早期健康与阶层再生产
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摘要
在社会分层流动研究中,教育被认为是再生产和流动的一个重要中介机制,本文在此基础上强调早期健康在社会分层过程中的作用。利用清华大学2012年"城镇化与劳动力移民"调查数据,本文考察了14岁之前的营养卫生状况和早期健康对成年社会经济地位的影响,包括教育获得、初职ISEI和现职ISEI。结构方程模型分析表明,儿童青少年时期的营养摄入(是否挨饿、吃鱼肉等频率)、卫生状况(饮用水来源、厕所样式)对成人社会经济地位获得有显著影响,而且其效应在个体生命历程的不同阶段有所变化;早期健康指标(成人身高)对教育获得有显著影响,对初职和现职ISEI无显著效应。我们认为早期的健康投入是影响阶层再生产和流动的一个重要渠道,对贫困和底层家庭的健康干预有利于子代的教育获得和向上流动。
In previous studies on social stratification and mobility, education is considered as the core mediatory mechanism in social reproduction and mobility. This paper,however,investigates how childhood health affects social stratification. Using data from Urbanization and Labor Migrant National Survey( 2012),this study examines the effects of nutrition,hygiene,and health before age 14 on adult socioeconomic status,including education,first job ISEI,current job ISEI,and family income per head. The SEM results show that the nutrition intake( whether one experienced starvation and the frequency of fish and meat intake) and hygiene( indicated by the source of drinking water and the toilet type) have significant effect on adult socioeconomic status. However, the effects change at different life course stages.Moreover,childhood health( indicated by adult height) has significant impact on adult socioeconomic status attainment,but no significant impact on first job ISEI and current job ISEI. We conclude that investment in childhood health is an important mechanism affecting social class reproduction and mobility. Therefore, health intervention for children from poor and disadvantaged families are necessary. It will benefit children's education and encourage upward mobility.
In previous studies on social stratification and mobility, education is considered as the core mediatory mechanism in social reproduction and mobility. This paper,however,investigates how childhood health affects social stratification. Using data from Urbanization and Labor Migrant National Survey( 2012),this study examines the effects of nutrition,hygiene,and health before age 14 on adult socioeconomic status,including education,first job ISEI,current job ISEI,and family income per head. The SEM results show that the nutrition intake( whether one experienced starvation and the frequency of fish and meat intake) and hygiene( indicated by the source of drinking water and the toilet type) have significant effect on adult socioeconomic status. However, the effects change at different life course stages.Moreover,childhood health( indicated by adult height) has significant impact on adult socioeconomic status attainment,but no significant impact on first job ISEI and current job ISEI. We conclude that investment in childhood health is an important mechanism affecting social class reproduction and mobility. Therefore, health intervention for children from poor and disadvantaged families are necessary. It will benefit children's education and encourage upward mobility.
