“一带一路”倡议下的国际经济秩序:发展导向抑或规则导向
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摘要
发展导向是"一带一路"倡议的突出特色、制度创新和比较优势。"一带一路"的发展导向体现了中国改革开放和发展道路及中国国际经济法理论与实践的经验和智慧,而有别于西方新自由主义华盛顿共识及其国际经济法理论与实践。"一带一路"自身内部的发展导向与规则导向、"一带一路"的发展导向与西方主导的规则导向都是相互补充、相辅相成的关系,发展导向与规则导向相互结合才能保证"一带一路"倡议的行稳致远。"一带一路"的发展导向和规则导向应该合理借鉴西方主导的规则导向。
Development-oriented approach is the characteristic feature,institutional innovation,and comparative advantage of the "Belt and Road" Initiative. Development-oriented approach reflects Chinese experiences and wisdom embodied in China's reform and opening up and China's international economic law theory and practice,which are different from Western experiences and wisdom embodied in neoliberal Washington Consensus and western international economic law theory and practice. Development-oriented approach and rule-oriented approach under the initiative are complementary and supportive. Development-oriented approach under the initiative and rule-oriented approach are also complementary and supportive. Combination of development-oriented approach and rule-oriented approach will ensure that the "Belt and Road" initiative can make steady progress. However,development-oriented approach under the initiative should learn and draw lessons from but not copy rule-oriented approach dominated by Western developed countries.
Development-oriented approach is the characteristic feature,institutional innovation,and comparative advantage of the "Belt and Road" Initiative. Development-oriented approach reflects Chinese experiences and wisdom embodied in China's reform and opening up and China's international economic law theory and practice,which are different from Western experiences and wisdom embodied in neoliberal Washington Consensus and western international economic law theory and practice. Development-oriented approach and rule-oriented approach under the initiative are complementary and supportive. Development-oriented approach under the initiative and rule-oriented approach are also complementary and supportive. Combination of development-oriented approach and rule-oriented approach will ensure that the "Belt and Road" initiative can make steady progress. However,development-oriented approach under the initiative should learn and draw lessons from but not copy rule-oriented approach dominated by Western developed countries.
引文
[1]国家发展改革委举行5月份定时定主题新闻发布会介绍宏观经济情况并回应热点问题[EB/OL].中华人民共和国国家发展与改革委员会,http://www.ndrc.gov.cn/xwzx/xwfb/201805/t20180516_886388.html.
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[3]朱洁.一带一路:中国特色的政策水墨画[EB/OL].FT中文网,http://www.ftchinese.com/story/001076210.
[4] Chaisse,Julien&Matsushita,Mitsuo. China's"Belt And Road"Initiative:Mapping the World Trade Normative and Strategic Implications[J]. Journal of World Trade,2018,52(1):163-168.
[5]李向阳.跨太平洋伙伴关系协定与“一带一路”之比较[J].世界经济与政治,2016(9):34-35.
[6]韩永红.“一带一路”国际合作软法保障机制论纲[J].当代法学,2016(4):151-160.
[7] Jackson,John H. The Crumbling Institutions of the Liberal Trade System[J]. Journal of World Trade,1978,12(2):98-101.
[8]车丕照.国际经济秩序的“导向”分析[J].政法论丛,2016(1):5.
[9] Abbott,Kenneth W.&Snidal,Duncan. Hard and Soft Law in International Governance[J].International Organization,2000,54(3):421-456.
[10]何志鹏.国际法治:良法善治还是强权政治?[J].当代法学,2008(2):55-62.
[11]Chaisse,Julien&Matsushita,Mitsuo. China's"Belt And Road"Initiative:Mapping the World Trade Normative and Strategic Implications[J].Journal of World Trade,2018,52(1):184.
[12]Bath,Vivienne."One Belt,One Road"and Chinese Investment[C].Wolff Lutz-Christian&Xi Chao eds. Legal Dimensions of China's Belt and Road Initiative. Wolters Kluwer Hong Kong Limited,2016:165-217.
[13]黄洁. TPP视野下的中国自由贸易区战略研究[M].上海:上海人民出版社,2016:63-65.
