正当的欲求:弗里曼和格拉斯佩尔作品中的道德经济与农村想象
摘要
美国作家弗里曼的《母亲的反抗》和格拉斯佩尔的《同命人审判》因为共同表达了性别正义主题而看似构成了一个女性主义文学谱系。但它们的意义超越了"新女性"文学的性别关注,通过谴责男性禁欲对于道德经济的违反而表达了截然相反的价值诉求:《母亲的反抗》体现了传统农业价值对新兴的资本主义生活模式的反拨,而《同命人审判》则通过女性弑夫完成了工商业社会对于保守农民的驱逐。
引文
(1)See Ellen Gruber Garvey,“Less Work for ‘Mother’:Rural Readers,Farm Papers,and the Makeover of ‘The Revolt of Mother’”,in Legacy,26.1 (2009),p.122.
(2)关于美国维多利亚时期的性别规范,详见Barbara Welter,“The Cult of True Womanhood:1820-1860”,in American Quarterly,18.2 (1966),pp.151-174。
(3)关于《母亲的反抗》的评论,详见Patricia M.Dwyer,“Diffusing Boundaries:A Study of Narrative Strategies in Mary Wilkins Freeman's ‘The Revolt of Mother”,in Legacy,10.2 (1993),pp.120-127;Michael Grimwood,“Architecture and Autobiography in ‘The Revolt of Mother’”,in American Literary Realism,40.1 (2007),pp.66-82。《同命人审判》改编自剧作《鸡毛蒜皮》(Trifles),关于两者的评论可以视为一体,详见王美萍《〈鸡毛蒜皮〉的人物空间和性别编码》(载《四川外语学院学报》2005年第5期);李晶《〈琐事〉中空间的性别政治》(载《外语与外语教学》2012年第4期);Noelia Hernando-Real,Self and Space in the Theater of Susan Glaspell,Jefferson:McFarland & Company,2011。
(4)Gwendolyn Wright,Building the Dream:A Social History of Housing in America,New York:Pantheon Books,1981,p.1.
(5)See Jennifer Sherman,“Coping with Rural Poverty:Economic Survival and Moral Capital in Rural America”,in Social Forces,85.2 (2006),p.893.
(6)See Adam Smith,The Theory of Moral Sentiments,Indianapolis:Liberty Fund,1984,p.21.
(7)Adam Smith,The Theory of Moral Sentiments,p.80.
(8)Yi-Fu Tuan,Morality and Imagination:Paradoxes of Progress,Madison:the University of Wisconsin Press,1989,p.6.
(9)E.P.Thompson,“The Moral Economy of the English Crowd in the Eighteenth Century”,in Past and Present,50 (1971),p.79.
(10)Mariana Valverd,“Moral Capital”,in Canadian Journal of Law and Society,9.1 (1994),p.216.
(11)See Balihar Sanghera,Mehrigiul Ablezova,and Aisalkyn Botoeva,“Everyday morality in families and a critique of social capital:an investigation into moral judgements,responsibilities,and sentiments in Kyrgyzstani households”,in Theory and Society,40.2 (2011),pp.167-190;Riccardo Prandini,“Family Relations as Social Capital”,in Journal of Comparative Family Studies,45.2 (2014),pp.221-234;Maeve O'Brien,“Gendered Capital:Emotional Capital and Mothers' Care Work in Education”,in British Journal of Sociology of Education,29.2 (2008),pp.137-148.
(12)John Ruskin,Sesame and Lilies,Gloucestershire:Dodo Press,2007,p.55.
(13)See Gwendolyn Wright,Building the Dream:A Social History of Housing in America,p.77.
(14)See Robert W.Shoppell,How To Build,Furnish,and Decorate,New York:The Cooperative Building Plan Association,1897.
