学院学报2001年第5期;《泰国和印尼对柬埔寨问题的政策分析》,《绵阳师范学院学报》2003年第6期。
[3]此类有关冲突或危机管理的理论论证还见,何曜:《国际关系中冲突及其解决的理论分析》,《世界经济研究》2003年第6期等。
[1]王作成:《马来西亚与东盟:外交政策与地区主义》,复旦大学博士论文2004年。
[2]耿协峰:《新地区主义与亚太地区结构变动》,北京大学出版社 2003年。
[3]韦民:《民族主义与地区主义的互动:东盟研究新视角》,北京大学出版社 2005年。
[4]郑翠英:《走向安全共同体——兼论东盟地区秩序建构中的越南因素》,北京大学博士论文 2004年。
[5]Sanghamitra Basu,Kampuchea as a Factor in the Sino-Soviet Conflict:1975-1984,Calcutta:Firma Kim Private ltd.,1987,pp.93-94.
[1]Stephen J.Morris,Why Vietnam Invaded Cambodia:Political Culture and the Cause of War,California:Stanford University Press,1999.
[2]Thu-huong Nguyen-vo,Khmer-viet Relations and the Third Indochina Conflict,North Carolina:McFarland &Company,Inc.,Publishers,1992.
[3]Chang Pao-Min,Kampuchea between China and Vietnam,Singapore University Press,1985.
[4]此类研究还可见Malcolm Salmon(ed.),The Vietnam-Kampuchea-China Conflicts:Motivations,Background,Significance,Department of Political and Social Change Research School of Pacific Studies Australian National University,(Working Paper);Evans.G & Rowley K.,Red Brotherhood at War:Vietnam,Cambodia and Laos since 1975,London and New York:Verso,1990;Burchett Wilfred G.,The China-Cambodia-Vietnam Triangle,Chicago:Vanguard,1981.
[5]F.O.Hampson,A New Role for Middle Powers in Regional Conflict Resolution? In Brian L.Job,The Insecurity Dilemma:National Security of Third World States,Boulder & London:Lynne Rienner Publishers,1992.
[1]Arthur Lim Joo-Jock,The Kampuchean Conflict and Regional Security:A Suggested Solution,in Mohammed Ayoob(ed.),Regional Security in the Third World,London & Sydney:Croom Helm,1986.
[2]M.Caballero-Anthony,Regional Security in Southeast Asia:Beyond the ASEAN Way,Singapore:ISEAS,2005.
[3]Dewi Fortuna Anwar,Indonesia in ASEAN:Foreign Policy and Regionalism,singapoer.ISEAS,1994,pp.182-189.
[4]Ralf Emmers,Cooperative Security and Balance of Power in ASEAN and ARF,New York:Routledge Curzon,2003.
[5]Micheal Leifer,ASEAN and the Security of South-East Asia,London & New York:Routledge,1989,pp.89-120.
[1]Bilveer Singn,Soviet Relations with ASEAN(1967—1988),Singapore:Singapore University Press,1989.
[2]Estrella D.Solidum,Towards a Southeast Asian Community,Quezon City:University of the Philippines Press,1974.
[3]T.J.Pempel,East Asia:Emerging Webs of Regional Connectedness,载阎学通、周方银主编:《东亚安全合作》,北京大学出版社 2004年。
[4]Sheldon W.Simon,The ASEAN States and Regional Security,California,Hoover Institution Press,1982.
[5]Donald E.Weatherbee,ASEAN and Indochina:the ASEANization of Vietnam,in Sheldon W.Simon(ed.),East Asian Security in the Post-Cold War Era,Armonk,New York:M.E.Sharpe,1993.
[1]Gareth Porter,Vietnam:the Politics of Bureaucratic Socialism,Ithaca,New York:Cornell University Press,1993.see also:"The Transformation of Vietnam's Woddview:From Two Camps to Interdependence",Contemporary Southeast Asia,Vol.12,no.1,(June 1990).
[2]阿米塔·阿查亚:《建构安全共同体:东盟与地区秩序》,王正毅、冯怀信译,上海人民出版社 2004年。
[3]阿米塔·阿查亚:《建构安全共同体:东盟与地区秩序》,王正毅、冯怀信译,上海人民出版社 2004年,第136页。
[4]Jurgen Haacke,ASEAN's Diplomatic and Security Culture,London and New York:Routledge Curzon,2003.
[1]星野昭吉:《全球政治学——全球化进程中的变动、冲突、治理与和平》,刘小林译,新华出版社 2000年,第247页。
[2]詹姆斯·多尔蒂、小罗伯特·普法尔茨格拉夫:《争论中的国际关系理论》,阎学通、陈寒溪等译,世界知识出版社 2003年,第200页。
[3]科塞:《社会冲突的功能》,孙立平译,华夏出版社 1989年,前言,第2页。
[1]倪世雄等:《当代西方国际关系理论》,复旦大学出版社 2001年,第269-270页。
[2]Anne-Marie Gardner,"Diagnosing Conflict:What do we know?" In F.Hampson & D.Malone(eds.),From Reaction to Conflict Prevention." Opportunities for the UN System,Boulder,Colorado:Lynne Rienner Publishers,2002,pp.15-40.
[3]小约瑟夫·奈:《理解国际冲突:理论与历史》,张小明译,上海人民出版社 2005年,第41页。
[4]刘俊波:《冲突管理理论初探》,《国际论坛》2007年第1期。
[1]Mely C.Anthony,Regional Security in Southeast Asia:beyond the ASEAN Way,Singapore:Institute of Southeast Asian Studies(ISEAS),2005,p.22.