[14]王毅谈中英共建“一带一路”:开放包容、规则导向[EB/OL].http://www.fmprc.gov.cn/web/zyxw/t1581380.shtml,2018-07-30.
[15]刘志中.“一带一路”倡议与全球贸易治理机制变革[J].东北亚论坛,2017(6):51-52.
[16][美]约翰·伊肯伯里.自由主义利维坦——美利坚世界秩序的起源、危机和转型[M].赵明昊译.上海:上海人民出版社,2013:292.
[17][美]约翰·杰拉德·鲁杰.国际机制、交易与变迁:战后经济秩序中的内嵌自由主义[J].李成学编译.国际关系与国际法学刊,2015(5):427-471.
[18]Ikenberry,G. John. The End Of Liberal International Order?[J].International Affairs,2018,94(1):7-23.
[19]尼尔·弗格森、扎卡里亚.自由主义国际秩序已经终结了吗?[EB/OL].杨晗轶译.https://www.guancha.cn/NiEr-FuGeSen/2017_05_22_409443_s.shtml,2017-05-22.
[20]王贵国.“一带一路”与当代国际法[C].王贵国,李鋈麟,梁美芬.“一带一路”的国际法律视野:香港2015“一带一路”国际论坛文集[Z].浙江大学出版社,2016:333.
[21]Kynge,James. Beesley Arthur&Byrne,Andrew. EU Sets Collision Course with China over"Silk Road"Rail Project(Feb 20,2017)[EB/OL].https://www.ft.com/content/003bad14-f52f-11e6-95ee-f14e55513608.
[22]Jong,Sijbren de. Chinese Road to Riches or Road to Ruin?(17 Aug 2017)[EB/OL].https://euobserver.com/opinion/138748.
[23]外交部部长王毅就中国外交政策和对外关系回答中外记者问[EB/OL].http://www.xinhuanet.com/politics/2018lh/zb/gov_wzjzh/wzsl.htm,2018-03-08.
[24]第二十次中国欧盟领导人会晤联合声明[EB/OL].http://www.fmprc.gov.cn/web/zyxw/t1577513.shtml,2018-07-16.
[25][土]丹尼·罗德里克.相同的经济学,不同的政策处方[M].张军扩等译.北京:中信出版社,2009:1-52.
[26]钱颖一.中国的改革是如何成功的[C].[土]丹尼·罗德里克.探索经济繁荣:对经济增长的描述性分析.中信出版社,2009:327-367.
[27]王彦志.国际经济新秩序的必要反思与中国的战略定位[J].国际经济法学刊,2009(3):112-136.
[28]刘敬东.“一带一路”法治化体系构建研究[J].政法论坛,2017(5):125-135.
[29]国新办举行共建“一带一路”5年进展情况及展望发布会[EB/OL].http://www.scio.gov.cn/xwfbh/xwbf bh/wqfbh/37601/38866/wz38868/Document/1636162/1636162.htm,2018-08-27.
[30]沈伟.逆全球化背景下的国际金融治理体系和国际经济秩序新近演化——以二十国集团和“一带一路”为代表的新制度主义[J].当代法学,2018(1):45-49.
(1)关于硬法与软法,See Abbott,Kenneth W.&Snidal,Duncan.Hard and Soft Law in International Governance[J].International Organization,2000,54(3):421-456.
(2)关于“一带一路”倡议的区域主义与多边主义之争,参见李向阳.跨太平洋伙伴关系协定与“一带一路”之比较[J].世界经济与政治,2016(9):34-35;李向阳.“一带一路”:区域主义还是多边主义?[J].世界经济与政治,2018(3):34-46.
(1)欧共体/欧盟条约规定,促进民主、人权、法治等是其对外关系的重要目标和内容。据此,欧共体/欧盟无论在综合性的伙伴关系协定还是在专门的贸易协定中一般都强调促进民主、人权、法治和善治。See James,Cornelius. The European Union Development Policies Are Based on European Values,Democracy,Respect for the Rule of Law and Human Rights[A].Goudappel,Flora A.N.J.&Ernst M.H. Hirsch Ballin. Democracy and Rule of Law in the European Union:Essays in Honour of Jaap W. de Zwaan[C].The Hague:T.M.C. Asser Press,2016,pp. 109-126.