(15)See Mary E.Wilkins,“The Revolt of ‘Mother’”,in Mary E.Wilkins,A New England Nun and Other Stories,New York:Harper & Brothers,1891,p.452,p.453.后文出自同一著作的引文,将随文标出该著名称简称“Revolt”和引文出处页码,不再另注。
(16)See also Kay Boardman,“The Ideology of Domesticity:The Regulation of the Household Economy in Victorian Women's Magazines”,in Victorian Periodicals Review,33.2 (2000),p.155.
(17)Susan Glaspell,“A Jury of Her Peers”,in The Best Short Stories of 1917:And the Yearbook of the American Short Story,London:Forgotten Books,2018,p.263,p.264.后文出自同一著作的引文,将随文标出该著名称简称“Jury”和引文出处页码,不再另注。
(18)See Robin West,“Invisible Victims:A Comparison of Susan Glaspell's ‘Jury of Her Peers,’ and Herman Melville's ‘Bartleby the Scrivener’”,in Cardozo Studies in Law and Literature,8.1 (1996),pp.203-249.
(19)See Edward Foster,Mary E.Wilkins Freeman,New York:Hendricks House,1956,p.167.
(20)Qtd.in Michael Grimwood,“Architecture and Autobiography in ‘The Revolt of Mother’”,in American Literary Realism,40.1 (2007),p.73.
(21)Jeremiah N.Reynolds,Address,on the Subject of a Surveying and Exploration Expedition to the Pacific and South Seas,New York:Harper & Brothers,1836,p.14.
(22)See B.D.Wortham-Galvin,“The Fabrication of Place in America:The Fictions and Traditions of the New England Village”,in Traditional Dwellings and Settlements Review,21.2 (2010),p.24.
(23)B.D.Wortham-Galvin,“The Fabrication of Place in America:The Fictions and Traditions of the New England Village”,in Traditional Dwellings and Settlements Review,21.2 (2010),p.24.
(24)Carl Van Doren,Contemporary American Novelists 1900-1920,New York:The Macmillan Company,1922,p.147.
(25)Joseph A.Conforti,Imagining New England:Explorations of Regional Identity from the Pilgrims to the Mid-Twentieth Century,Chapel Hill:The University of North Carolina Press,2001,p.149.
(26)See Catherine E.Kelly,“‘The Consummation of Rural Prosperity and Happiness’:New England Agricultural Fairs and the Construction of Class and Gender,1810-1860”,in American Quarterly,49.3 (1997),p.593.
(27)See Janet M.Labrie,“The Depiction of Women's Field Work in Rural Fiction”,in Agricultural History,67.2 (1993),p.120.
(28)Michael Grimwood,“Architecture and Autobiography in ‘The Revolt of Mother’”,in American Literary Realism,40.1(2007),p.67.
(29)See E.P.Thompson,“Time,Work-Discipline,and Industrial Capitalism”,in Past and Present,38 (1967),p.60,p.63.
(30)Martha J.Cutter,“Frontiers of Language:Engendering Discourse in ‘The Revolt of Mother’”,in American Literature,63.2 (1991),p.281.
(31)See John A.Jakle,“America's Small Town/Big City Dialectic”,in Journal of Cultural Geography,18.2 (1999),p.3.
(32)James E.Boyle,“American Agriculture from the Standpoint of World Economics”,in Weltwirtschaftliches Archiv,21(1925),p.130.
(33)See Ellen Gruber Garvey,“Less Work for ‘Mother’:Rural Readers,Farm Papers,and the Makeover of ‘The Revolt of Mother’”,in Legacy,26.1 (2009),p.121.
(34)See Jessica Sewell,“Gender,Imagination,and Experience in the Early-Twentieth-Century American Downtown”,in Chris Wilson and Paul Groth,eds.,Everyday America:Cultural Landscape Studies after J.B.Jackson,Berkeley:University of California Press,2003,p.242.
(35)See William Conlogue,Working the Garden:American Writers and the Industrialization of Agriculture,Chapel Hill:University of North Carolina Press,2001,p.37.