引文
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(1)这一间接传递使得“高的社会地位,并不能自动地,也不能全部地有利于出身于它的人”(布尔迪约、帕斯隆,2002:33)。
(1)这也源自于研究者对因果关系的汲汲追求。近来应用颇广的倾向值匹配分析也正契合了这一趋势。
(1)目前国内还没有可用于分析早期健康效应的大规模追踪数据,如CFPS的追踪年限还太短。以往利用追踪数据进行的分析存在样本量过小的问题,如何青、袁燕(2014)使用CHNS数据的分析样本量仅494个。
(1)如果被访者目前的ISEI缺失,我们就以最后一份职业的ISEI替代。数据分析显示如果直接剔除目前ISEI缺失的个案,结果与目前的替代结果无显著差异。此外,目前SES的测量中我们未纳入个体收入,因为个体收入数据只有受雇于明确雇主或个体独自经营时才较容易获得,而样本中25%是正在务农的农民,13%以料理家务为主。这些个体都难以清楚地报告个体收入,其个体收入都融入在家庭收入中。为了避免样本大量缩减和其他家庭成员收入的扰动,我们遵从匿审人的建议,仅以现职ISEI测量当前SES。
(2)出于结构方程模型的需要,卫生状况的两个指标按其易受污染的可能性处理成定序变量,表2中这两个变量与成人社会经济地位的梯度关系也表明这一处理并非全无根据。
(3)由于母亲ISEI缺失值较多(因为很多母亲当时无工作),我们在模型中只放入父亲ISEI。
(1)评审人提出应把本人户口作为控制变量纳入,但本人户口与教育和初职都存在双向因果关系,并受家庭SES影响,并非外生控制变量,会导致非递归模型,因此我们未纳入结构方程模型中。
(2)我们对数据进行了多重插补(MI),插补后数据的分析结果与直接删除法结果并无二致,因此本文只报告直接删除结果。
(1)为了使模型可识别,我们令早期营养卫生不影响教育获得。即使以其他模型限制来替代,估计结果也显示从早期营养卫生到教育这一路径不显著。表2显示早期营养卫生与教育获得显著相关,SEM结果说明这很可能是虚假相关,当纳入家庭SES和身高等变量后,两者之间的直接影响消失。
陈茁、Eastwood、颜子仪,2006《中国儿童营养不良的不平等:所居之处实为重要》,《世界经济文汇》第1期。
陈光金,2010,《市场抑或非市场:中国收入不平等成因实证分析》,《社会学研究》第6期。
陈云松、比蒂·沃克尔、亨克·弗莱普,2014,《“关系人”没用吗?社会资本求职效应的论战与新证》,《社会学研究》第3期。
程名望、Jin Yanhong、盖庆恩、史清华,2014,《农村减贫:应该更关注教育还是健康?》,《经济研究》第11期。
郝大海,2007,《中国城市教育分层研究(1949-2003》,《中国社会科学》第6期。
何青、袁燕,2014,《儿童时期健康与营养状况的跨期收入效应》,《经济评论》第2期。
洪岩璧、陈云松,2017,《教育影响健康的群体差异(2005-2012)》,《社会发展研究》第1期。
胡安宁,2014,《教育能否让我们更健康》,《中国社会科学》第5期。
胡雯、张浩、李毅、刘世定、国光,2012《分子遗传学的发展对社会学的影响》,《社会学研究》第5期。
焦开山,2014,《健康不平等影响因素研究》,《社会学研究》第5期。
李春玲,2014,《“80后”的教育经历与机会不平等》,《中国社会科学》第4期。
李路路、朱斌,2015,《当代中国的代际流动模式及其变迁》,《中国社会科学》第5期。
梁海祥,2017,《中国青少年的健康不平等:生成机制及后果分析》,南京大学社会学院博士学位论文。
刘欣,2018,《协调机制、支配结构与收入分配:中国转型社会的阶层结构》,《社会学研究》第1期。
马默特(Marmot,Michael),2008,《地位决定你的健康》,冯星林、王曲译,北京:中国人民大学出版社。
帕特南,罗伯特·D.,2017,《我们的孩子》,田雷、宋昕译,北京:中国政法大学出版社。
齐亚强,2014,《自评一般健康的信度和效度分析》,《社会》第6期。
桑特洛克,2009,《毕生发展》,桑标等译,上海:上海人民出版社。
孙祁祥、彭晓博,2014,《早期环境、健康不平等与健康人力资本代际传递效应述评》,《中国高校社会科学》第1期。
唐俊超,2015,《输在起跑线——再议中国社会的教育不平等(1978-2008)》,《社会学研究》第3期。
王甫勤,2011,《社会流动有助于降低健康不平等吗?》,《社会学研究》第2期。
——,2012,《社会经济地位、生活方式与健康不平等》,《社会》第2期。
——,2017,《代际社会流动与精神健康》,《社会发展研究》第1期。
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(1)这一间接传递使得“高的社会地位,并不能自动地,也不能全部地有利于出身于它的人”(布尔迪约、帕斯隆,2002:33)。
(1)这也源自于研究者对因果关系的汲汲追求。近来应用颇广的倾向值匹配分析也正契合了这一趋势。
(1)目前国内还没有可用于分析早期健康效应的大规模追踪数据,如CFPS的追踪年限还太短。以往利用追踪数据进行的分析存在样本量过小的问题,如何青、袁燕(2014)使用CHNS数据的分析样本量仅494个。
(1)如果被访者目前的ISEI缺失,我们就以最后一份职业的ISEI替代。数据分析显示如果直接剔除目前ISEI缺失的个案,结果与目前的替代结果无显著差异。此外,目前SES的测量中我们未纳入个体收入,因为个体收入数据只有受雇于明确雇主或个体独自经营时才较容易获得,而样本中25%是正在务农的农民,13%以料理家务为主。这些个体都难以清楚地报告个体收入,其个体收入都融入在家庭收入中。为了避免样本大量缩减和其他家庭成员收入的扰动,我们遵从匿审人的建议,仅以现职ISEI测量当前SES。
(2)出于结构方程模型的需要,卫生状况的两个指标按其易受污染的可能性处理成定序变量,表2中这两个变量与成人社会经济地位的梯度关系也表明这一处理并非全无根据。
(3)由于母亲ISEI缺失值较多(因为很多母亲当时无工作),我们在模型中只放入父亲ISEI。
(1)评审人提出应把本人户口作为控制变量纳入,但本人户口与教育和初职都存在双向因果关系,并受家庭SES影响,并非外生控制变量,会导致非递归模型,因此我们未纳入结构方程模型中。
(2)我们对数据进行了多重插补(MI),插补后数据的分析结果与直接删除法结果并无二致,因此本文只报告直接删除结果。
(1)为了使模型可识别,我们令早期营养卫生不影响教育获得。即使以其他模型限制来替代,估计结果也显示从早期营养卫生到教育这一路径不显著。表2显示早期营养卫生与教育获得显著相关,SEM结果说明这很可能是虚假相关,当纳入家庭SES和身高等变量后,两者之间的直接影响消失。