[2]Muthiah Alagappa,"Regional Institutions,the UN and International Security",Third World Quarterly,Vol.18,no.3,1997.cited from Anthony,ibid.
[3]Gregory A.Raymond,"Problems and Prospects in the Study of International Norms",The International Studies Review.Vol.41,No.2,Nov.,1997.
[4]卡赞斯坦:《文化规范与国家安全——战后日本警察与自卫队》,李小华译,北京:新华出版社 2002年,“译者的话”。
[1]Mely C.Anthony,Regional Security in Southeast Asia:beyond the ASEAN Way,Singapore:Institute of Southeast Asian Studies(ISEAS),2005,p.22.
[2]参见,钱春泰:《国际政治中武力的潜在运用——威逼与威慑》,《欧洲研究》2005年第4期.
[1]Amitav Acharya,"Regional Approaches to Security in the Third World:Lessons and Prospects",in L.Swatuk &T.M.Shaw(eds.),The South at the End of the Twentieth Century:rethinking the political economy of foreign policy in Africa,Asia,the Caribbean,and Latin America.St.Martin's Press,1994.
[2]此为概略。中国明代以前大致将东南亚称为“南海”;明代张燮著《东西洋考》,以文莱为界分为“东洋”和“西洋”;清代中叶之后才统称“南洋”。
[3]K.T.Young & L.M.Tondel,The Southeast Asian Crisis,New York:Oceana Publications,1966,p.63.
[1]“美国的亚洲政策”(1943年12月23-30日),陶文钊主编:《美国对华政策文件集1949～1972》(第1卷·上),世界知识出版社 2003年版,第133-148页。
[1]其中以胡平所领导的马来亚共产党在马来亚丛林地带的游击战、菲共在吕宋地区的游击战为代表。
[2]Jurgen Haacke,ASEAN's Diplomatic and Security Culture:Origins,development ana prospects,London & New York:Routledge Curzon,2003,p.33.
[3]Pantja Sila或Pancasila,印尼的建国五基。包括民族主义、国际主义、协商一致(或民主)、社会繁荣、神道五种社会理念的融合。
[1]M.Haas,The Asian Way to Peace:A Story of Regional Co-operation,New York:Praeger Publishers,1989,p.5.
[2]Evelyn S.Colbert,Southeast Asia in International Politics:1941-56,Ithaca:Cornell University Press,1977,p.292.
[3]Bilveer Singh,Soviet Relation with ASEAN,Singapore:Singapore University Press,1989,p.19.
[1]Shaun Narine,Explaining ASEAN:Regionalism in Southeast Asia,Colorado:Lynne Rienner Publishers,2002,p.10.
[2]1963年,新加坡、沙巴、沙捞越与英国在伦敦签署协议,三个地区于8月31起获得完全独立并同时与马来亚联合邦一起组成马来西亚联邦。该计划被苏加诺视为英国新殖民主义计划,和菲律宾总统马卡帕加尔一道予以激烈反对。
[1]郑翠英:《走向安全共同体——兼论东盟地区秩序建构中的越南因素》,北京大学博士论文 2004年,第47页。
[1]Address to Foreign Correspondents' Club in Johore Bahru,Malaysia,23 June 1966.Cited from Bilveer Singh,Soviet Relation with ASEAN,Singapore:Singapore University Press,1989,p.31.
[1]The ASEAN Declaration,Bangkok Declaration,1967,http://www.aseansec.org/1210.htm
[2]有关东盟性质的争论情况,参见郑翠英:《走向安全共同体——兼论东盟地区秩序建构中的越南因素》,北京大学博士论文2004年,第53-54页。
[3]让拉·夏:《东南亚国家联盟:政治上成功,经济上失败?》,《世界经济译丛》1994年第8期。
[4]Bilveer Singh,Soviet Relation with ASEAN,Singapore:Singapore University Press,1989,p.33.
[1]Antara News Bulletin,15 December 1966.
[2]赵晨:《东南亚国家联盟——成立发展同主要大国的关系》,中国物资出版社 1994年,第21页。
[3]参见雷迅马:《作为意识形态的现代化:社会科学与美国对第三世界政策》,牛可译,中央编译出版社 2003年,中文版序。
[1]Michael Leifer,ASEAN and the Security of South-east Asia,London & New York:Routledge,1989,p.150.
[1]Chin Kin Wah,The Defense of Malaysia and Singapore,Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,1983.pp.256-259,cited in Michael Leifer,ASEAN and the Security of Southeast Asia,p.34.
[2]Michael Antolik,ASEAN and the diplomacy of accommodation,Armonk,New York:M.E.Sharpe,1990,p.156.
[1]Michael Leifer,ASEAN and the Security of Southeast Asia,London & New York:Routledge,1989,pp.38-39.
[2]Michael Antolik,ASEAN and the diplomacy of accommodation,New York:M.E.Sharpe,1990,pp.51-52.
[1]阿米塔·阿查亚:《建构安全共同体:东盟与地区秩序》,上海人民出版社 2004年,第32-33页。
[2]阿米塔·阿查亚:《建构安全共同体:东盟与地区秩序》,上海人民出版社 2004年,第35页。
[1]阿米塔·阿查亚:《建构安全共同体:东盟与地区秩序》,上海人民出版社 2004年,第67页。
[2]Zone of Peace,Freedom and Neutrality Declaration,Kuala Lumpur,27 Nov.1971,http://www.ascansec.org/1210.htm
[3]Treaty of Amity and Co-operation in Southeast Asia,Bali,24 February 1976,http://www.aseansec.org/1210.htm
[1]阿米塔·阿查亚:《建构安全共同体:东盟与地区秩序》,上海人民出版社 2004年,第74-75页。
[2]Roger Irvine,"The Formative Years of ASEAN:1967-1975",in Alison Broinowski(ed.),Understanding ASEAN,London & Basingstoke:Macmillan Press,1982,p.24.