(36)Jessica Sewell,“Gender,Imagination,and Experience in the Early-Twentieth-Century American Downtown”,in Chris Wilson and Paul Groth,eds.,Everyday America:Cultural Landscape Studies after J.B.Jackson,p.245.
(37)Qtd.in Kristin Hoganson,“Cosmopolitan Domesticity:Importing the American Dream,1865-1920”,in The American Historical Review,107.1 (2002),p.58.
(38)这种“老夫少妻”模式在美国二十世纪早期文学中几乎是一种普遍的文学修辞,用以隐喻旧时的农业道德不再适合新时代的社会发展,其“禁欲”内涵成为阻碍国家进步的根本原因。这在薇拉·凯瑟(Willa Cather)的《迷失的夫人》(A Lost Lady,1921)中亦有明显体现。
(39)Qtd.in Edith M.Ziegler,“‘The Burdens and Narrow Life of Farm Women’:Women,Gender,and Theodore Roosevelt's Commission on Country Life”,in Agricultural History,86.3 (2012),p.80.
(40)See Gwendolyn Wright,Building the Dream:A Social History of Housing in America,p.10.
(41)Kenyon L.Butterfield,Chapters in Rural Progress,Chicago:University of Chicago Press,1907,p.56,p.57.关于新旧农业的定义和形象变迁,详见William Conlogue,Working the Garden:American Writers and the Industrialization of Agriculture,pp.12-18。将保守农民视为时代背弃者的修辞甚至影响到了美国社会对于国际形势和种族身份的想象。如1898年1月8日,《马蜂杂志》(WASP)刊载一幅漫画《中国问题》(“The Chinese Question”),将中国描绘成一名守在果园旁昏睡的农夫,而周围日本、法国、德国、俄国为了争夺果实而互相争斗。漫画的配文是:“在蒙古人醒来之前,盗贼能偷走多少果子?”(张文献编《美国画报上的中国,1840—1911》,北京大学出版社,2017年,第32页)很明显,美国人通过“乡巴佬”中国表达了自身对于农业价值的态度。
(42)William Allen White,“The Business of a Wheat Farm”,in Scribner's Magazine,22.5 (1897),p.531.
(43)See Maxwell Geismar,“Willa Cather:Lady in the Wilderness”,in James Schroeter,ed.,Willa Cather and Her Critics,Ithaca:Cornell University Press,1967,p.171.
(44)Willa Cather,O Pioneers!,Lincoln:Univeristy of Nebraska Press,1992,p.28,p.65.
(45)“贱农主义”一语由学者张玉林提出,是指当代中国从农耕文明向工业文明转变过程中逐渐形成的以农为贱的观念、话语、价值取向和政策取向。它表现为压制农民的权利、贬损农业和农村的价值,从文化上否定、从物理上消灭农业、农村和农民(详见张玉林《当代中国的贱农主义》,收入张玉林《流动与瓦解——中国农村的演变及其动力》,中国社会科学出版社,2012年,第103-104页)。
(46)See Scott J.Peters and Paul A.Morgan,“The Country Life Commission:Reconsidering a Milestone in American Agricultural History”,in Agricultural History,78.3 (2004),p.293.
(47)Henry Louis Menken,“Editorial”,in The American Mercury,March (1924),p.293.
(48)See Carl Van Doren,Contemporary American Novelists 1900-1920,p.147.
(49)See Anthony Channell Hilfer,The Revolt from the Village:1915-1930,Chapel Hill:The University of North Carolina Press,1969,p.3.
(50)John T.Flanagan,“The Middle Western Farm Novel”,in Minnesota History,23.2 (1942),p.124.