(1)商务部召开例行新闻发布会(2018年7月26日)[EB/OL].http://www.mofcom.gov.cn/xwfbh/20180726.shtml.
(1)加强国际法治合作推动“一带一路”建设行稳致远——王毅国务委员兼外长在“一带一路”法治合作国际论坛开幕式上的演讲(2018年7月2日)[EB/OL].http://www.fmprc.gov.cn/web/wjbzhd/t1573308.shtml.
(1)“一带一路”法治合作国际论坛共同主席声明(2018年7月3日)[EB/OL].http://www.fmprc.gov.cn/web/wjbxw_673019/t1573634.shtml.
(1)关于美国和西方主导的国际经济秩序的特征和优势,参见[美]约翰·伊肯伯里.自由主义利维坦——美利坚世界秩序的起源、危机和转型[M].赵明昊译.上海人民出版社,2013:292-316.
[2]王义桅.如何看待“一带一路”建设的国际规则之争?[EB/OL].FT中文网,http://www.ftchinese.com/story/001076401.
[3]朱洁.一带一路:中国特色的政策水墨画[EB/OL].FT中文网,http://www.ftchinese.com/story/001076210.
[4] Chaisse,Julien&Matsushita,Mitsuo. China's"Belt And Road"Initiative:Mapping the World Trade Normative and Strategic Implications[J]. Journal of World Trade,2018,52(1):163-168.
[5]李向阳.跨太平洋伙伴关系协定与“一带一路”之比较[J].世界经济与政治,2016(9):34-35.
[6]韩永红.“一带一路”国际合作软法保障机制论纲[J].当代法学,2016(4):151-160.
[7] Jackson,John H. The Crumbling Institutions of the Liberal Trade System[J]. Journal of World Trade,1978,12(2):98-101.
[8]车丕照.国际经济秩序的“导向”分析[J].政法论丛,2016(1):5.
[9] Abbott,Kenneth W.&Snidal,Duncan. Hard and Soft Law in International Governance[J].International Organization,2000,54(3):421-456.
[10]何志鹏.国际法治:良法善治还是强权政治?[J].当代法学,2008(2):55-62.
[11]Chaisse,Julien&Matsushita,Mitsuo. China's"Belt And Road"Initiative:Mapping the World Trade Normative and Strategic Implications[J].Journal of World Trade,2018,52(1):184.
[12]Bath,Vivienne."One Belt,One Road"and Chinese Investment[C].Wolff Lutz-Christian&Xi Chao eds. Legal Dimensions of China's Belt and Road Initiative. Wolters Kluwer Hong Kong Limited,2016:165-217.
[13]黄洁. TPP视野下的中国自由贸易区战略研究[M].上海:上海人民出版社,2016:63-65.
[14]王毅谈中英共建“一带一路”:开放包容、规则导向[EB/OL].http://www.fmprc.gov.cn/web/zyxw/t1581380.shtml,2018-07-30.
[15]刘志中.“一带一路”倡议与全球贸易治理机制变革[J].东北亚论坛,2017(6):51-52.
[16][美]约翰·伊肯伯里.自由主义利维坦——美利坚世界秩序的起源、危机和转型[M].赵明昊译.上海:上海人民出版社,2013:292.
[17][美]约翰·杰拉德·鲁杰.国际机制、交易与变迁:战后经济秩序中的内嵌自由主义[J].李成学编译.国际关系与国际法学刊,2015(5):427-471.
[18]Ikenberry,G. John. The End Of Liberal International Order?[J].International Affairs,2018,94(1):7-23.
[19]尼尔·弗格森、扎卡里亚.自由主义国际秩序已经终结了吗?[EB/OL].杨晗轶译.https://www.guancha.cn/NiEr-FuGeSen/2017_05_22_409443_s.shtml,2017-05-22.