[3]New Straits Times,1 April 1976.转引自阿米塔·阿查亚:《建构安全共同体:东盟与地区秩序》,上海人民出版社 2004年,第84-85页。
[1]Declaration of ASEAN Concord,E."Security",Bali,24 February 1976.http://www.aseansec.org/1210.htm
[2]陆建人:《1998年东盟形势回顾与展望》,《当代亚太》1999年第1期。
[1]参见阿米塔·阿查亚:《建构安全共同体:东盟与地区秩序》,上海人民出版社 2004年,第89-90页。
[2]Hoang Anh Tuan,"ASEAN Dispute Management:Implications for Vietnam and an Expanded ASEAN",Contemporary Southeast Asia,Vol.18,No.1,June 1996.
[3]Jorgenson-Dahl,Regional Organisation and Order in Southeast Asia,London:Macmillan,1982,p.166.
[1]阿米塔·阿查亚:《建构安全共同体:东盟与地区秩序》,上海人民出版社 2004年,第87-97页。
[1]Thu-huong Nguyen-vo,Khmer-Viet Relations and the Third Indochina Conflict,North Carolina:McFarland &Company,1992,p.1.
[2]Alexander B.Woodside,Vietnam and the Chinese Model,Cambridge,Mass.:Harvard University Press,1971,p.234.
[1]Thu-huong Nguyen-vo,Khmer-Viet Relations and the Third Indochina Conflict,North Carolina:McFarland &Company,1992,pp.2-14.
[2]Alexander B.Woodside,Vietnam and the Chinese Model,Cambridge,Mass.:Harvard University Press,1971,p.254.
[3]梁英明、梁志明等:《东南亚近现代史》昆仑出版社 2005年,第186-190页。
[1]Stephen J.Morris,Why Vietnam Invaded Cambodia,California:Stanford University Press,1999,pp.27-28.
[1]Ben Kiernan,"Pol Pot and the Kampuchean Communist Movement",in Kiernan & Chanthou Boua(eds.),Peasants and Politics in Kampuchea,1942-1981,New York:Sharpe,1982,p.10.
[2]Thu-huong Nguyen-vo,Khmer-Viet Relations and the Third Indochina Conflict,North Carolina:McFarland &Company,1992,p.35.
[3]张锡镇:《西哈努克家族》,社会科学文献出版社,1996年,第83-87页。
[1]张锡镇:《西哈努克家族》,社会科学文献出版社,1996年,第86-87页。
[2]Ben Kiernan,"Pol Pot and the Kampuchean Communist Movement",in Kiernan & Chanthou Boua(eds.),Peasants and Politics in Kampuchea,1942-1981,New York:Sharpe,1982,pp.59-68.
[3]Thu-huong Nguyen-vo,Khmer-Viet Relations and the Third Indochina Conflict,North Carolina:McFarland &Company,1992,pp.30-31.
[1]张锡镇:《西哈努克家族》,社会科学文献出版社,1996年,第102-104页。
[2]Norodom Sihanouk,War and Hope:the Case for Cambodia,New York:Pantheon,1980,pp.12-13.
[3]Norodom Sihanouk,War and Hope:the Case for Cambodia,New York:Pantheon,1980,pp.151-154.
[1]T.D.Allman,"Hanoi Eggs on a Revolt",Washington Post,February 1,1970.
[2]张锡镇:《西哈努克家族》,社会科学文献出版社,1996年,第184页。
[3]Stephen J.Morris,Why Vietnam Invaded Cambodia,California:Stanford University Press,1999,p.48.
[1]Odd Arne Westad & Sophie Q-Judge(eds.),The third Indochina War:Conflict between China,Vietnam and Cambodia,1972-1979,London & New York:Routledge,2006,p.166.
[2]Wilfred P.Deac,Road to the Killing Fields:the Cambodian War of 1970-1975,College Station:Texas A & M University Press,1997,p.87.
[3]Ben Kiernan,"Pol Pot and the Kampuchean Communist Movement",in Kiernan & Chanthou Boua(eds.),Peasants and Politics in Kampuchea,1942-1981,New York:Sharpe,1982,p.308.
[4]张锡镇:《西哈努克家族》,社会科学文献出版社,1996年,第184页。亦见Stephen J.Morris,Why Vietnam Invaded Cambodia,California:Stanford University Press,1999,p.50.
[1]沈志华主编:《苏联历史档案选编》,第31卷,№01829:谢尔巴科夫“关于越南劳动党解决印度支那问题的政策与苏联根据苏共二十四大决议所面临的任务”的政治信函(1971年5月21日),北京:社会科学文献出版社 2002年,第459页。
[2]Stephen Heder,"Kampuehea:From Pol Pot to Pen Sovan to the Villages",in Khien Theeravit & Brown(eds.),Indochina and Problems of Security and Stability in Southeast Asia,Bangkok:Chulalongkom University Press,1983.
[1]Chang Pao-Min,Kampuchea Between China and Vietnam,Singapore:Singapore University Press,1985,pp.42-43.
[4]亨利·基辛格:《白宫岁月》(第二册),世界知识出版社 2003年,第1748-1750页。
[1]Stephen J.Morris,Why Vietnam Invaded Cambodia,California:Stanford University Press,1999,p.60.