(51)值得指出的是,即便美国在完成转型期后,农村也没有以一个确定的形象定格在美国女性文学的想象中,其所指代的道德经济依然受制于美国社会文化的发展。如在1930年代工业经济经历萧条之时,农村在《飘》(1936)中承载着浪漫的怀旧情绪,成为理想道德的第源地,但到了1950年弗拉纳里·奥康纳的创作中,农村的狭隘再次成为被抨击的对象。
(52)See Paul Lauter,Canons and Contexts,New York:Oxford University Press,1991,pp.27-31.
(53)James Schroeter,ed.,Willa Cather and Her Critics,Ithaca:Cornell University Press,1967,pp.1-2.
(2)关于美国维多利亚时期的性别规范,详见Barbara Welter,“The Cult of True Womanhood:1820-1860”,in American Quarterly,18.2 (1966),pp.151-174。
(3)关于《母亲的反抗》的评论,详见Patricia M.Dwyer,“Diffusing Boundaries:A Study of Narrative Strategies in Mary Wilkins Freeman's ‘The Revolt of Mother”,in Legacy,10.2 (1993),pp.120-127;Michael Grimwood,“Architecture and Autobiography in ‘The Revolt of Mother’”,in American Literary Realism,40.1 (2007),pp.66-82。《同命人审判》改编自剧作《鸡毛蒜皮》(Trifles),关于两者的评论可以视为一体,详见王美萍《〈鸡毛蒜皮〉的人物空间和性别编码》(载《四川外语学院学报》2005年第5期);李晶《〈琐事〉中空间的性别政治》(载《外语与外语教学》2012年第4期);Noelia Hernando-Real,Self and Space in the Theater of Susan Glaspell,Jefferson:McFarland & Company,2011。
(4)Gwendolyn Wright,Building the Dream:A Social History of Housing in America,New York:Pantheon Books,1981,p.1.
(5)See Jennifer Sherman,“Coping with Rural Poverty:Economic Survival and Moral Capital in Rural America”,in Social Forces,85.2 (2006),p.893.
(6)See Adam Smith,The Theory of Moral Sentiments,Indianapolis:Liberty Fund,1984,p.21.
(7)Adam Smith,The Theory of Moral Sentiments,p.80.
(8)Yi-Fu Tuan,Morality and Imagination:Paradoxes of Progress,Madison:the University of Wisconsin Press,1989,p.6.
(9)E.P.Thompson,“The Moral Economy of the English Crowd in the Eighteenth Century”,in Past and Present,50 (1971),p.79.
(10)Mariana Valverd,“Moral Capital”,in Canadian Journal of Law and Society,9.1 (1994),p.216.
(11)See Balihar Sanghera,Mehrigiul Ablezova,and Aisalkyn Botoeva,“Everyday morality in families and a critique of social capital:an investigation into moral judgements,responsibilities,and sentiments in Kyrgyzstani households”,in Theory and Society,40.2 (2011),pp.167-190;Riccardo Prandini,“Family Relations as Social Capital”,in Journal of Comparative Family Studies,45.2 (2014),pp.221-234;Maeve O'Brien,“Gendered Capital:Emotional Capital and Mothers' Care Work in Education”,in British Journal of Sociology of Education,29.2 (2008),pp.137-148.
(12)John Ruskin,Sesame and Lilies,Gloucestershire:Dodo Press,2007,p.55.
(13)See Gwendolyn Wright,Building the Dream:A Social History of Housing in America,p.77.
(14)See Robert W.Shoppell,How To Build,Furnish,and Decorate,New York:The Cooperative Building Plan Association,1897.
(15)See Mary E.Wilkins,“The Revolt of ‘Mother’”,in Mary E.Wilkins,A New England Nun and Other Stories,New York:Harper & Brothers,1891,p.452,p.453.后文出自同一著作的引文,将随文标出该著名称简称“Revolt”和引文出处页码,不再另注。
(16)See also Kay Boardman,“The Ideology of Domesticity:The Regulation of the Household Economy in Victorian Women's Magazines”,in Victorian Periodicals Review,33.2 (2000),p.155.