[20]王贵国.“一带一路”与当代国际法[C].王贵国,李鋈麟,梁美芬.“一带一路”的国际法律视野:香港2015“一带一路”国际论坛文集[Z].浙江大学出版社,2016:333.
[21]Kynge,James. Beesley Arthur&Byrne,Andrew. EU Sets Collision Course with China over"Silk Road"Rail Project(Feb 20,2017)[EB/OL].https://www.ft.com/content/003bad14-f52f-11e6-95ee-f14e55513608.
[22]Jong,Sijbren de. Chinese Road to Riches or Road to Ruin?(17 Aug 2017)[EB/OL].https://euobserver.com/opinion/138748.
[23]外交部部长王毅就中国外交政策和对外关系回答中外记者问[EB/OL].http://www.xinhuanet.com/politics/2018lh/zb/gov_wzjzh/wzsl.htm,2018-03-08.
[24]第二十次中国欧盟领导人会晤联合声明[EB/OL].http://www.fmprc.gov.cn/web/zyxw/t1577513.shtml,2018-07-16.
[25][土]丹尼·罗德里克.相同的经济学,不同的政策处方[M].张军扩等译.北京:中信出版社,2009:1-52.
[26]钱颖一.中国的改革是如何成功的[C].[土]丹尼·罗德里克.探索经济繁荣:对经济增长的描述性分析.中信出版社,2009:327-367.
[27]王彦志.国际经济新秩序的必要反思与中国的战略定位[J].国际经济法学刊,2009(3):112-136.
[28]刘敬东.“一带一路”法治化体系构建研究[J].政法论坛,2017(5):125-135.
[29]国新办举行共建“一带一路”5年进展情况及展望发布会[EB/OL].http://www.scio.gov.cn/xwfbh/xwbf bh/wqfbh/37601/38866/wz38868/Document/1636162/1636162.htm,2018-08-27.
[30]沈伟.逆全球化背景下的国际金融治理体系和国际经济秩序新近演化——以二十国集团和“一带一路”为代表的新制度主义[J].当代法学,2018(1):45-49.
(1)关于硬法与软法,See Abbott,Kenneth W.&Snidal,Duncan.Hard and Soft Law in International Governance[J].International Organization,2000,54(3):421-456.
(2)关于“一带一路”倡议的区域主义与多边主义之争,参见李向阳.跨太平洋伙伴关系协定与“一带一路”之比较[J].世界经济与政治,2016(9):34-35;李向阳.“一带一路”:区域主义还是多边主义?[J].世界经济与政治,2018(3):34-46.
(1)欧共体/欧盟条约规定,促进民主、人权、法治等是其对外关系的重要目标和内容。据此,欧共体/欧盟无论在综合性的伙伴关系协定还是在专门的贸易协定中一般都强调促进民主、人权、法治和善治。See James,Cornelius. The European Union Development Policies Are Based on European Values,Democracy,Respect for the Rule of Law and Human Rights[A].Goudappel,Flora A.N.J.&Ernst M.H. Hirsch Ballin. Democracy and Rule of Law in the European Union:Essays in Honour of Jaap W. de Zwaan[C].The Hague:T.M.C. Asser Press,2016,pp. 109-126.
(1)商务部召开例行新闻发布会(2018年7月26日)[EB/OL].http://www.mofcom.gov.cn/xwfbh/20180726.shtml.
(1)加强国际法治合作推动“一带一路”建设行稳致远——王毅国务委员兼外长在“一带一路”法治合作国际论坛开幕式上的演讲(2018年7月2日)[EB/OL].http://www.fmprc.gov.cn/web/wjbzhd/t1573308.shtml.
(1)“一带一路”法治合作国际论坛共同主席声明(2018年7月3日)[EB/OL].http://www.fmprc.gov.cn/web/wjbxw_673019/t1573634.shtml.
(1)关于美国和西方主导的国际经济秩序的特征和优势,参见[美]约翰·伊肯伯里.自由主义利维坦——美利坚世界秩序的起源、危机和转型[M].赵明昊译.上海人民出版社,2013:292-316.