[2]Henry A.Kissinger,Years of Upheaval,Boston:Little,Brown,1982,p.16.
[3]Stephen J.Morris,Why Vietnam Invaded Cambodia,California:Stanford University Press,1999,pp.63-65.
[1]Vietnam Courier,no.45,February 1976,p.3.
[2]Stephen J.Morris,Why Vietnam Invaded Cambodia,California:Stanford University Press,1999,pp.92-93.
[3]Vietnam Courier,no.52,September 1976,p.7.
[4]Chandler,Ben Kiernan et al,(eds.),Pol Pot Plans the Future:Confidential Leadership Documents from Democratic Kampuchea,1976-1977.New Haven,Connell:Yale Center for International and Area Studies,1988,p.126.
[1]1976年,居留柬埔寨的越南人尚有1万余人,到1978年底,已全部被红色高棉所消灭。参考Ben Kiernan,The Pol Pot Regirne:Race,Power,and Genocide in Cambodia under the Khmer Rouge,1975-1979,New Haven,Conn.;London:Yale University Press,2002,p.458.
[2]Chang Pao-Min,Kampuchea between China and Vietnam,Singapore:Singapore University Press,1985,pp.43-44.
[3]Stephen P.Heder,"The Kampuchean-Vietnemese Conflict",in David W.P.Elliott(ed.),The Third Indochina Conflict,Boulder:Westview Press,pp.43-47.
[1]Vietnam Courier,no.40,September 1975,p.3.
[2]“邓小平与黎笋谈中越关系”,Odd Arne Westad et al(eds.),77 Conversations Between Chinese and Foreign Leaders on the Wars in Indochina,1964-1977,Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars,Washington,D.C.,1998,pp.192-193.
[3]Chang Pao-Min,Kampuchea between China and Vietnam,Singapore:Singapore University Press,1985,pp.46-47.
[4]Chang Pao-Min,Kampuchea between China and Vietnam,Singapore:Singapore University Press,1985,p.54.
[5]Chang Pao-Min,Kampuchea between China and Vietnam,Singapore:Singapore University Press,1985,pp.58-59.
[1]郭明主编:《中越关系演变四十年》,广西人民出版社 1992年,第114-115页。
[2]Communist Party of Vietnam,Fourth National Congress:Documents,Hanoi:Foreign Languages Publishing House,1977,pp.248-249.
[1]Michael Richardson,"ASEAN and Indo-Chinese Refugees",in Alison Broinowski(ed.),Understanding ASEAN,London & Basingstoke,MacMillan Press,1982,p.95.
[2]Michael Richardson,"ASEAN and Indo-Chinese Refugees",in Alison Broinowski(ed.),Understanding ASEAN,London & Basingstoke,MacMillan Press,1982,pp.92-95.
[3]M.Rajendran,ASEAN's Foreign Relations:the shift to Collective Action,Kuala Lumpur:.Arenabuku sdn.Bhn.,1985,p.89.
[4]Chang Pao-min,"The Sino-Vietnamese Dispute over the Ethnic Chinese",The China Quarterly,June 1982.
[5]M.Rajendran,ASEAN's Foreign Relations:the shift to Collective Action,Kuala Lumpur:Arenabuku sdn.Bhn.,1985,pp.89-91.
[6]Richard Stubbs,"can't they stay in Southeast Asia? the problems of Vietnam's neighbours",in Elliot Tepper (ed.),Southeast Asian Exodus:from tradition to resettlement,Ottawa:Canadian Asian Studies Association,1980.
[7]Joint Press Statement The Special ASEAN Foreign Ministers Meeting On Indochinese Refugees,Bangkok,13January 1979.东盟秘书处网站:http://www.aseansec.org/1258.htm
[8]Joint Communique Of The Twelfth ASEAN Ministerial Meeting,Bali,28-30 June 1979.东盟秘书处网站:http://www.aseansec.org/1242.htm
[1]Statement by Prasong Sansuri,Deputy Secretary General of the National Security Council,Thailand,in Far Eastern Economic Review,15 June 1979,p.29.
[2]M.Rajendran,ASEAN's Foreign Relations:the shift to Collective Action,Kuala Lumpur.Arenabuku sdn.Bhn.,1985,p.94.
[1]M.Rajendran,ASEAN's Foreign Relations:the shift to Collective Action,Kuala Lumpur:Arenabuku sdn.Bhn.,1985,p.88.notes 6.
[2]Michael Richardson,ibid,pp.92-95.以上数字仅包括根据各国官方或联合国难民署统计的难民营内人数。
[3]Michael Leifer,ASEAN and the security of South-East Asia,London & New York:Routledge,1989,p.97.
[4]Far Eastern Economic Review,June 27,1980,p.10.
[5]Far Eastern Economic Review,June 12,1981,p.12.
[6]The Straits Times,July 19,1982,p.40.
[1]广西社会科学院印度支那研究所编:《中越关系大事记》,1980年3月,第105页。
[2]王泰平主编:《中华人民共和国外交史》第3卷,北京:世界知识出版社 1999年,第68页。
[3]宫力:《1979年中越边境冲突中的美中苏三角关系》,《国际观察》2004年第3期。
[4]Zbigniew Brzezinski,Power and Principle:Memoirs of the National Security Adviser,1977-1981,New York:Farrar· Straus· Giroux,1983,p.409.
[1]Jusuf Wanandi,"Politico-Security dimensions of Southeast Asia",Asian Survey,Vol.17,no.1,August 1977.