(17)Susan Glaspell,“A Jury of Her Peers”,in The Best Short Stories of 1917:And the Yearbook of the American Short Story,London:Forgotten Books,2018,p.263,p.264.后文出自同一著作的引文,将随文标出该著名称简称“Jury”和引文出处页码,不再另注。
(18)See Robin West,“Invisible Victims:A Comparison of Susan Glaspell's ‘Jury of Her Peers,’ and Herman Melville's ‘Bartleby the Scrivener’”,in Cardozo Studies in Law and Literature,8.1 (1996),pp.203-249.
(19)See Edward Foster,Mary E.Wilkins Freeman,New York:Hendricks House,1956,p.167.
(20)Qtd.in Michael Grimwood,“Architecture and Autobiography in ‘The Revolt of Mother’”,in American Literary Realism,40.1 (2007),p.73.
(21)Jeremiah N.Reynolds,Address,on the Subject of a Surveying and Exploration Expedition to the Pacific and South Seas,New York:Harper & Brothers,1836,p.14.
(22)See B.D.Wortham-Galvin,“The Fabrication of Place in America:The Fictions and Traditions of the New England Village”,in Traditional Dwellings and Settlements Review,21.2 (2010),p.24.
(23)B.D.Wortham-Galvin,“The Fabrication of Place in America:The Fictions and Traditions of the New England Village”,in Traditional Dwellings and Settlements Review,21.2 (2010),p.24.
(24)Carl Van Doren,Contemporary American Novelists 1900-1920,New York:The Macmillan Company,1922,p.147.
(25)Joseph A.Conforti,Imagining New England:Explorations of Regional Identity from the Pilgrims to the Mid-Twentieth Century,Chapel Hill:The University of North Carolina Press,2001,p.149.
(26)See Catherine E.Kelly,“‘The Consummation of Rural Prosperity and Happiness’:New England Agricultural Fairs and the Construction of Class and Gender,1810-1860”,in American Quarterly,49.3 (1997),p.593.
(27)See Janet M.Labrie,“The Depiction of Women's Field Work in Rural Fiction”,in Agricultural History,67.2 (1993),p.120.
(28)Michael Grimwood,“Architecture and Autobiography in ‘The Revolt of Mother’”,in American Literary Realism,40.1(2007),p.67.
(29)See E.P.Thompson,“Time,Work-Discipline,and Industrial Capitalism”,in Past and Present,38 (1967),p.60,p.63.
(30)Martha J.Cutter,“Frontiers of Language:Engendering Discourse in ‘The Revolt of Mother’”,in American Literature,63.2 (1991),p.281.
(31)See John A.Jakle,“America's Small Town/Big City Dialectic”,in Journal of Cultural Geography,18.2 (1999),p.3.
(32)James E.Boyle,“American Agriculture from the Standpoint of World Economics”,in Weltwirtschaftliches Archiv,21(1925),p.130.
(33)See Ellen Gruber Garvey,“Less Work for ‘Mother’:Rural Readers,Farm Papers,and the Makeover of ‘The Revolt of Mother’”,in Legacy,26.1 (2009),p.121.
(34)See Jessica Sewell,“Gender,Imagination,and Experience in the Early-Twentieth-Century American Downtown”,in Chris Wilson and Paul Groth,eds.,Everyday America:Cultural Landscape Studies after J.B.Jackson,Berkeley:University of California Press,2003,p.242.
(35)See William Conlogue,Working the Garden:American Writers and the Industrialization of Agriculture,Chapel Hill:University of North Carolina Press,2001,p.37.
(36)Jessica Sewell,“Gender,Imagination,and Experience in the Early-Twentieth-Century American Downtown”,in Chris Wilson and Paul Groth,eds.,Everyday America:Cultural Landscape Studies after J.B.Jackson,p.245.
(37)Qtd.in Kristin Hoganson,“Cosmopolitan Domesticity:Importing the American Dream,1865-1920”,in The American Historical Review,107.1 (2002),p.58.
(38)这种“老夫少妻”模式在美国二十世纪早期文学中几乎是一种普遍的文学修辞,用以隐喻旧时的农业道德不再适合新时代的社会发展,其“禁欲”内涵成为阻碍国家进步的根本原因。这在薇拉·凯瑟(Willa Cather)的《迷失的夫人》(A Lost Lady,1921)中亦有明显体现。
(39)Qtd.in Edith M.Ziegler,“‘The Burdens and Narrow Life of Farm Women’:Women,Gender,and Theodore Roosevelt's Commission on Country Life”,in Agricultural History,86.3 (2012),p.80.
(40)See Gwendolyn Wright,Building the Dream:A Social History of Housing in America,p.10.
(41)Kenyon L.Butterfield,Chapters in Rural Progress,Chicago:University of Chicago Press,1907,p.56,p.57.关于新旧农业的定义和形象变迁,详见William Conlogue,Working the Garden:American Writers and the Industrialization of Agriculture,pp.12-18。将保守农民视为时代背弃者的修辞甚至影响到了美国社会对于国际形势和种族身份的想象。如1898年1月8日,《马蜂杂志》(WASP)刊载一幅漫画《中国问题》(“The Chinese Question”),将中国描绘成一名守在果园旁昏睡的农夫,而周围日本、法国、德国、俄国为了争夺果实而互相争斗。漫画的配文是:“在蒙古人醒来之前,盗贼能偷走多少果子?”(张文献编《美国画报上的中国,1840—1911》,北京大学出版社,2017年,第32页)很明显,美国人通过“乡巴佬”中国表达了自身对于农业价值的态度。
(42)William Allen White,“The Business of a Wheat Farm”,in Scribner's Magazine,22.5 (1897),p.531.
(43)See Maxwell Geismar,“Willa Cather:Lady in the Wilderness”,in James Schroeter,ed.,Willa Cather and Her Critics,Ithaca:Cornell University Press,1967,p.171.
(44)Willa Cather,O Pioneers!,Lincoln:Univeristy of Nebraska Press,1992,p.28,p.65.
(45)“贱农主义”一语由学者张玉林提出,是指当代中国从农耕文明向工业文明转变过程中逐渐形成的以农为贱的观念、话语、价值取向和政策取向。它表现为压制农民的权利、贬损农业和农村的价值,从文化上否定、从物理上消灭农业、农村和农民(详见张玉林《当代中国的贱农主义》,收入张玉林《流动与瓦解——中国农村的演变及其动力》,中国社会科学出版社,2012年,第103-104页)。
(46)See Scott J.Peters and Paul A.Morgan,“The Country Life Commission:Reconsidering a Milestone in American Agricultural History”,in Agricultural History,78.3 (2004),p.293.
(47)Henry Louis Menken,“Editorial”,in The American Mercury,March (1924),p.293.
(48)See Carl Van Doren,Contemporary American Novelists 1900-1920,p.147.
(49)See Anthony Channell Hilfer,The Revolt from the Village:1915-1930,Chapel Hill:The University of North Carolina Press,1969,p.3.
(50)John T.Flanagan,“The Middle Western Farm Novel”,in Minnesota History,23.2 (1942),p.124.
(51)值得指出的是,即便美国在完成转型期后,农村也没有以一个确定的形象定格在美国女性文学的想象中,其所指代的道德经济依然受制于美国社会文化的发展。如在1930年代工业经济经历萧条之时,农村在《飘》(1936)中承载着浪漫的怀旧情绪,成为理想道德的第源地,但到了1950年弗拉纳里·奥康纳的创作中,农村的狭隘再次成为被抨击的对象。
(52)See Paul Lauter,Canons and Contexts,New York:Oxford University Press,1991,pp.27-31.
(53)James Schroeter,ed.,Willa Cather and Her Critics,Ithaca:Cornell University Press,1967,pp.1-2.
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