[2]Declaration of ASEAN Concord,Indonesia,24 February 1976,东盟秘书处网站:http://www.aseansec.org/1216.htm
[3]Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in Southeast Asia,Bali,24 February 1976,东盟秘书处网站:http://www.ascansec.org/1217.htm
[4]Joint Communique The Second ASEAN Heads of Government Meeting,Kuala Lumpur,4-5 August 1977,东盟秘书处网站:http://www.ascanscc.org/1224.htm
[1]Joint Communique Of The Tenth ASEAN Ministerial Meeting Singapore,5-8 July 1977,东盟秘书处网站:http://www.aseansec.org/1240.htm
[2]Joint Press Release Of The Eleventh ASEAN Ministerial Meeting Pattaya,14-16 June 1978,东盟秘书处网站:http://www.aseansec.org/1241.htm
[3]M.Rajendran,ASEAN's Foreign Relations:the shift to Collective Action,Kuala Lumpur:Arenabuku sdn.Bhn.,1985,pp.93-94.
[4]Ronald D.Palmer & Thomas J.Reekford,Building ASEAN:20 Years of Southeast Asian Cooperation,New York:Praeger,1987,pp.59-61.
[1]蒋建东:《苏联的海洋扩张》,上海:上海人民出版社 1981年,第163页。
[1]The International Institute for Strategic Studies,The Military Balance 1979-1980,London:IISS,1979,pp.66-74.
[2]Nikolas Busse,"Constructivism and Southeast Asian security",The Pacific Review,Vol.12,No.1,1999.
[1]Michael Leifer,"Overnight,an oasis may become a desert",Far Eastern Economic Review,8 January 1987.
[2]David Wurfel & Bruce Burton(eds.),The Political Economy of Foreign Policy in Southeast Asia,Basingstoke,Hampshire:Macmillan,1990,pp.98-113.
[1]Statement by the Indonesian Foreign Minister as Chairman of the ASEAN Standing Committee on the Escalation of the Armed Conflict between Vietnam and Kampuchea,Jakarta,9 January 1979.东盟秘书处网站:http://www.aseansec.org/1210.htm.
[2]Joint Statement The Special ASEAN Foreign Ministers Meeting On The Current Political Development In The Southeast Asia Region,Bangkok,12 January 1979,东盟秘书处网站:http://www.aseansec.org/1210.htm
[3]Bilveer Singh,Soviet Relation with ASEAN:1967-88,Singapore:Singapore University Press,1989,p.68.
[4]Joint Statement:the Asean Foreign Ministers on the Indochina Refugee Problem,Kuala Lumpur,16 August 1979,东盟秘书处网站:http://www.aseansec.org/1610.htm
[1]An Appeal for Kampuchean Independence by the ASEAN Foreign Ministers,Jakarta,20 September 1983,东盟秘书处网站:http://www.aseansec.org/1210.htm.
[2]Statement by the Philippine Foreign Minister as Chairman of the ASEAN Standing Committee and on behalf of the ASEAN Foreign Ministers,New York,9 July 1980.东盟秘书处网站:http://www.aseansec.org/1210.htm.
[1]Jurgen Haacke,ASEAN's Diplomatic and Security Culture:Origins,development and prospects,London & New York:Routledge.2003,p.89.
[2]许通美:《探究世界秩序:一位务实的理想主义者的观点》,门洪华等译,中央编译出版社 1999年,第26页、第273页。
[3]Bilveer Singh,The Soviet Union in Singapore's Foreign Policy:An Analysis,Kuala Lumpur:ISIS Malaysia,1990,pp.75-76.
[4]Jurgen Haacke,ASEAN's Diplomatic and Security Culture:Origins,development and prospects,London & New York:Routledge,2003,p.240:note 4.
[5]Chang Pao-min,Kampuchea between China and Vietnam,Singapore:Singapore University Press,1985,pp.139-142.
[1]Statement by the Chairman of the ASEAN Standing Committee on USSR Appeal,Manila,27 March 1981.东盟秘书处网站:http://www.aseansec.org/1210.htm.
[1]雷迅马:《作为意识形态的现代化:社会科学与美国对第三世界政策》,牛可译,中央编译出版社 2003年,中文版序。
[2]梁英明、梁志明等著:《东南亚近现代史》,北京:昆仑出版社 2005年,第39-43页。
[3]参见尼古拉斯·塔林主编:《剑桥东南亚史》,贺圣达等译,云南人民出版社 2003年,第十章第471-484页。
[1]Michael Leifer,ASEAN and the Security of South-East Asia,London & New York:Routledge,1989,p.97.
[2]Rabindra Sen,China and ASEAN:Diplomacy during the Cold War and After,Howrah:Manuscript India,2002,p.19.
[3]Jurgen Haacke,ASEAN's Diplomatic and Security Culture:Origins,development and prospects,London & New York:Routledge Curzon,2003,pp.84-85.
[4]Leo Suryadinata,lndonesia's Foreign Policy under Suharto:Aspiring to International Leadership,Singapore: Times Academic Press,2006,p.128.
[1]Leszek Buszynski,"ASEAN:A Changing Regional Role",Asian Survey,Vol.27,No.7,July 1987.
[2]D.Jenkins,"Maintaining an Even Keel",Far Eastern Economic Review,June 1,1979.
[3]Jurgen Haacke,ASEAN's Diplomatic and Security Culture:Origins,development and prospects,London & New York:Routledge Curzon,2003,p.87.
[1]Justus M.van der Kroef,"ASEAN,Honoi,and the Kampuchean Conflict:Between 'Kuantan' and a 'Third Alternative'",Asian Survey,Vol.21,No.5,May 1981.
[2]有关波尔布特时期柬埔寨人道主义灾难的情况可见:Ben Kiernan,The pol pot regime:race,power,and genocide in Cambodia under the Khmer Rouge,1975-79,New Haven,Conn.& London:Yale University Press,2002.
[3]Odd Arne Westad & Sophie Quinn-Judge(eds.),The Third Indochina War:Conflict between China,Vietnam and Cambodia,1972-1979,London & New York:Routledge,2006,pp.178-179.
[4]Bilveer Singh,The Soviet Union in Singapore's Foreign Policy:An Analysis,Kuala Lumpur:ISIS Malaysia,1990,p.30.
[1]D.Jenkins,"Maintaining an Even Keel",Far Eastern Economic Review,June 1,1979.
[2]Andrew J.Maclntyre,"Interpreting Indonesian Foreign Policy:the case of Kampuchean,1979-1986",Asian Survey,Vol.27,No.5,May 1987.
[3]Michael Leifer,ASEAN and the Security of South-East Asia,London & New York:Routledge,1989,p.137.
[1]Indonesian Times,Jakarta,Dec.,17,1979.Cited from Andrew J.Maclntyre,ibid.
[1]许通美:《探究世界秩序:一位务实的理想主义者的观点》,门洪华等译,中央编译出版社1999年,第26页、第271-273页。
[1]Andrew J.Macintyre,"Interpreting Indonesian Foreign Policy:The Case of Kampuchea,1979-1986",Asian Survey,Vol.27,No.5,May 1987.
[2]K.Das,"Kuantan Principle",Far Eastern Economic Review,April 4,1980.
[1]Justus M.Kroef,ASEAN,"Hanoi,and the Kampuchean Conflict:Between 'Kuantan' and a 'Third Alternative'",Asian Survey,Vol.21,No.5,May 1981.
[2]M.Nagendra Prasad,Indonesia's Role in the Resolution of the Cambodian Problem,Aldershot(England):Ashgate Publishing Ltd.,2001,pp.48-49.
[3]R.Nations,"The Looming Split in the Five",Far Eastern Economic Review,June 20,1980.
[1]Andrew J.Maclntyre,"Interpreting Indonesian Foreign Policy:the case of Kampuchea,1979-1986",Asian Survey,Vol.27,No.5,May 1987.
[2]Joint Communique of the thirteenth ASEAN Ministerial Meeting,Kuala Lumpur,25-26 June,1980,东盟秘书处网站:http://www.aseansec.org/1243.htm
[3]Justus M.Kroef,ASEAN,"Hanoi,and the Kampuchean Conflict:Between 'Kuantan' and a 'Third Alternative'",Asian Survey,Vol.21,No.5,May 1981.
[1]Justus M.Kroef,ASEAN,"Hanoi,and the Kampuchean Conflict:Between 'Kuantan' and a 'Third Alternative'",Asian Survey,Vol.21,No.5,May 1981.
[2]M.Nagendra Prasad,Indonesia's Role in the Resolution of the Cambodian Problem,Aldershot(England):Ashgate Publishing Ltd.,2001,pp.51-52.
[3]David Jenkins,"Second Thoughts on Kuantan",Far Eastern Economic Review,October 10,1980.
[4]Nayan Chanda,"New patterns in a Kaleidoscope",Far Eastern Economic Review.October 17,1980.
[5]有关此一决议的详细内容,见联合国网站:http://www.un.org/chinese/aboutun/prinorgs/ga/35/35all.htm.
[1]M.Nagendra Prasad,Indonesia's Role in the Resolution of the Cambodian Problem,Aldershot(England):Ashgate Publishing Ltd..2001.p.53.
[2]根据联大关于柬埔寨问题的35/6号决议案指出,为了全面政治解决柬埔寨,应该采取一些适当的步骤:外国军队限期内完全撤出柬埔寨、举行联合国监督下的自由选举、采取必要的措施以保证柬埔寨国内事务不受外部力量的干预。A/RES/35/6:The Situation in Kampuchea,http://www.un.org/documents/ga/res/35/a35r6e.pdf
[3]Andrew J.Maclntyre,"Interpreting Indonesian Foreign Policy:the case of Kampuchea,1979-1986",Asian Survey,Vol.27,No.5,May 1987.
[4]人民网:http://www.people.com.cn/GB/historic/0713/2304.html.
[1]Indonesian Times,Jakarta,December 5,1981,p.1.
[2]Andrew J.Maclntyre,"Interpreting Indonesian Foreign Policy:the case of Kampuchea,1979-1986",Asian Survey,Vol.27,No.5,May 1987.
[3]An Appeal for Kampuchean Independence by the ASEAN Foreign Ministers,Jakarta,20 September 1983,东盟秘书处网站:http://www.aseansec.org/1605.htm
[1]J.Wanandi,"Prospects for Peace and Stability in Southeast Asia and for the Solution of the Conflict in Kampuchea",Indonesian Quarterly,12:2,1984.
[1]参见钱其琛:《外交十记》,世界知识出版社2003年,第3-15页。
[1]转引自谢尔登·W·西蒙:《九十年代东盟的安全》,《东南亚研究》1990年第2期。
[2]亚·尼·雅克夫列夫:《一杯苦酒:俄罗斯的布尔什维主义和改革运动》,北京:新华出版社1999年,第169页。转引自戴超武:《基辛格-尼克松的“宏大构想”、尼克松主义与冷战转型》,《南开学报》2007年第5期。
[3]谷源洋:《越南国有企业的改革及其与中国的比较》,北京:经济科学出版社1997年,第146-147页。
[4]“越南政改20年”,凤凰网:http://news.ifeng.com/special/yn/200611/1126_360_39055_4.shtml
[5]Amitav Acharya,The Quest for Identity:International Relations of Southeast Asia,Oxford University Publishing House,2000,p.118.
[1]钱其琛:《外交十记》,北京:世界知识出版社2003年,第46页。
[2]根据社会建构主义理论,国际社会结构不仅包括物质结构、权力结构,还包括意义和价值结构。结构不仅约束行为体的行为,还能改变或建构行为体在某一时期的偏好或利益取向。参见玛莎·菲丽莫:《国际社会中的国家利益》,浙江人民出版社2001年,译者序。
[1]M.van der Kroef,ASEAN,"Hanoi,and the Kampuchean Conflict:Between 'Kuantan' and a 'Third Alternative'",Asian Survey,Vol.21,No.5,May 1981.
[1]R.Nations,"A Foot in the Mouth",Far Eastern Economic Review,May 2,1985.
[2]Joint Communique of The Eighteenth ASEAN Ministerial Meeting,Kuala Lumpur,9 July,1985,东盟秘书处网站:http://www.aseansec.org/1248.htm
[1]Bilveer Singh,Soviet Relations with ASEAN:1967-88,Singapore:Singapore University Press,1989,p.70.
[2]M.Caballero-Anthony,Regional Security in Southeast Asia:Beyond the ASEAN Way,Singapore:ISEAS,2005,p.98.
[3]张锡镇:《西哈努克家族》,北京:社会科学文献出版社1996年,第298页。
[1]M.Caballero-Anthony,Regional Security in Southeast Asia:Beyond the ASEAN Way,Singapore:ISEAS,2005,p.100.
[2]Shaun Narine,"ASEAN and the Management of Regional Security",Pacific Affairs,Vol.71,No.2,Summer 1998.
[3]有关泰国“变战场为商场”政策的提出与评价,参见王伟民:《从“变印度支那战场为商场”看泰国政府对印支国家政策的新趋势》,《东南亚》1989年第4期。
[4]梁英明、梁志明:《东南亚近现代史》,北京:昆仑出版社2005年,第704页。
[1]"Sihanouk unveils 5-point peace plan",Straits Times,28 July 1988.
[1]温特:《国际政治的社会理论》,上海:上海人民出版社2000年,译者序第21-22页。
[1]Michael Leifer.The Balance of Power in East Asia,Hampshire:Macmillan Press Ltd.,1986,p.143.
[2]戴超武:《基辛格-尼克松的“宏大构想”、尼克松主义与冷战转型》,《南开学报》2007年第5期。
[3]沈志华主编:《中苏关系史纲(1917-1991)》,北京:新华出版社2007年,第390-391页。
[1]有关中美缓和、越战停战谈判和苏联对中越关系疏远的影响,可见沈志华、李丹慧:《中美和解与中国对越外交(1971-1973)》,《美国研究》2000年第1期。
[1]Stephen M.Walt,The Origins of Alliances,Ithaca,New York:Cornell University Press,1987,pp.25-26.
[2]Henry Kissinger,American Foreign Policy,New York:W.W.Norton & Company,1976,p.97.
[3]Donald E.Weatherbee,"U.S.Policy and the two Southeast Asia",Asian Survey,Vol.18,No.4,April 1978.
[1]亚历克斯·乔西:《李光耀》,上海:上海人民出版社1976年。第610页。
[2]Bilveer Singh,Soviet Relations with ASEAN:1967-88,Singapore:Singapore University Press,1989,pp.12-13.
[3]Bilveer Singh,Ibid.,p.107.
[4]"Mochtar interviews",New Straits Times,18 April,1985.
[1]Mahathir Mohammad,"Success of the Asia-Pacific Region",New Straits Times,4 June,1985.
[2]Bilveer Singh,Soviet Relations with ASEAN:1967-88,Singapore:Singapore University Press,1989,pp.107-108.
[3]Thanat Khoman,"National Threat Perceptions in East Asia",in Charles E.Morrison(ed.),Threat to Security in East Asia-Pacific,Toronto:Lexington Books,1985,p.20.
[4]由中国支持和援建、设在湖南省益阳市赫山区岳家桥镇四方山的”马来亚革命之声广播电台”一直工作到1981年,这也是中共对马共的最后支持。详细信息请浏览http://www.zq-car.com/archiver/?tid-4080.html
[5]Rizal Sukma,Indonesia and China:the Politics of a troubled relationship,London & New York:Routledge,1999,pp.54-58.
[1]泰国要求关闭美国在其领土上的全部军事基地、菲律宾声明要就美军基地问题进行谈判、东盟关于解散东南亚条约组织的举动以及印尼、马来西亚谋求马六甲海峡非中立化的尝试等,都反映了这一倾向。
[2]Donald E.Weatherbee,"U.S.Policy and the two Southeast Asia",Asian Survey,Vol.18,No.4,April 1978.
[3]Nayan Chanda,"New patterns in a Kaleidoscope",Far Eastern Economic Review,October 17,1980.
[1]N.Ganesan,"ASEAN's relations with major external powers",Contemporary Southeast Asia,Vol.22,No.2,August 2000.
[2]中共中央文献研究室编:《周恩来年谱(1949-1976)》上卷,中央文献出版社1997年,第388-389页。
[3]Roger E.Smith,Cambodia's Foreign Policy,Ithaca:Cornell University Press,1965,p.123.
[4]Melvin Gurtov,China and Southeast Asia,Baltimore:The Johns Hopkins University Press,1975,pp.65-66.
[1]O.A.Weatad & J.Sophie,The Third Indochina War:Conflict between China,Vietnam and Cambodia,1972-79,London & New York:Routledge,2006,p.163.
[2]Chang Pao-Min,Kampuchea between China and Vietnam,Singapore:Singapore University Press,1985,p.54.
[3]Stephen P.Heder,"The Kampuchean-Vietnamese Conflict",in David W.P.Elliott(ed.),The Third Indochina Conflict,Boulder:Westview Press,1981,pp.43-47.
[4]Chang Pao-Min,Kampuchea between China and Vietnam,Singapore:Singapore University Press,1985,pp.61-62.
[1]Chang Pao-Min,Kampuchea between China and Vietnam,Singapore:Singapore University Press,1985,pp.68-69.
[2]Bilveer Singh,Soviet Relations with ASEAN:1967-88,Singapore:Singapore University Press,1989,pp.65-66.
[3]Robert G.Sutter,The Cambodian Crisis and U.S.Policy Dilemmas,Colorado:Westview Press,Inc.,1991,p.47.
[1]岳西宽等编译:《美国历届总统就职演说》,中央编译出版社2005年,第284页。
[2]Christopher Brady,United States Foreign Policy towards Cambodia,1977-92,Hampshire:Macmillan Press Ltd.,1999,pp.66-67.
[3]杜敦信、赵和曼主编:《越南老挝柬埔寨手册》,时事出版社1988年,第117-119页。
[4]Leszek Buszynski,ASEAN:A Changing Regional Role,Asian Survey,Vol.27,No.7,July 1987.
[5]所谓联系战略,是指在谈判中将两个相互分离的问题、目标结合起来,制造谈判筹码,以便在谈判中占据优势。
[1]Leszek Buszynski,ASEAN:A Changing Regional Role,Asian Survey,Vol.27,No.7,July 1987.
[2]Christopher Brady,United States Foreign Policy towards Cambodia,1977-92,Hampshire:Macmillan Press Ltd.,1999,p.114.
[3]潘同文:《布什政府为什么改变对柬埔寨政策》,《国际问题研究》1990年第4期。
[4]喻常森、方倩华:《东盟“和平、自由和中立区”战略构想探讨》,《南洋问题研究》2005年第2期。
[5]Van der Kroef,ASEAN,Hanoi,and the Kampuchean Conflict:Between "Kuantan" and a "Third Alternative",Asian Survey,Vol.21,No.5,May 1981.
[1]"The Credibility of China is at stake",Bangkok Post,August 19,1986.
[2]“中越领导人会晤内幕”,星岛环球网:http://www.singtaonet.com/reveal/t20061205_410812.html
[1]由于中国在柬埔寨等问题上表现出来的合作态度,1989年东盟顶住内外压力宣布“天安门事件”纯属中国内政,这既是对自身行为规范的坚守,也是对中国相应的善意回报。
[2]Bilveer Singh,Soviet Relations with ASEAN:1967-88,Singapore:Singapore University Press,1989,pp.71-72.
[1]The ASEAN Declaration(Bangkok Declaration),8 August,1967,http://www.aseansec.org/1212.htm
[2]安全共同体的概念,最早源于Karl Deutsch,et al.,Political Community in the North Atlantic Area(New Jersey:Princeton University Press,1957,pp.5-6.),在这里,多伊奇将安全共同体定义为“一群人已经凝聚到这样的程度:共同体的成员真正确信彼此之间不以武力相害,而是以其他的方式来解决争端”,“共同体的主要形式是多元安全共同体,这种共同体由主权国家组成,成员国间拥有共同制度、共同价值观、共同的共同体感。它们凝聚到了这样的程度:在相互间形成了对国际体系的和平变化产生了可依赖的预期。”
[3]王正毅、张贵岩:《国际政治经济学——理论范式与现实经验研究》,商务印书馆2004年,第642-644页。
[1]Shaun Narine,ASEAN and the Management of Regional Security,Pacific Affairs,Vol.71,No.2,Summer 1998.
1.沈志华主编:《苏联历史档案选编》,第31卷,北京:社会科学文献出版社2002年。
2.陶文钊主编:《美国对华政策文件集1949～1972》(第1卷),世界知识出版社2003年。
3.钱其琛:《外交十记》,北京:世界知识出版社2003年。
4.中共中央文献研究室编:《周恩来年谱(1949-1976)》上卷,中央文献出版社1997年。
5.A.多勃雷宁:《信赖:多勃雷宁回忆录》,世界知识出版社1997年;
6.C.万斯:《困难的抉择:美国对外政策的危急年代》,中国对外翻译出版公司1987年;
7.亨利·基辛格:《白宫岁月》,世界知识出版社2003年。
8.Communist Party of Vietnam,Fourth National Congress:Documents,Hanoi:Foreign Languages Publishing House,1977.
9.Henry Kissinger,Years of Upheaval,Boston:Little,Brown,1982.
10.Norodom Sihanouk,War and Hope:the Case for Cambodia,New York:Pantheon,1980.
11.Statement by Prasong Sansuri,Deputy Secretary General of the National Security Council,Thailand,in Far Eastern Economic Review,15 June 1979.
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52.杨奎松:《冷战时期的中国对外关系》,北京大学出版社2006年;
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2.戴超武:《基辛格-尼克松的“宏大构想”、尼克松主义与冷战转型》,《南开学报》2007年第5期。
3.宫力:《1979年中越边境冲突中的美中苏三角关系》,《国际观察》2004年第3期。
4.何曜:《国际关系中冲突及其解决的理论分析》,《世界经济研究》2003年第6期等。
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